The Locker Room and the Dorm Room:
Workplace Norms and the Boundaries of
Sexual Harassment in Magazine Editing
KIRSTEN DELLINGER,
University
ofMississippi
CHRISTINE L. WILLIAMS, University
ofTexas,Austin
Sexual behavior is common in workplaces,but forthe most part sociologistshave not
paid attentionto it unless sexual harassmentis involved. Sexual harassmentresearchershave
found that a large proportionof women workershave experiencedbehaviorsthat mightfit
the legal definitionof sexual harassment-between 40 and 50 percent(Welsh 1999). But that
does not mean that the women surveyed actually considered themselves to have been
harassed. Even those who reportedan offensiveact againstthem,rarelyanswer "yes" to the
surveyquestion,"Have you ever been sexuallyharassed?"Why not?
At least part of the answer lies in the factthat sexual harassmentis a featureof many
jobs. Many women are employedin jobs where theyare routinelysubjectedto deliberateor
repeated sexual behavior thatis unwelcome, as well as othersex-relatedbehaviorsthatthey
considerhostile,offensive,or degrading.Studies of restaurantservers(Giuffreand Williams
1994; Allison 1994), amusementpark attendants(Adkins 1995), nursinghome aides (Foner
1994), and maquiladora workers(Salzinger2000) demonstratethatemployeesin a varietyof
fieldsencounterunwanted sexual behavioras a routinefeatureof theirjobs. They rarelylabel
We would like to thank David Smith,ValerieJenness,and the anonymous reviewersfortheirhelp and advice in
JeffJackson,Laurie Cozad, Sue Grayzel,Nancy Bercaw,
improvingthisarticle.Our special thanksgoes to PattiGiuffre,
and Elizabeth Boyd forreadingand commentingon earlierversionsof this article,and to Max Williamsforproviding
the financialsupportnecessaryto complete the finalrevisions.We would also like to express our sincereappreciation
forthe participantsin thisstudywho were willingto talkopenlyabout theirwork lives. Research on which thisarticleis
based was supportedby the AmericanSociologicalAssociation'sFund forthe Advancementof the Discipline.DirectcorMS
Universityof Mississippi,University,
respondenceto: KirstenDellinger,Departmentof Sociologyand Anthropology,
38677. E-mail: [email protected].
SOCIAL PROBLEMS, Vol.49, No. 2, pages 242-257. ISSN: 0037-7791;onlineISSN: 1533-8533
@ 2002 bySocietyfortheStudyofSocial Problems,Inc. All rightsreserved.
ofCaliforniaPress,
Send requestsforpermissionto reprintto: Rightsand Permissions,University
JournalsDivision,2000 CenterSt.,Ste. 303, Berkeley,CA 94704-1223.
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butmanydo notlabel
in a variety
are subjectedto unwantedsexualbehaviors,
Workers
ofoccupations
as sexualharassment
becausetheyare institutionalized
theirexperiences
requirements
oftheirjobs.Yet,evenin
harassing
boundarylines are drawn betweenacceptableand unacceptable,
highlysexualizedoccupations,
we explorehow theeditorialstaffat two
and participant
behavior.Throughin-depthinterviews
observation,
theother
malepornography;
One ofthemagazinespublishesheterosexual
magazinesmakethesedistinctions.
culturein
tohighlight
theimportance
work.Thesecasestudieswereselected
oforganizational
publishes
feminist
Wecharhowworkers
sexualbehaviorand definethemeaningofsexualharassment.
negotiate
understanding
at thetwomagazinesas analogoustothe
cultures
in theeditorialdepartments
acterizethedistinctive
workplace
"lockerroom"and the "dormroom,"and explainhow editorstakethiscultureintoaccountwhendeciding
Weconcludebydrawingouttheimplications
sexualharassment.
whether
a behaviorconstitutes
for
ofthisstudy
sextheimportance
we demonstrate
and policymakers.In particular,
researchers
sexualharassment
ofstudying
normsregarding
in thecontext
ual harassment
sexuality.
oflargerworkplace
The LockerRoomand theDormRoom
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theirexperiencessexual harassment,however,preciselybecause theyare institutionalized
as
part theirjobs. Those who refuseto put up with such requirementsend up quittingor being
fired,or never takingthejob in the firstplace.
Yet not everyonewho works in these jobs objects to theirsexual aspects. Many people
seek out and enjoy jobs that are highly sexualized. Meika Loe (1996), who studied the
"Bazooms" restaurantchain, an establishmentthatrequireswaitressesto wear skimpyoutfits
and engage in sexual banter with customers,reportedthat 800 women applied forthe job
when she did. In a studyof doctorsand nursesin a teachinghospital,some high-ranking
professionalwomen claimedto enjoy the sexual elementsoftheirjobs. A woman surgeonadmitted thatin the operatingroom, "[there's] teasingand joking and pinchingand elbowing.It's
fun. That's one reason people like being in that arena. That's part of the camaraderie"(Wiland Dellinger1999:86). Leslie Salzinger's(2000) studyof a maquiladora plant
liams,Giuffre,
found that women who initiallyresistedsexual objectificationeventuallybecame won over
and graduallytransformed
themselvesintosexual objectscompetingforthe attentionsoftheir
male supervisors.But even in these cases, workersstilldraw boundarylines between sexual
behaviorsthattheyconsiderpleasurable,tolerable,and harassing.
In thispaper,we comparetwo highlysexualized workplacesin the same industry,magazine publishing,to betterunderstandhow workersdefinesexual harassmentand distinguish
it fromother,acceptable,formsof sexual expression. One of the organizationswe studied
publishes a men's pornographicmagazine, and the othera feministmagazine. We use pseudonymsforeach of the organizationsto protectthe identitiesof the individualsinterviewed:
the men's pornographicmagazine is referredto as Gentleman's
and the feminist
Sophisticate
The editorialdepartmentsof the two magazinesare our focus.
magazine as Womyn.
We chose these two organizationsforcomparisonbecause theyare both highlysexualized but in verydifferent
ways. The magazinesproducedby these organizationsrepresentdistinctiveideals of sexuality:one committedto feminism,and the other to what Robert W.
Connell (1995) has called "hegemonicmasculinity,"the structuraland culturalprivilegingof
white, heterosexualmale power. In thispaper, we focus on the editorialdepartmentsat the
two magazinesbecause sexualityis an especiallysalientissue there.Editorsare responsiblefor
all of the writtencontentpublishedin theirmagazines (except foradvertisements).Because
membersoftheseworkplacesexplicitlydeal withsexualityas partoftheirjobs, we anticipated
that editorsat Womynand Gentleman's
would constantlyhave to draw boundary
Sophisticate
lines between acceptableand unacceptableexpressionsof sexuality.
The different
values of feminismand hegemonicmasculinitycontainedin the magazines
are reflectedin the organizationalculturesof the two workplaces,but in complexways. Organizational culture can be defined as the understandings,behaviors, and symbolicforms,
includingtotems,rituals,taboos and myths,thatare sharedby membersof a work organization (Reskin and Padavic 1994; Trice 1993). In these workplaces,the magazines themselves
are among the most importantsymbolsof the editors'shared organizationalculture.Images
fromthe magazines are posted throughoutthe workplaces,and copies of currentand former
issues are strewnabout on desks.Althoughnot all workersadmireand identify
withthe magazines theyedit-as we will see, thisis especiallythe case at Gentleman's
Sophisticate-the
magaand symbolizethevalues ofthe organization.
zines,nevertheless,
representtheircollectiveeffort
Organizationalculturealso refersto the informal,emotional,and interpersonaldynamicsof
work, includingthe norms governingsexual interactionsamong workers (Gherardi 1995;
Hearn and Parkin1987). As we will show, editorsconsiderthese informalnormswhen drawing boundarylines between acceptableand unacceptablesexual behavior.While not all members of a workplaceagree in everyinstancewhen a boundaryhas been crossed,we argue that
understandingthe processwherebyworkersmake thisdeterminationrequirestakingorganizational cultureinto account.
Althoughthese two workplacesare in privatelyowned companies in the same industry,
located in the same city,that employ people in the same occupations (editors,assistantedi-
243
244
DELLINGER AND WILLIAMS
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tors, administrativeassistants,secretaries,interns),there are several structuraldifferences
between them. Most importantly,all of the 18 members of the Womyneditorialstaffare
women, while six of the 12 editorsat Gentleman's
Sophisticate,
includingthe top managers,are
and Earnings,January
men. Overall,the occupationof editingis genderbalanced (Employment
1998), but it is not unusual fororganizationscommittedto feminismto employonlywomen.
Some mightfindthe comparisonof an all-women work site and a gender-balancedwork site
to be problematicbecause the assumptionofmostresearchhas been thatsexual harassmentis
solely a cross-sexphenomenon. A discussionof homophobia as sexual harassmenthas been
and
limited (Williams 1997). We believe the comparison between Gentleman'sSophisticate
Womynis useful in pointing out that the nature of occupational segregationin the workplace often findswomen dealing with "male cultures" or working with other women in
sex-segregatedsettings.We rarelyfind men who must negotiate a "female culture." The
asymmetricalnature of these cases in regardto gender composition,actually allows us to
examine the most common work experiencesforwomen as they work in male dominated
settingsor as theywork in women-onlysettings.Ifwe are to understandwomen's experience
withsexualityand sexual harassmentat work,it is essentialthatwe compareand contrastthe
settings.
workplaceculturesthatmay develop in these different
The ratio of men to women in a workplace is consideredby some researchersto be an
importantpredictorof the prevalenceof sexual harassment(see Welsh 1999 foran overview
of debates in thisliterature).Some researchersargue thatthe numberof interactionsbetween
men and women at work is predictiveof the likelihoodof sexual harassment(Gruber 1998;
Gutek, Cohen, and Konrad 1990). The findingsfromthese studies would suggestthat it is
more likelythat women editorswould experiencesexual harassmentat Gentleman's
Sophisti's Sophisticate.
catethan at Womyn,
simplybecause thereare more men employedat Gentleman
Otherstudieshave endeavored to identifyfeaturesof organizationalculturethatare conducive to sexual harassment.Pryorand his colleagues conducteda seriesof experimentsthat
foundthatexposure to male supervisorsand peers who sexuallyharass increasesothermen's
likelihoodof sexually harassingwomen (Hulin, Fitzgerald,and Drasgow 1996; Pryor,Giedd,
and Williams 1995; Pryor,LaVite, and Stoller 1993). On the other side of the coin, Gruber
(1998) found that workplaces with proactivemethods of sexual harassmenttrainingwere
much more effectivein reducinghostileenvironmentharassmentthan workplacesthatrelied
solely on less aggressive"getout the word" techniques.
These studies identifyspecificelements of organizationalculturethat are linked to the
frequencyand type of sexual harassmentlikelyto occur in a workplace. But they do not
addressthe meaning of sexual harassment,and how thatmeaning may be shaped by organizational context.In fact,these studies,like most quantitativestudies of sexual harassment,
assume that there is prior consensus regardingthe meaning of sexual behaviors. As Welsh
(1999:173) pointsout, "when using surveyresponses,it is common forresearchersto define
all unwanted sexual behaviorsas sexual harassment,whetherthe respondentdefinesthemas
such (see Gruber 1998 for a notable exception)." Qualitative research is bettersuited to
organizationalcontexts.
uncoveringhow the meaning of sexual behaviorsvaries in different
As Salzinger (2000) shows in her ethnographyof a maquiladora, in certainworkplace contexts,even egregioussexual behaviorson the part of management(ogling,demands forsexual access), may be accepted by workers as reasonable or inevitable conditions of their
employment.
In additionto examininghow organizationalcultureshapes workers'responsesto sexual
behavior,we explore the ambiguitythat oftensurroundssexualityforemployees (Williams
and Dellinger 1999). Unlike most studiesthatfocus on the presence
1997; Williams,Giuffre,
or absence of sexual harassment,our goal is to document the process wherebyindividuals
decide whethera certainbehavior is harassing,tolerable,or pleasurable. Finally,by focusing
on a sexually diversegroup of workers,we considerboth heterosexualand nonheterosexual
interactions,an elementmissingfrommoststudiesof sexual harassment.
The LockerRoomand theDormRoom
245
Methods
Findings
Gentleman'sSophisticate
The editorialdepartmentat Gentleman's
Sophisticate
employssix women and six men. A
primarycomponentof editors'jobs is to make decisionsabout the writtencontentofthe mag-
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In 1996, the firstauthor conducted65 in-depthinterviewsand 10 weeks of fieldworkat
in New York Cityas part of a largerstudyon the ways in
Womynand Gentleman's
Sophisticate
which organizationsare gendered and sexualized. Gentleman's
is owned by PubSophisticate
lisher's,Inc., which employsapproximately270 people, and Bradwell,Inc. is the publisherof
and it employsabout 170 workers.(The names ofthe publishersand the magazinesare
Womyn
assispseudonyms.)Interviewswere conductedwith editors,accountants,and administrative
tantswho worked at the two magazines,includingboth currentand formeremployees.The
largersample includes45 women and 20 men. Of all the respondents,11 are AfricanAmerican, six are Latina/o,two are Asian American,and 46 are white.The fullsample includes 54
heterosexualmen and women, two gay men, three lesbian women, threebisexual women,
and threeindividualswho declinedto give theirsexual orientation.
In this article,we draw on the interviewsconducted with 28 membersof the editorial
at each magazine was initiallyinterdepartmentsat the two magazines. The editor-in-chief
viewed and asked forpermissionto interviewand observe in the respectiveeditorialdepartments.All of the membersof the editorialstaffat Womyn(18) and all but two of the editorial
staffat Gentleman
's Sophisticate
(10) agreed to be interviewed.(The two refusalswere on vacation duringthe summerresearch.) Interviewswere conducted in a semi-structured
format,
and were tape-recordedand transcribedforanalysis. Most lasted one hour, and were conducted in a varietyof locations:in privateofficesand conferencerooms duringthe workday
and in cafesor parksduringlunch breaks.
These interviewswere augmented by 10 weeks of participantobservationat the two
organizations.DuringAugustand September1996, the firstauthorwas employedas a temporaryfilingclerk in the accountingdepartmentof Womyn'sparent company,Bradwell Inc.,
where she worked forapproximately20 hours a week. The rest of the workdaywas spent
conductinginterviewsor observingat both magazines. While filing,she observedthe day-toand interactedfrequentlywith memday workingsof the accountingdepartmentat Womyn,
bers ofthe Womyn
editorialstaff,locatedin the same buildingdown the hall. Duringthistime,
she receivedpermissionfromthe editor-in-chief
to attendseveral editorialstaffmeetings.In
November1996, she was grantedpermissionto observefull-timein the editorialofficesforan
additionaltwo weeks. At Gentleman's
thereare no regularlyscheduled staffmeetSophisticate,
to observethe workings
ings,but the firstauthorreceivedpermissionfromthe editor-in-chief
of the editorialdepartmentby "shadowing"the managingeditorduringtwo work days. She
also attendedformaland informalcompanygatheringsincludingan eveningart openingheld
at Gentleman
and two "happyhours" afterwork withmembersof the accounting
's Sophisticate
department.Fieldnoteswere recordedas soon as possibleafterobservingand interviewingat
each magazine.
The fieldworkportion of the study enables us to understandindividuals' experiences,
feelings,and expectationsregardingsexual behaviorin the contextof the unstated,taken-for
grantedrules of behavior thatgovernorganizationallife.The combinationof in-depthinterviews and participantobservationat both workplaces provided valuable insightsinto the
everydaywork experiencesof the editorialstaffs.
246
DELLINGER AND WILLIAMS
azine. Theirjobs include editingsexual advice columns,writingand copyeditingcaptionsfor
the euphemisticallycalled "pictorials"or "artwork,"and editing and screening sexually
graphicreader mail forpotentialpublication.To illustrateone facetof herjob, one of the editors produced a lettersigned, "A Big Fan in Michigan," who writesto the magazine each
monthdescribinghis sexual practicesin detailand gradingthe photos to determinethe one he
thinksdeserves his monthly"Big Fan MasturbationAward." This editor decides whetheror
not to publishthese letters.
When asked to describeher everydaywork, Margaret,the managing editor,explained
thatamong othertasks,she engages in detailedconversationsabout copy style:
has to confrontthe sexually explicitnature of the
Everyone at Gentleman's
Sophisticate
forwritingthe
magazine and, consequently,of theirjobs. When describingher responsibility
captions beneath the sexually explicitpictorials,Tina, another woman editor,said that you
just have to get used to the materialand you have to have a sense of humor to deal withit:
It usedtobe so hard... It usedtobe like,torture.
Andnow ... yougetusedto whatit'ssupposed
to soundlike.... Yougetusedtoit.So it'seasiertowrite. . I meanthey'refunny-youreallyhave
to workhere.You gottabe ableto have anyto have a senseofhumor,that'stheone requirement
thinggo offyourback.Becausethere'sjustso much,youknow.Yougottahavea reallyopenmind.
When Tina startedworkingat Gentleman's
the sexual aspect of herjob feltto
Sophisticate,
her like "torture."Since she was subjected to a workingenvironmentthat she considered
offensiveand that made her uncomfortable,her experience could be interpretedas sexual
harassment.But insteadof labelingit sexual harassment,she eventuallylearnedto defineit as
of the materialfrom"tor"funny"-somethingnot to be taken seriously.The transformation
turous"to "funny"can be understoodas a formof emotionallabor requiredof manyworkers
at Gentleman's
(Hochschild 1983). This process of identitymanagement may be
Sophisticate
more visiblein settingswhere workersmust manage a "legitimate"identitywhile creatinga
stigmatizedproduct (Goffman1963). Yet all workersprobablyengage in emotional labor to
some extent(see Leidner 1993; Pierce 1995).
Emotional labor is shaped by workplace context.At least part of the reason forTina's
growingtoleranceof her sexualized work environmentmightbe attributedto the organizaWorkersthereare required to sign an acknowledgtional policies at Gentleman's
Sophisticate.
ment that statesthat they are aware that they "will encounterand be called upon to work
with picturesand writtentext that involve nudityand sexually explicitmaterial."This measure was instituted,in part, to stave offthe possibilityof sexual harassmentlawsuits. (Loe
1996 describesa similarpolicy in place at the "Bazooms" restaurantchain.) Margaret,the
managingeditor,explained the purpose of thisrequirementthisway:
thatthecompanycouldbe suedbecausea boss
thepossibility
I thinkthat'smore-notto eliminate
thisis whatyouare
butjustin general,sayingthatyouunderstand
a singleemployee,
is harassing
thatwe reallydo stresstopeopleand
goingtoworkon whenyouarehere.... So, that'ssomething
we sendthemhomewithcopiesofthemagazinesandmakethemlookatitandmakesurethatyou
withthis.
feelcomfortable
It is interestingto note thatin othercontexts,workershave successfullybrought"hostile
environment"sexual harassmentlawsuits against work organizationsthat permittedsome
in the workplace.In a 1991 landmarkcase, Lois Robinemployeesto pin-up nude centerfolds
son went to courtafterofficialsat the JackonsvilleShipyardignoredcomplaintsthat pornographicpictureswere prominentlydisplayed in the workplace (Petrocelliand Repa 1998).
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or notor ... is
thatwe haveare on whenthingsshouldbe capitalized
Manyoftheconversations
oris itnothyphenated?
