Planned Parenthood and the Next Generation of Feminist Activists Dawn Laguens Julisa is twenty-three. She’s a sociology major at the University of Texas-Pan American. She can’t afford health insurance, and she relies on the Texas Women’s Health Program — a program helping lowincome women access health care — to get her basic care and birth control. When the governor of Texas cut funding for the Texas Women’s Health Program, and specifically targeted Planned Parenthood, Julisa didn’t sit idly by: she became a youth activist, spoke at rallies, and traveled across the state to be trained on advocacy and leadership so that she could better organize her fellow college students. She ignited a movement on her college campus. Julisa isn’t alone. The unprecedented attacks on women’s health over the last two years have given rise to a new generation of activists, and we have seen it firsthand at Planned Parenthood. We see the surge in youth support for women’s health at every rally we hold around the country, and we see it every time we look at our Facebook and Twitter pages. We’ve gained 1.5 million new supporters who are more ethnically and generationally diverse than ever before. Over the past two years, we’ve almost doubled the number of Planned Parenthood campus chapters — including a significant uptick in involvement on historically black college campuses. In the last presidential election — when Feminist Studies 39, no. 1. © 2013 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 187 188 Dawn Laguens women’s health was a defining and decisive issue — young people voted in even greater numbers than they did in 2008. By a twentythree-point margin, they voted for President Obama, who made women’s health a centerpiece of his campaign. It would not be a stretch to say that this is the most diverse and progressive generation we have seen in decades. For years, the conventional wisdom has been that feminism is yesterday’s fight — that younger generations aren’t as supportive or as engaged, particularly when it comes to abortion. It is simply not the case, though, that young people are less supportive of safe and legal abortion. What we have found is that young people think about — and talk about — these issues differently. If we want to continue expanding our support with younger people, then we need to change the way we communicate with them. Nearly two-thirds of voters under thirty believe that abortion should be legal in most or all cases, according to a recent Pew Research Center poll. Our own internal polls indicate that among eighteen to twenty-nine year olds, more than eight in ten say that the issue of abortion is important to them personally, a higher rate than any other age group. But this is also a generation that doesn’t want to be labeled. They don’t like being singularly defined by their political party, or their sexual orientation, or their views on abortion. Increasingly, the broader public — and particularly young adults — also no longer self-identifies as “pro-choice” or “pro-life.” When Gallup released its annual poll using these terms, some media outlets rushed to report that the number of pro-choice Americans was in a sharp decline. “Americans have turned against abortion,” screamed a headline in Nebraska’s Kearney Hub newspaper. In fact, what had dropped was just support for the label “pro-choice.” The same Gallup poll that showed only 41 percent of people identifying as “pro-choice” also showed that fully 77 percent believe abortion should be legal in most or all circumstances. We have seen this trend of resisting labels in virtually all of the recent polling on the issue. A Quinnipiac poll taken in February 2012 found that nearly two-thirds of Americans support Roe v. Wade, with a mere 31 percent disagreeing with the historic court decision. But similar polls that ask people about abortion in “pro-life” and “pro-choice” terms get varied and seemingly contradictory answers. Anywhere Dawn Laguens 189 from 41 to 54 percent of Americans say they’re “pro-choice,” with 38 to 50 percent saying they’re “pro-life.” A Public Religion Research Institute poll from July 2012 found similar findings among communities of color. This poll’s findings were that, overall, 67 percent of black Americans support access to safe, legal abortion, while almost half of Hispanic Americans say it should be legal. But both African-Americans (52 percent of those polled) and Hispanic Americans (47 percent) are also more likely to embrace either both labels or neither label. Why the inconsistency? Planned Parenthood has conducted extensive research over the last year to better understand how people are relating to issues of safe and legal abortion so that we can move the conversation forward in an effort to build and strengthen public support. Here’s what we have learned: labels such as “pro-life” or “pro-choice” are vague and don’t capture the complexity of abortion issues. Whether to choose adoption, end a pregnancy, or raise a child is an intensely personal decision that can’t easily be reduced to being “pro” or “anti” abortion. That’s why we see so many Americans — particularly young Americans — identifying as both “pro-life” and “pro-choice,” or conversely, refusing to claim either position. A vast majority of Americans think that politicians should not interfere with abortion access and that abortion is a decision that should be made by a woman in consultation with her health provider, her faith, and her family. And what’s more, people fundamentally understand that every situation is different; that every woman is different; and that every woman should be able to make her own personal healthcare decisions. We need to have a conversation about abortion that’s more empathetic. We don’t walk in other women’s shoes and we cannot impose labels on women whose experiences differ from our own. And it’s not our place to box people into the labels “pro-life” or “pro-choice.” By refusing the labels, we can connect better with the public and — just as importantly — connect with the next generation on their terms and ensure we’re deepening their ties to the women’s health movement. We know that most people agree that abortion must remain safe and legal, that women must have access to birth control, and that politicians should stay out of personal healthcare decisions. It’s more important than ever that we maintain and intensify this support, not least because attacks on women’s health are more ferocious than ever, 190 Dawn Laguens and we know that opponents of safe, legal abortion won’t let public opinion get in the way of their agenda. Over the past two years, we’ve seen heightened attacks on women’s health, particularly abortion access. These battles are being fought in state legislatures across the country. In 2011, state legislatures nearly tripled the previous record of provisions restricting abortion — one hundred and thirty-five, to be exact. And in just the first half of 2012, states enacted thirty-nine new provisions that restrict a woman’s access to safe and legal abortion. Mandatory ultrasound laws have been enacted in three states. These laws require that a doctor perform an ultrasound on a woman before providing an abortion and, most disturbingly, require that doctors make statements to their patients that are not rooted in science or medicine. For example, state legislation passed in Texas, North Carolina, Oklahoma, and Louisiana require physicians to aim the screen showing ultrasound images toward the woman and make a statemandated description audible to her. Other states have passed laws that intend to regulate abortion providers out of existence. These bills — signed into law in eight states— create onerous requirements for abortion providers that have nothing to do with patient care and everything to do with politics at its worst. These examples only represent a handful of the anti-women’s health laws we’ve seen at the state level, but each of them is another example of politicians meddling in the most personal decisions that women make about their health care. There is no single strategy for winning all of these battles. In fact, we know we’ll lose some of them in the short term. But we can deepen our support among young people and diverse communities and better position ourselves for victory over the long term. We can do that by talking about abortion authentically and in empathetic ways and by not forcing anyone into an ill fitting “pro” or “anti” box. We can connect with as many people as possible by using language that doesn’t turn people away but instead reaffirms their support for abortion access. So what does this new framework look like? How do we engage in a conversation that doesn’t start with a “pro-choice” or “pro-life” framework? We start a conversation with something as simple as “The pro-choice and pro-life labels don’t reflect the conversation that’s happening today. Instead of putting people into one category or Dawn Laguens 191 another, we should respect the real-life decisions women and their families face.” When we use language like this to start a conversation about abortion, people respond differently. They understand that this is not the same old divisive rhetoric — and they are more able to talk authentically about this complex issue. At the end of the day, we can only take this movement forward if we meet people where they are and connect with them on this issue. That’s how we can deliver on the promise of Roe v. Wade, the promise of equity and equality that generations of women have fought for, the promise of a world where women make their own decisions and have full access to healthcare, no matter who they are or where they live.
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz