APUSH
Zenith of the American Century
Name____________________________
Civil Rights Movement: “Bombingham” 1963
Background:
Birmingham, the largest city in Alabama, is notorious for its segregation and racial hatred, gaining the
nickname "Bombingham" for the many violent acts against black citizens. Governor George Wallace declares,
"segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever," in January 1963. Civil rights activists target
Birmingham in the spring of 1963 for their next direction campaign called “Project ‘C’ – for "confrontation." A African
American minister, Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth lays out the activists’ demands in the “Birmingham Manifesto. “The
segregationist Commissioner of Public Safety, Bull Connor, rejects the proposals and vows to deal harshly with
protesters. What follows are two noteworthy developments: the arrest of Martin Luther King who pens his famous
"Letter from Birmingham Jail," justifying the movement's work. And In early May, activists begin the so-called
Children’s Crusade, an initiative to recruit children to march. By the end of the first day, 700 have been arrested. On
May 3rd, 1000 more children show up to peacefully protest, and Connor turns high-pressure fire hoses and police dogs
on them, creating some of the most indelibly violent images to date. Horrified Americans see it all on the news. After
five days, 2500 protesters fill the jails, 2000 of them children.
Birmingham business leaders make a deal with protesters after 38 days of confrontation. The city promises to
desegregate public facilities and begin an employment program for black people downtown. In response, George
Wallace says the deal was not made by the legitimate leaders of Birmingham, and the Klan bombs King's hotel.
Though King has already left town, a crowd gathers, and are beaten by state police with clubs and rifles. A riot follows,
and black protests spread to other cities, showing that the non-violent approach has limits.
Birmingham Manifesto
April 3, 1963
The patience of an oppressed people cannot endure forever. The Negro citizens of Birmingham for the last
several years have hoped in vain for some evidence of good faith resolution of our just grievances.
Birmingham is part of the United States and we are bona fide citizens. Yet the history of Birmingham reveals
that very little of the democratic process touches the life of the Negro in Birmingham. We have been segregated
racially, exploited economically, and dominated politically. Under the leadership of the Alabama Christian Movement
for Human Rights, we sought relief by petition for the repeal of city ordinances requiring segregation and the institution
of a merit hiring policy in city employment. We were rebuffed. We then turned to the system of the courts. We
weathered set-back after set-back, with all of its costliness…
We have always been a peaceful people, bearing our oppression with super-human effort. Yet we have been
the victims of repeated violence, not only that inflicted by the hoodlum element but also that inflicted by the blatant
misuse of police power. Our memories are seared with painful mob experience of Mother's Day 1961 during the
Freedom Rides. For years, while our homes and churches were being bombed, we heard nothing but the rantings and
ravings of racist city officials.
The Negro protest for equality and justice has been a voice crying in the wilderness. Most of Birmingham has
remained silent, probably out of fear. In the meanwhile, our city has acquired the dubious reputation of being the worst
big city in race relations in the United States… We believe in the American Dream of democracy, in the Jeffersonian
doctrine that "all men are created equal and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among these
being life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
Twice since September we have deferred our direct action thrust in order that a change in city government
would not be made in the hysteria of community crisis. We act today in full Concert with our Hebraic-Christian tradition,
the law of morality and the Constitution of our nation. The absence of justice and progress in Birmingham demands
that we make a moral witness to give our community a chance to survive. We demonstrate our faith that we believe
that The Beloved Community can come to Birmingham.
We appeal to the citizenry of Birmingham, Negro and white, to join us in this witness for decency, morality,
self-respect and human dignity. Your individual and corporate support can hasten the day of "liberty and justice for all."
This is Birmingham's moment of truth in which every citizen can play his part in her larger destiny. The Alabama
Christian Movement for Human Rights, in behalf of the Negro community of Birmingham.
F. L. Shuttlesworth, President
N. H. Smith, Secretary
In a follow-up release, the ACMHR issued the following specific demands:
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Immediate desegregation of lunch counters, restrooms and drinking fountains in downtown department and
variety stores.
The establishment of fair hiring practices in Birmingham businesses.
Dismissal of charges against non-violent protesters in previous ACMHR boycotts.
Establishment of a merit system to open the way for African American city employees.
Re-opening of closed parks and swimming pools on an integrated basis.
Establishment of a bi-racial committee to work out a schedule for desegregation in other areas of life.
The document pledged that boycotts and sit-in demonstrations would continue until those demands were satisfied.
Explain how the Birmingham Manifesto reflected a typical initiative by activists to bring about changes in race
relations.
The Federal Government Responds
At a May 1963 press conference, President John F. Kennedy makes a statement and answers questions about the
violence in Birmingham.
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. I am gratified to note the progress in the efforts by white and Negro citizens to end
an ugly situation in Birmingham, Alabama. I have made it clear since assuming the Presidency that I would use all
available means to protect human rights, and uphold the law of the land. Through mediation and persuasion and,
where that effort has failed, through lawsuits and court actions, we have attempted to meet our responsibilities in this
most difficult field where Federal court orders have been circumvented, ignored, or violated. We have committed all of
the power of the Federal Government to insure respect and obedience of court decisions, and the law of the land.
In the City of Birmingham, the Department of Justice some time ago instituted an investigation into voting
discrimination. It supported in the Supreme Court an attack on the city's segregation ordinances. We have, in addition,
been watching the present controversy, to detect any violation of the Federal civil rights or other statutes. In the
absence of such violation or any other Federal jurisdiction, our efforts have been focused on getting both sides
together to settle in a peaceful fashion the very real abuses too long inflicted on the Negro citizens of that community.
Assistant Attorney General Burke Marshall, representing the Attorney General and myself on the scene, has made
every possible effort to halt a spectacle which was seriously damaging the reputation of both Birmingham and the
country.
Today, as the result of responsible efforts on the part of both white and Negro leaders over the last 72 hours, the
business community of Birmingham has responded in a constructive and commendable fashion and pledged that
substantial steps would begin to meet the justifiable needs of the Negro community.
Negro leaders have announced suspension of their demonstrations, and when the newly elected Mayor who has
indicated his desire to resolve these problems takes office, the City of Birmingham has committed itself wholeheartedly
to continuing progress in this area.
While much remains to be settled before the situation can be termed satisfactory, we can hope that tensions will ease
and that this case history which has so far only narrowly avoided widespread violence and fatalities will remind every
State, every community, and every citizen how urgent it is that all bars to equal opportunity and treatment be removed
as promptly as possible.
I urge the local leaders of Birmingham, both white and Negro, to continue their constructive and cooperative efforts.
QUESTION: Mr. President, against the background or possibility of similar trouble developing in other Southern towns,
I wonder if you could tell us how you regard the techniques that were used over the last few days in Birmingham by
either side, dogs and fire hoses used by one side, and the use of school children and protest marchers by the other
side?
THE PRESIDENT: I think what we are interested in now is seeing the situation peacefully settled in the next 12, 24
hours. I think all of our statements should be devoted to that end. Quite obviously, as my remarks indicated, the
situation in Birmingham was damaging the reputation of Birmingham and the United States. It seems to me that the
best way to prevent that kind of damage, which is very serious, is to, in time, take steps to provide equal treatment to
all of our citizens. That is the best remedy in this case and other cases.
QUESTION: Mr. President, do you see any hope of Birmingham serving as a model for a solution in other communities
facing similar problems?
THE PRESIDENT: We will have to see what happens in Birmingham over the next few days...
QUESTION: Mr. President, in the Alabama crisis at Birmingham, according to your interpretation of the powers of the
Presidency, was there power that you possessed either by statute or the Constitution that you chose not to invoke or
did you use your powers in your view to the fullest in this controversy?
THE PRESIDENT: There isn't any Federal statute that was involved in the last few days in Birmingham, Alabama. I
indicated the areas where the Federal Government had intervened in Birmingham, the matter of voting, the matter of
dealing with education, and other matters. On the specific question of the parades, that did not involve a Federal
statute...
...THE PRESIDENT: As I indicated in my answer, and that is the reason why Mr. Marshall is proceeding the way he
has, we have not had, for example, a legal suit as we have had in some other cases where there was a Federal statute
involved...
QUESTION: On the matter of improving race relations in the United States, do you think that a fireside chat on civil
rights would serve a constructive purpose?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, it might. If I thought it would, I would give one. We have attempted to use all -- what happens
is we move situation by situation. Quite obviously all these situations carry with them dangers. We have not got a
settlement yet in Birmingham. I attempted to make clear my strong view that there is an important moral issue involved
of equality for all of our citizens. And until you give it to them you are going to have difficulties as we have had this
week in Birmingham. The time to give it to them is before the disasters come and not afterwards. But I made a speech
the night of Mississippi at Oxford to the citizens of Mississippi and others that did not seem to do much good. But this
doesn't mean we should not keep on trying.
QUESTION: May I ask you a question on your statement on Birmingham? I believe you said that the results of the
efforts by Mr. Marshall have been that the business community has pledged that substantial steps will begin to meet
the needs of the Negro community. Could you expand that? What kind of substantial steps?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I said as the result of responsible efforts on the part of both white and Negro leaders over the
last 72 hours, the business community of Birmingham, and so on. So it is their efforts, and not the Federal
Government's efforts. I would think it would be much better to permit the community of Birmingham to proceed now in
the next 24 hours to see if we can get some -- and not from here....
Source: President Kennedy's press conference #55, May 8, 1963. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, Boston, Ma.
What do President Kennedy's comments tell us about…
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How does President Kennedy say this conflict has been resolved?
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How does he describe what has happened in Birmingham?
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What is he leaving out of this description? Why would he omit this information?
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What type of audience is watching events in Birmingham, according to Kennedy?
And, judging by these comments, to what extent does President Kennedy appear to support or oppose the Civil
Right Movement in Birmingham at this time? Use evidence from the press conference reading to support your
answers.
Children’s Crusade Video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=joc3CRL6x4E