Thoseareseriousconversablowjob one wordortwo. . . is ithyphenated
I'lljuststopand say,"I
tionsand it'sa copystyledecisionthatneedstobe made. . . and sometimes
cannotbelievethisis a discussion
thatwe haveat work!"(laughing).
The LockerRoomand theDormRoom
247
Because theirjobs requirethemto look at nude pin-ups,workersat Gentleman
's Sophisticate
do
not defineit thisway.
Gentleman's
will only hire employees who can tolerate exposure to sexual
Sophisticate
materialsthat mightoffendthem. This practicemay discriminateagainst women workersif
women, in general,are less able to develop thistolerance.Boswell contendsthatsome young
internsleave aftertwo days because theycan't cope withthe sexual materials:
Only those who findways to cope withthe materialsstayon; those who can't are quickly
weeded out. Importantly,
both men and women eventuallylearn this tolerance;the staffof
the editorialdepartmentis genderbalanced. However,few editorshad actuallysoughtout the
opportunityto work in the pornographyindustry.Members of the editorialstaffcame from
backgroundsin journalism,publishing,or business.None of the editorswere involvedin the
sex industrypriorto workingat the magazine.Moreover,when individualsapplied fora job at
the parent company (which we have given the pseudonym Publisher's Inc.), some were
unaware thattheywould be workingfora men's pornographicmagazine. The editorsclaimed
that they accepted a job at Gentleman's
not because it is pornography,but rather
Sophisticate
because it is an internationally
known publication.Many of the editorstalk about a period of
adjustmentin which theyget used to workingwith the sexually explicitmaterialon a daily
basis,and mostsay thattheylearnto enjoy the work.Thisis similarto Salzinger's(2000) study
ofa maquiladorain Mexico, where she witnessedthe processby which women adjustedto the
sexual objectification
expected of them. Gentleman's
Sophisticate
providesanothercase of how
workerswho decide to stayhave to findsome way to adjustto the normsof theirworkplace.
Workersat Gentleman
's Sophisticate
oftenreconcilethe tensiontheyexperiencewith sexually explicitmaterialusinghumor.Humoris one of the main strategiesthatpeople use to deal
with unsettlingor unwanted experiences(Fitzgerald,Swan, and Fischer 1995:120). One person referredto the cultureof Gentleman
's Sophisticate
as a "lockerroom": a place filledwith
is about
bawdyjokes and sexual bantering.Most ofthe sexual jokingat Gentleman's
Sophisticate
the contentof the magazine itself.People joke about breastimplants,ads forpenis enlargeof certainsexual acts that are describedin lettersfromreaders.
ments,and the impossibility
Editorsalso joke about the readerswho buy the magazine and enjoy it. Boswell claims that
most of the editorshave contemptforthe readersof the magazine,believingthattheyare all
"in federalprisonsand trailercamps." In fact,none of the editorsclaim thattheyenjoy reading the magazine and lookingat the pictures;theyconsiderthe overarchingview of sexuality
portrayedin the magazine to be narrowand outdated.
Althoughjokingis pervasivein the editorialdepartment,it is almostneverabout personal
matters.Tina saysjoking is "just business and never personal." When Bill is asked ifhe ever
talks about sex at work, he doesn't thinkto mention sexual joking about the magazine. He
says, "No, not at all. I just don't want to talk about sex ... especiallywith women, because
could be misconstrued,especiallyin these timeswhen people are so sensitive."But
everything
when asked ifhe talksabout sex in regardto the magazine,he clarifiesthat"that"kind ofjoking happens "all the time":
Oh yeah,we laughat a lotofstuff.
Someofitis so ridiculous,
can
youknow,how manypositions
We laughatthepictorials.
youcomeup withandhaveitartful?
We laughat thecolor.Welaughat
thechoiceofgirls.Yeah,we do thata lot.Sure.Buttome,that'sintheabstract.
.. . IfI metyououtsideofthisenvironment
and I brought
a Gentleman
's Sophisticate
magazinewithme . . . and started
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I've seen internscomein who are just veryyoung.Especiallywomenwho are veryyoungand
they'rehereforabouttwodaysand theyjustlike,screamand runoutoftheroombecauseI don't
knowwhattheythought,
buttheyobviously
weren'tthinking.
"Oh,gee,I can'tdo this!Somebody
saidpussy."I mean,youknow,"Oooh,therewas a pictureofa breast."You know,"Mysisterand
herpowerful
somegroupwillnotapproveofme beinghere."I don'tknowwhatitis. Butinterns
timesshowup,do abouttwodaysandthenjustfreak.Butthey'reusuallylikeeighteento twentytwoandjustdon'thaveenoughworldliness.
248
DELLINGER AND WILLIAMS
on you.Forus,it'slikean "in"
talkingto youaboutit,thatwouldbe likeapproaching
you,hitting
thing.It'slikewe workhere.
roomone dayandone ofthemenwhoworksthereheldopenan issue
I watchedin theproduction
and said,"Can
of[a competing
magazine]whichhappenedtohavea Blackcenterfold
pornographic
likethatare
if
like
this?"
Comments
like
looked
our
would
be
what
you
relationship
you imagine
and that'san inappropriIt doesn'tmatterthatI workhere.It'sinappropriate
totally
inappropriate.
thelinejustbecauseyouwork
to have. So I thinkpeoplethinkthey'renotcrossing
ate discussion
hereandin reality
theyreallyare.Thatlineis stillthereandshouldstillbe there.
Margaret'sboundaryline between acceptable and harassingsexual behavior is personal
's Sophisticate
sexual innuendo. In thissense, workingat Gentleman
may reallybe like the men's
lockerroomswhere theremay be lots of fantasytalkand sexual joking,but littleactual emotional and personalintimacy(Curry1991; Lyman 1987).
The raciststereotypeembedded in the man's remarkis also importantin understanding
why Margaretused thisexample to illustrateher boundaryline. Both Margaretand the man
in the productionroom are white. His commentinsinuatesthatifshe were Black, she would
be more sexually available to him, reflectinga popular "controllingimage" of Black women
does not regularlypublish
Sophisticate
(Collins 2000). It is also significantthat Gentleman's
images ofwomen ofcolor.Froma productionstandpoint(one thatis surelyinfluencedby racist assumptionsabout sexualityin the largerculture) (West 1993), Black sexualityis defined
as unacceptable.In thiscontext,the factthatthe centerfoldwas Black may have markedthis
fromand more offensivethan the regularjokingabout sex thatoccurson a
"joke" as different
dailybasis.
Accordingto Lyman (1987) and Curry(1991), joking in all-male settings(sportslocker
is a formof male bonding.The success of the male bond relieson sevrooms and fraternities)
eral things:avoiding talk of personal relationshipsand otherintimatematters,being able to
women and gays and lesbians), and
put someone down (oftenby degradingand objectifying
being able to "take" a joke withoutlosingone's cool. All-malearenas thatare highlysexualized (like lockerrooms or fraternities)
may fostereven more humorous and joking relation-
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Workingwith the magazine and joking about it is an "in" thingat Gentleman's
Sophisticate
"as long as it is not personal." Talkingabout sex is fine if it is about the magazine, or if it is
"abstract."Ifit is concretetalkabout an individual'ssexual behavioror desires,thenit is "sensitive"and likelyto be "misconstrued."Bill acknowledgesthatwhile this"abstract"sexual talk
and joking is consideredpart of the job here, in othercontexts,it mightbe interpretedas an
inappropriate"come on" or even as sexual harassment.
On several occasions, the editorsshared jokes that were "going around the officethat
day." Duringan interviewwitha male editor,he said, "You'll get good and raunchyjokes and
you pass those around. And the popularjoke last week was ... oh yeah, 'Why do women fake
theirorgasms?[Why?] Because theythinkwe care.' "
Althoughthe editorsaid that this was a verypopular joke with both men and women,
thejoke onlymakes sense iftold froma male pointofview. The joke is "on" women forthinking that men care about their sexual pleasure. Messner (1992) has noted that male locker
room jokes are almost always about degradingwomen. However, at Gentleman
's Sophisticate,
both men and women participatein thistypeof humor. When the firstauthor arrivedforan
interview,a woman employeewho escortedher to her appointmenttold her a blow job joke
in the hallway,and then "offered"her to a man in the elevator as "his own personal girl."
is not an all-male
Thus, even though the editorial departmentat Gentleman'sSophisticate
domain,the descriptionof the culturein the editorialdepartmentas a male lockerroom is apt
given the emphasis on the bawdy depictionand discussionof sex froma male heterosexual
point ofview,withmost of thejokes at women's expense.
But just because the work cultureis sexualized does not mean that absolutelyanything
goes. Boundarylines are stilldrawn at the organization.Margaret,the managingeditor,said:
The LockerRoomand theDormRoom
249
shipsthan othercontextsbecause joking is a way ofreleasingsexual tension,and maybe even
denyingitsexistence.
Sexual joking is enjoyed by most editors,unless it crosses the line into the personal.
When this happens, editorsclaim that theirorganizationrespondsspeedilyand decisivelyto
protectthose who feel victimized.Brian providedone example of thisorganizationalcommitment to protectingworkers. Part of his job is fieldingcalls fromprospectivewritersand
models. Brian received a phone call from "Ginger Petty" who said she had been doing
researchon S&M and wanted to submither work to Gentleman
's Sophisticate.
Over the course
of the conversation,Gingerbegan tellingBrian about her own sexual fantasies,and how she
would like to be "disciplined"by Brian. Brian thoughtthe incidentwas "hilarious"and went
to tell Margaret,his boss, about it:
Margaret is sensitive to the possibilitythat Ginger Petty's call could be harassment
because it seems to crosspersonalboundaries.It is interesting
thatthisworkplacenormallows
Margaretto considerthe possibilitythata man may be harassedby a woman, but Brian does
not share Margaret'sdefinitionof thisparticularsituationas sexual harassment,althoughhe
appreciateshis boss's reasoningand her sensitivity.
MargaretattributesBrian's lack of concernover the incidentto the factthathe is a man.
Brian is also gay,and thismay help to explain his decisionnot to label thisincidentas sexual
harassment.He describesthe environmentat Gentleman's
as "liberating"in many
Sophisticate
one is allowed in regardsto sexuways. He says thathe enjoys the freedomof self-expression
ality.On the one hand, Brian reportsthat he is out at work and that he enjoys joking with
women colleagues and "playingaround a littlewith ideas of genderroles . .. withincertain
parameters."He also explains that he has learned to slip into what he calls "hyper-hetero
extreme"talkaround his straightfriendsto make them uncomfortable.He sees himselfat the
of sexual joking and uses thistalkas a way to make his straightfriends"squirm".He
forefront
explains,
I feellikeit'sa parody.I feellikeI'm really
and thewaytheytalkandtheymay
makingfunofthem
notgetitthatway,butI geta kickoutofteasingthemand seeingthattheyreallydon'tfeelcomfortablewith it .... Actually,in truth,there'sgot to be some element of hostilityin it too, forme.
You know,fortheyearsthatI had to listento thisshit.Forall theyearsthatI had to swallowand
maybeevenmakebelievethatitwas whoI was. Now,I can do itbetterthanyoucan! I can teach
you!Anddoesn'titmakeyousquirm?
Giuffreand Williams(1994) reporta similarincidentin theirstudyof sexual harassment
in restaurantswhen a gay waiterexplained thatthe open sexual environmentallowed him to
make straightco-workersuncomfortablewith his sexual banter.He, too, saw thisjoking as a
kindofpaybackforall the timeshe and othergay people had been oppressedand excluded by
the norms of compulsoryheterosexuality.Granted his penchant for engaging in "hyperhetero-extreme"talk,it is understandablewhy Brian did not see the GingerPettyincidentas
sexual harassment.
Women in otherdepartmentssaid theyfeltprotectedfromsexual harassmentowing to a
powerfulwoman lawyeremployedby the firmwho theyperceivedas vigorouslypursuingall
complaintsof harassment.This is consistentwith Gruber's(1998) findingthat sexual harassmentcomplaintsmay be less frequentin workplaceswithproactivesexual harassmentprocedures. Women employees at Gentleman's
said they feltempowered to complain
Sophisticate
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I wentovertotellMargaret
aboutthecall,laughingly.
Justsaying,"Thisreallytakesthecake!"And
she laughed,too,butshe said,"You know,in truth,ifit wereNicole[theotherwomanthatwas
thereat thetime],who'dgottenthiscall,I don'tthinkI'd be laughing
now."She said,
working
right
"I thinkI'd be concerned.It wouldbe morethana joke,but 'assault'is thewrongword.Likea
harassment
or whatever?"
AndI said,
typeofcall."Butshe askedme,"Do youat all feeloffended
I mean,notevenclose!"ButI thoughtitwas verynicethatshe extendedthat
"Please!Honestly!
kindofsensitivity
becauseI couldhavebeen.
