INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AND COUNTERTERRORISM Mali Risk Assessment 2014 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Mali—a landlock West African country, bordering Mauritania, Algeria, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger, Cote d'Ivoire, and Senegal— attracted attention in 2012 when a group of military officers overthrew the government due to increased unhappiness with the way the Tuareg Rebellion in the north was being managed. The coup was a surprise because for 20 years Mali was touted as a model of democratic progress in Sub-Saharan Africa. Soon after the coup, a United Nations-backed French military force landed in the country to respond to an Islamist force that was heading from northern Mali to the south. The FIGURE 1: Map of Mali (Wikimedia Commons). Islamists were routed, and soon after civilian rule was restored, although a UN peacekeeping force—the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA)—remains in the country.1 Consequently, Mali can be said to face a number of challenges. First, the country remains vulnerable to external pressures, caused mainly by the presence of Islamic forces. Their origins and links remain unclear, although they seem to feed on the pervasive sense of insecurity in the Sahel region, which exists on multiple levels, including inter-state tensions2 and human insecurity.3 Second, the Malian security services are unable to address the Islamist and Tuareg–based threats because the Malian military is small and poorly equipped and trained. Third, its economic prospects remain tenuous. Its economy is linked closely to its topography and its ability to extract natural resources (gold, phosphates, kaolin, salt, limestone, uranium, gypsum, granite, and hydropower, although reportedly the nation also has bauxite, iron ore, manganese, tin, and copper deposits).4 1 UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/minusma/facts.shtml Laurence Aïda Ammour, “Regional Security Cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel: Algeria’s Pivotal Ambivalence,” Africa Security Brief, No. 18, February 2012. http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a556855.pdf 3 In a January 2014 plan, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) declared that the Sahel region is on the brink of a humanitarian disaster with more than 20 million people requiring life-saving humanitarian interventions, with the number of those in need of food rising from 11.3 million in 2013 to 20 million in 2014. Accordingly, 117 humanitarian organizations are seeking $2.025 billion for the 512 projects that they manage across the nine Sahel countries. “2014-2016 Strategic Response Plan Sahel Region,” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, January 2014. https://docs.unocha.org/sites/dms/CAP/SRP_2014-2016_Sahel.pdf 4 Information extracted from CIA World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ml.html 2 1 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE OVERVIEW Mali became independent from France in 1960. Initially the country was governed by a dictatorship interrupted every so often by military coups. In 1991, President Alpha Konare won Mali's first democratic presidential elections in 1992. Konare stepped down in 2002 after completing a second term, thus underlining a commitment to respect the constitution, which only allows for two successive terms. His replacement Amadou Toumani Toure, who was re-elected to a second term in 2007 elections, which were largely deemed fair and just. The failure of the Toure government to deal with returning Malians from Libya, coupled with growing disillusionment by low- and mid-level soldiers with the way the government was handling of the Tuareg Rebellion—headed by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA)—led to Toure’s ouster in March 2012. Mediation efforts by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) led to a restoration of a civilian government, although the security situation in Mali’s three northern regions remains precarious. Islamic militants of indefinite origins established strongholds causing massive displacement when northern Malians fled the ensuing violence. This displacement caused both internal and regional instability because the countries of the Sahara and Sahel are ill-equipped to deal with refugees and humanitarian crises. The Security Council authorized5 a French-AU intervention, which successfully defeated the Islamists, who seem to have dispersed throughout the region. In July and August 2013, Malians went to vote, and Ibrahim Boubacar Keita was elected president in the second round. Mali has a particularly undiversified economy, making it highly fragile to natural and man-made disasters. Notably, only 10% of the population lives in the three northern regions—Gao, Kidal, and Timbuktu—even though those regions represent twothirds of the entire territory and contributed 9.5% of the country’s GDP before the crisis. Mali’s poverty rate, which was heading down between 2001 and 2010 from 55.6% to 43% seems to be increasing again (from 43.6% in 2010 to 46.1% of the population by the end of 2012, or 7.2 million poor).6 What adds to Mali’s woes is that its security is heavily dependent on its neighbors, as seen when Cote d'Ivoire experienced a political crisis and the cost of transportation rose, placing pressure on the Malian economy. SECURITY FIGURE 2: Conflict in Northern Mali as of January 2013 (Wikimedia Commons). Mali’s security situation is tenuous. The nature of its topography, geography, and history means that the country faces traditional security concerns: inter-state rivalry and tensions, coupled with human insecurity steaming from periodic droughts and poor to non5 6 Security Council Resolution 2085, Dec. 20, 2012. “Mali Overview,” The World Bank, http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/mali/overview 2 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE existent state services. When analyzing the security situation, it is useful to begin with a review of topography. At about 1.2 million square kilometers, Mali is comparable in size to South Africa. It has three natural zones: the southern, cultivated “Sudanese Zone” that is primarily savanna; the central semiarid “Sahelian Zone;” and a northern arid “Saharan Zone,” with some rolling plains and high plateaus. More than 60% of the country is either desert or semi-desert.7 The Tuareg Rebellion, located in northern Mali and which served as a key factor in the 2012 military coup— coupled with the growing presence of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)—are central concerns, as they not only impact Mali directly but heighten tensions among its neighbors. One explanation for the interstate tensions is a Malian claim that the rebellion and AQIM’s presence is a product of the insecurity, corruption, and