250
DELLINGER AND WILLIAMS
about any individualwho crossedthe line from"busine'sssex" to "personalsex." This sense of
the individual'srightto personalautonomy,and protectionfromindividualharassers,is consistentwith the overarchingvalues of freechoice and individualrightswhich characterizedthe
organizationcultureas a whole. Thus, while the normsand values of the lockerroom might
seem to fostersexual harassment,employeesin generalfeltthattheirworkplacewas freeofsexual harassment,and thatanyone who daredcrossthe line would be quicklyreprimanded.
Some editorsacknowledgedthat sexual harassmentdid sometimesoccur at Gentleman's
These instanceswere perceivedas the resultof a few "Neanderthals"outside the
Sophisticate.
editorialdepartmentwho didn't understandthe differencebetween joking and harassment.
Accordingto Boswell,
Boswell describesthe men who sexually harass women employeesas throwbacksto the
1970s, a timewhen the magazine was at the heightof itspopularity.They are men who have
the editorsoftendescribedthe readersof Gentlefailedto evolve with the times.Interestingly,
in
are consideredNeanderthalsstuck in another
a
similar
too,
man's Sophisticate
way. They,
era's vision of sexuality.In both instances,the editorsattemptto separate themselvesfrom
what theyperceive as a lower class, unsophisticatedview of sexualityand masculinity.This
tension between the editors' sexual tastes and preferences,and the expressionsof sexual
desire representedin the magazine, reflectswhat Connell (1995) has characterizedas a key
formsof masculinityconstantlycompete fordominance; the
featureof masculinity.Different
from,and superiorhegemonicformof masculinityis always definedin termsof itsdifference
of
of
and
all
versions
forms
Thus, the "Neanderfemininity.
masculinity,
ityover,alternative
men
at
the
and
the
"Neanderthal"
thal" readersof Gentleman's
organizationwho
Sophisticate,
as superior
themselves
to
define
as
foils
for
men
editors
function
the
harass
women,
sexually
to othermen.
By separatingbusinesssex frompersonalsex, the cultureof the editorialdepartmentsupports the idea that sexual harassmentis an individual problem and not an organizational
issue. Althoughthe editorsare subjectedto a sexualized work environment,theyrarelycomplain about it or label it sexual harassment.Men and women editorsseem to enjoy joking in
the lockerroom environment.Only when sexual banteringcrossesover into the personal do
some editorsfeel like they are being sexually harassed. Perhaps forthis reason, editorsdistance themselvesfromthe contentof the magazine. Because anyone who enjoys the magazine is a retrograde,lower class "Neanderthal,"an employee who took the magazine too
seriouslyand admittedto findingit personallystimulatingwould likelybe looked upon with
suspicionby others,perhapsas the sortof "Neanderthal"likelyto sexuallyharass women.
Womyn
The editorialdepartmentat Womyn
employsa staffof 18 women. Includedin thisnumber
are not offered
the editorsat Womyn
are fourunpaid interns.Unlike Gentleman's
Sophisticate,
trainingin sexual harassmentpolicy,nor are theyasked to sign any acknowledgmentabout
the sexual contentof theirmagazine. When asked whetherthe companyhad a formalsexual
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thatdoesgo on. Probably
lessthanin othercompanies
because
There'sverylittlesexualharassment
speaking
again,it'snotreallyan issue.I mean,that'snotto say,I don'tobservelike"Troglodytes
coarselywiththeirwomen."But thestrangethingis thatothermenwillspeakup and say,"Hey,
knockitoff!"or "Gentlemen,
stopthis!"I mean,forthemostpart,peoplecoolit.... There'sa coubut
ple ofguysthatroamaroundtheofficethatare realsortofpigs,and classicmalechauvinists,
There
becausethecompanyis so upwardly
mobile,it'sjustsortoflike,"Ahh,he'sjusta retrograde."
intotheirItalian-Stallion
thatarejustsortofhardwired
are a coupleofpeoplein theorganization
soulsand theycan be good aboutit forabouta week,but sooneror later,the geneticsreassert
ofpeople,who cares?
andyouhaveto slapthemagain.Butin a companyofhundreds
themselves
The LockerRoomand theDormRoom
251
harassmentpolicy, the editor-in-chief
replied, "We don't have any formalpolicy here at
we
as
know
where we standon the issue."
Womyn
except
clearly, feminists,
other
members
of
the
editorial
staff
seemed surprisedwhen asked iftheyhad a forMany
mal policyregardingsexual harassment.Most said theyweren't sure and then explained that
who would choose to work at Womyn
would simplyunderstandthatsexuallyharassanybody
ing behavior is not tolerated.In otherwords,the editorssaw the feministnormsand values
withintheirworkplacecultureas protectionagainstsexual harassment.
means knowingwhere one stands on all sortsof importantfeminist
Workingat Womyn
issues. This feministsensibilitycreatesan environmentwhere editorsbelieve theyare doing
more than a "justa job." Brett,a senioreditorat Womyn,
said,
The motto,"thepersonalis political"is verymuch alive at Womyn.
People's personalidentitiesare intricately
tiedto theirworkidentities.Thisencouragesthe formationofintimateties
among co-workers.Natasha, a copy editorwho was new to the departmentwhen she was
interviewed,describedthe sense thatwhen she was being welcomed to the job she was also
being welcomed to a "sisterhood":
I feltthiswholeschoolmarmish
excitement
aboutthewaywe werespeakingto one another.You
know,I feltit was like,girls'novels,you know,likeeighthgradegirls'novels.. . . The imageis
YouknowwhatI mean?
patentleathershoesandgirlswhoarepledging
undying
friendship.
Being an editorat Womyn
requiresa certainamount of personal disclosure,oftenabout
sexual matters.Editorsat Womyn
reflecton and share theiropinionsabout topicsrangingfrom
date rape to sexual harassmentto the natureof sexual pleasure and desire.While it is necessaryto considerthese topicsfroman editorialstandpoint,sexualitypermeatesthe more informal conversationsas well. People talk about theirown sex lives and what theydo and don't
like to do in bed, as well as havingseriousconversationsabout theirsexual identitiesand their
relationships.Many women at the magazine explain thatthissharingcreatesveryclose bonds
among the workersthat extend beyond the walls of the editorialdepartment.This environment of trustleads to an openness about sexualitythat some editors describedas "dorm
room" culture.Staceydescribessome aspectsof thisdormroom:
It'sjustlikeallofus hanging
aroundallthetime.We'reso touchy.
Andwe'realwayshavingparties
just
without
ourpartners.
Andso we'realwaysdancing
andhavingsleepoversandstuff.
together
together
When at work, employees frequentlygive each other pats on the back, hugs, and the
occasional back rub. There is also a great deal of joking about sex. Almost every editor
repeateda joke around the officethatthereare threemain topicsof conversation:Food, Hair,
and Sex. It is quite common forworkersto bringsnacksand treatsto share thatare placed for
collective consumption at the so-called "trough." Offeringfood is an effectivemeans of
achievingintegrationinto predominatelyfemalework groups,as the firstauthor discovered
aftershe donated homemade browniesto the trough(see also, Reskinand Padavic 1994).
When asked forexamples of how people joke about sex at Womyn,
Brettexplains that
thingscan getprettyexplicit:
There'salwaysdiscussionof-literally-whatkindof sex peopledo and whattheylike.It's very
It'sverytechnical.... AndI do think,verymuch,thatthathas to do withan
graphicsometimes.
all-womenstaff.
I thinkit'stotally
comfortable.
Bothstraight
and lesbians.It doesn'tmatter.
Everybodytalksabouteverything.
Anothermemberof the staff,Samantha,reinforcesthe idea that Womyn
is a verysexualized, but safeenvironment:
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I thinkit'shardto workat Womyn
and lookat itas a job injournalism.
It'smoreofa calling.I feel
likeI liveiteveryday
... I don'tthinkmyworkis justa pieceofjournalism,
I thinkit'sa pieceof
activism.
252
DELLINGERAND WILLIAMS
I thinkthisis a verysexualplacein a lotofways.Andthere'sa lotofsexualenergyin here,butit's
in someway,thattheenergy
verypositive.Andmaybe,ifitwas a placewhereyoufeltthreatened
couldbe a formofharassment,
youknowwhatI mean?Butit'sso non-threatening.
butI
or "I wantedto saysomething,
"God,can I answerthis?"You know,"I feelso embarrassed"
around.Youknow,canI talkaboutit?"
thateverybody's
was so embarrassed
sitting
The interndid not want to be forcedto self-disclose.The request forinformationin a public
forumfeltimpersonalto her and exploitative,like she was beingused, not comfortedand supportedby her friends.
The internsdid not describethese experiencesas sexual harassment,however. At Womyn,
workersgive each other the benefitof the doubt thattheyknow what sexual harassmentis
and theyare opposed to it in all its manifestations.Sexual harassmentis implicitlydefinedas
somethingthat "other"people do-not feminists.For this reason, some workersat Womyn
may not feelempoweredto complainabout a co-worker'sor supervisor'sbehavior,despiteits
potentiallynegativeimpact.
(2) A second incidentwhere people expressed discomfortwith sexualityat Womynwas
linkedto the ambiguoushierarchyin the editorialdepartment.The emphasison sisterhoodin
the dormroom culturecan lead to confusingrelationshipsbetween membersof the organizaamountsofpower. Kara contendsthatthingscan geta "bitodd" when
tion who hold differing
people talk or joke about sex at work. When asked foran example of when things"getodd,"
she said:
Andthatwas a
hiton me-quite strongly.
thatwe had,one ofmyinterns
Thelastbatchofinterns
thatwouldnothavehapsituation.
But,I thinkitwouldhavebeensomething
veryuncomfortable
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she replied,"For me, it's probablyjust the allWhen asked what makes it non-threatening,
women environment."
Accordingto Brettand Samantha, if the same conversationsinvolved men, theywould
probablyconsiderthemsexual harassment.Once again, thisindicateshow social contextmattersin the definitionof sexual harassment.It also helps to explain why the male/femaleratio
is an importantpredictorof the likelihoodof experiencingsexual harassment(Gruber1998).
A feministall-women dorm room culture that encourages personal disclosure about sex
fromthe male-dominatedlocker
shapes the definitionof sexual harassmentverydifferently
room culturethat promotesimpersonal,heterosexual,and oftendegradingsex talk. While
talk of "the personal" is taboo and possiblyconstitutesharassmentin the locker room, it is
normativeand expectedin the dormroom.
Some women may seek out a sex-segregatedwork environmentin hopes of findingthis
pleasurable, non-threateningatmosphere. In fact,most of the editors describedthe dorm
room environmentas very liberating.Vera, a formereditor explained, "For the most part,
conversationsabout our emotional and sexual lives are wonderfuland liberatingand one of
It is special."
the best partsofbeing at Womyn.
But even in this all-women environment,boundarylines were drawn between acceptable and unacceptable behavior. Here we focus on two examples where power dynamics
between workers,especiallybetween editorsand interns,led to uncomfortablesituationsthat
the editorsthoughtcould be definedas sexual harassment.
all staffmembers,includinginterns,attendand participatein editorialmeet(1) At Womyn,
the highlevel
While
internship
programsare commonin the magazinepublishingindustry,
ings.
seemsto be quite unusual. Duringa staffmeetingto geninternsenjoyat Womyn
ofparticipation
asked the internsfortheirinput.
erate ideas fora specialissue on sexuality,the editor-in-chief
She wantedto draw on theirexperiencesgoingoffto collegeforthe firsttime,dealingwithboyfriendsand girlfriends,
perhapseven handlingdate rape. When asked whetheranyone was ever
about theway people talkedabout sex at work,theassistantto theeditor-in-chief
uncomfortable
said thatafterthe staffmeetingabout the sex issue,an internapproachedher and said:
TheLockerRoomand theDormRoom
253
I hadjustcometo Womyn
andI wasn'tas awareofthedemarcation
lines.
penedat anyotheroffice.
It was horrifying.
Kara explained that aftera partyat a co-worker'shouse, a fewinternsand other Womyn
staffdecided to go dancing.At the end ofthe nightshe and one internwere the only ones left
and theydecided to go to a stripshow at a lesbian bar. Kara identifiesherselfas heterosexual
and assumed thatthe internshe was withwas heterosexualas well. Sometimethatnightthe
internmade a pass at Kara which she characterizedas extremelyaggressiveand similarto
some sexual interactionsshe had experiencedin college "when people were half-drunk."As
Kara reflectedback on thisnight,she was clearlyupset at herselffortakingthe internto a bar.
She feltthiswas completelyinappropriatebehavioron her part:
There are many importantissues thatmay explain why,at Womyn,
the lines of demarcation between acceptable and unacceptable sexual expressionwere unclear to Kara, but one
the demajor issue seems to have impactedher definitionof this situationas "horrifying":
emphasison hierarchy.She says,"Here you have a verystrangethingwhere thereis a hierarchy,but we are not supposed to talkabout it. We are not supposed to acknowledgeit and we
are all supposed to be friends."
Oerton (1996) pointsout thatU.S. feministshave been in the forefront
of creatingflatter,
non-hierarchicalorganizationsas part of their effortto transformsocial inequality. The
assumptionis thatwhen organizationslack formalhierarchiestherewill be an absence ofgendered and sexualized inequalities. In the case of Womyn,
a definitehierarchyexists,but its
existenceis informallydenied. Kara impliesthat the invisiblehierarchyat Womyn
may have
encouragedher to thinkit was acceptableto go out to a bar and socializewith an intern,and
forthe internto believe it was acceptableto expresssexual interestin Kara. But Kara believes
thatin a hierarchicalsituation,sexual relationshipsshould not be permittedbecause in situations of unequal power, subordinatesare vulnerable to abuses of power, includingsexual
harassment.
In both of these examples,the respondentsidentifiedunequal power as the definingfeatureof sexual harassment.Unpaid internsare seen as especiallyvulnerable:theyfearthatthe
dorm room disclosureof personal sexual informationmay be exploitativewhen hierarchical
in editorialmeetings;or thatinternsmay be easilytaken
positionscome intoplay,particularly
of
those
who
are
more
advantage by
powerful.From the viewpointof these editors,the key
featureof sexual harassmentis not that it is sexual, or even personal, but rather,that it
involves the exploitationof someone in a less powerfulpositionby someone with organizationalpower over them.
The dormroom cultureat Womyn
encouragesopen and frankdiscussionof sexuality.Editorsare expectedto discusstheirsexual needs and desires.Most staffmemberssay theyenjoy
the intimacybetween co-workersinvolved in sharingand joking about personal aspects of
theirlives. Editorsat Womyn
did not considersexual harassmentto be a problemat theirorganization because there were no men in the department,and perhaps more importantly,
because they shared a feministanalysis of sexual harassmentas an abuse of power. In this
regard,it is interestingthat both of the examples of sexual harassmentwe describedwere
describednotby the person who was the targetof the possible harassment,but by the person
occupyingthe more powerfulpositionwho was concernedabout the vulnerabilitiesof those
less powerful.The editorsat Womyn
feltsafe fromsexual harassmentbecause the normsand
values of the dorm room culturesupportedconstantvigilanceagainstit, even by those who
are in charge.
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I wouldhaveneverdonethatin anotherworkplace.
NEVER!!After
ithappened,I was like,"How
couldyounotsee thatthiswas completely
behavior?You do nottakeyourinternto
inappropriate
[a lesbianbarwitha stripshow].Thatis ridiculous!"
254
DELLINGER AND WILLIAMS
Discussion
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The organizationalculturesof the editorialdepartmentsat Gentleman's
and
Sophisticate
Womynare quite distinct.Imagine that it is your firstday of work as an editorat Gentleman's
Picturesof naked women are hangingon the walls, and copies of the pornographic
Sophisticate.
magazinelay scatteredon coffeetablesand on the desksofyourcolleagues.Your new colleagues
stopyou in the hallwayto tella dirtyjoke. Getting"one up" on people by tellingespeciallycrude
or "politicallyincorrect"
jokes will enhance yourstatusand put you in the "in" crowd.You are
toldto signan agreementthatsaysthatyou understandthatexposureto sexuallyexplicitmaterialswill not "count"as sexual harassmentin thisworkplace.Ifyou are shockedor offendedby
thissexualizedatmosphere,you have to let it "rolloffyourback,"or else you'll probablyquit or
be fired.If you agree to stayon the job, you mightbegin to defineyourselfas someone who
doesn't let those thingsbotherthem.But everyone-includingyourboss and the legal department-agrees thatthereis a "line"beyond which the sexual banteringbecomes sexual harassment.Thatline is thepersonal,and anyone who violatesitis likelyto be reprimanded.
Now imagineyour firstday of work at Womyn.
You learn that "Food, Sex, and Hair" are
the popular topics of conversation.Officesex talk requires personal disclosure and soulsearchingdiscussionsof the politicalimplicationsof yourintimatesexual relationships.If you
don't fullyparticipatein this personal disclosure,you will be marginalizedto some degree.
You notice that your coworkersshare backrubs,go out dancing together,and hold slumber
parties.The topic of sexual harassmentin this workplace will probablynot come up, since
everyonehere is a feministwho presumablyknows where everyoneelse standson the issue.
The consensus is that sexual harassmentis an abuse of organizationalpower, meaning that
the least powerfulmembersof the organization,the interns,are the mostvulnerable.
Both workplacesare sexualized,althoughverydifferently.
Editorsat Womyn
would surely
and vice versa. To characterizethis
object to normativebehaviors at Gentleman's
Sophisticate,
differencewe have suggestedthe analogy of the "lockerroom v. the dorm room." Because
locker rooms are implicitlyassumed to be male, dorm rooms,female,these genderedmetaphors captureboth the culturalvalues of the two workplacesas well as the skewed numerical
proportionsof men and women who work in high-levelmanagementpositionsin them. We
have argued thatthese different
organizationalcultureshelp explain why workersat Gentleman'sSophisticate
and Womyn
definesexual harassmentdifferently.
While not all individualsat
each workplace share the same interpretation
of specificinteractions,theydo seem to share
similar understandingsof the meaning of sexual harassmentand the differencebetween
acceptable and unacceptablesexual behavior.
This findinghas importantimplicationsforthe studyof sexual harassment.It challenges
the validityof researchthat uses seeminglyobjectivelists of unwanted sexual behaviors to
gauge the prevalenceof harassment(Williams 1997). The meaningof sexual harassmentvaries dependingon organizationalcontext.The boundarybetween acceptableand unacceptable
sexual behavior is the resultof a complex interplaybetween the characteristics
of individual
workers,the structuralfeaturesof an organization,and the culturalnormsin any givenworkplace. Researchersshould considerthis contextwhen measuringthe prevalence of harassment.This perspectivedraws on a long traditionof sociologistsbeginningwith Durkheimand
later Goffmanwho suggestthatthe ritualsor performances
we engage in on a dailybasis are
interactions
"which
hold
in
a
stratified
but
complicated
societytogether,
way" (Collins1994:219).
Perhaps the definitionof sexual harassmentas an illegal act has led us to assume that sexual
harassmentis the exceptionin the workplaceinstead of the norm. We suggestthat takinga
closer look at the workplacenormsregardingsexualitythat shape interactionsand ritualsat
work will be a more fruitful
avenue than focusingon individualbehaviors or definitionsof
sexual harassmenttaken out of context.
Our researchalso has importantinsightsforpolicymakersworkingto findremediesfor
The LockerRoomand theDormRoom
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women (and men) withoutreducingthemto helplessvictimsin need ofprotectionfromsex.
255
256
DELLINGER AND WILLIAMS
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