policies of neighboring governments.8 The Tuareg are a nomadic people inhabiting most of the Sahara Desert where it crosses Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Algeria, and Libya. Over the years, the Tuareg people have fought several rebellions, bemoaning the fact that the Malian government in Bamako constantly ignores them and their needs (and allows the Malian military to commit violations against them).9 AQIM has its roots in the Algerian civil war of the 1990s and is expanding across the Saharan and Sahelian areas, although it appears that the majority of its membership is Algerian and Mauritanian, with a large number of Libyans also represented. The concern that these groups cause is that, beyond their radical agenda and commitment to Islamism, they are heavily involved with crime. Accordingly, much of Mali’s northern economy is smuggling-based, with traders from northern Mali and Niger using divergent economic policies to smuggle food and cigarettes, both of which have become big business in the region.10 FIGURE 3: Tourist attractions—such as the Festival au Désert (above, the 2012 edition)—are important to Mali’s economy, but susceptible to terrorist threats (NPR). ECONOMY Mali has large rural population, and its economy relies heavily on subsistence farming. In 2012, mainly because of the coup, the country went through a recession, with growth of -1.5%, compared to the initial forecast of +5.6%. In 2013, the country rebounded mainly because of the vigor of the agriculture and gold sectors, plus the resumption of international aid. Mali's great potential wealth lies in mining and the production of agricultural commodities, livestock, and fish. The most productive agricultural area lies along 7 Information extracted from CIA World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ml.html Wolfram Lacher, “The Malian Crisis and the Challenge of Regional Cooperation,” International Journal Stability of Security & Development, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2013), pp. 1-5; Ronald Marchal, “Mali Vision of War,” International Journal Stability of Security & Development, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2013), pp. 17-25. 9 Thomas Fessy, “Mali Tuareg rebels declare independence in the north,” BBC News Online, April 6, 2012. http://www.bbc.com/news/worldafrica-17635437 10 Wolfram Lacher, “The Malian Crisis and the Challenge of Regional Cooperation,” International Journal Stability of Security & Development, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2013), pp. 1-5. 8 3 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE the banks of the Niger River, the Inner Niger Delta, and the southwestern region around Sikasso.11 Tourism is Mali’s third-largest export, comprising 2.4% of GDP, with national parks, ancient cities, archeological sites, Niger River cruises, cultural and music festivals (including the famed Festival au Désert), and desert landscapes serving as key attractions. However, tourism is highly susceptible to security threats, especially terrorism. Mali’s earnings from gold production represent about 25% of its GDP and 75% of export revenue, with the country producing around 45,000 ounces (4,000 ounces through lone or “artisan” miners) of gold annually, making it Africa’s third largest exporter of gold. Nevertheless, despite the importance of gold to the Malian economy—which officially employs 10,000 Malians, although there are countless artisan miners, many of them children—there has been no endogenous creation of added value through beneficiation. A key issue increasingly affecting the gold mining sector in Mali is the decline in the price of gold over the last few years ($1,920.30/oz in 2011 to about $1,337.30/oz today), leading mining firms to either suspend or halt projects, especially in the case of mature mines with already declining output (the IMF projects a 2% output decline in 2015).12 The Malian government has noted this decline, with industrial production forecasting to fall to 46 tonnes this year from 47 tonnes in 2013. Artisanal miners will produce an additional four tonnes, bringing total production to 50 tonnes, down from 51 tonnes last year.13 The country has two main gold fields (with nine mines), both in western Mali. One is the Sadiola Gold Mine, which is an open-cast mine owned by South Africa's Anglogold Ashanti and Canada's IAMGOLD (a combined share of 41%), as well as the Malian government.14 The other is the Loulo-Gounkoto Complex. La Société des Mines de Loulo SA owns the Loulo mines and La Société des Mines de Gounkoto owns the Gounkoto mines. Randgold owns 80% of the Loulo-Gounkoto Complex; the Mali government owns 20%.15 FIGURE 4: Children working in a makeshift (“artisan”) gold mine (Human An emerging economic sector in Mali is hydroRights Watch). electric power. Five dams (Markala, Sotuba, Selingue, Felou, and Manantali) have been constructed with the aim of increasing supplies of renewable electricity, reducing Mali’s requirement for imported oil. Notably, electricity accounts for approximately 1% of the national consumption of energy, with the majority coming from biomass (wood for heating, charcoal, 11 “Mali Economic Outlook,” African Development Bank, http://www.afdb.org/en/countries/west-africa/mali/mali-economic-outlook/ Reuters, “Mine workers postpone strike at AngloGold's Mali mines,” Mining Weekly, March 10, 2014. http://www.miningweekly.com/article/mine-workers-postpone-strike-at-anglogolds-mali-mines-2014-03-10 13 “Mali sees gold output dipping this year on mine closure,” Reuters, Feb. 12, 2014. http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/02/12/mali-goldproduction-idUSL5N0LH4QH20140212 14 In February 2013 Anglogold announced it was postponing a $500 million expansion and underground development of the mine due to security concerns. 15 “Randgold sees prosperous future ahead with Mali” Randgold Resources, Aug. 1, 2013. http://www.randgoldresources.com/randgold/content/en/randgold/randgold-news?oid=86750&sn=Detail&pid=27138 12 4 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE and residues from agricultural and agro-industrial products) and imported oil. The hydroelectric potential of the country, based on the Senegal and Niger Rivers, is estimated at 1,000 MW and is able to produce 5,000 GWh during a one-year average. Despite this potential, only 50 MW (approximately 220 GWh) are exploited at present, owing to the Sélingué and Sotuba Dams on the Niger River. Mali is using a $40 million grant, which is part of $215 million investment program, from the Climate Investment Fund—Scaling-Up Renewable Energy in Low Income Countries Program (SREP)—to develop Mali’s renewable energy sector.16 DEFENSE The Malian military, which is relatively small, comprises an Army, Air Force, Gendarmerie, Republican Guard, National Guard, and National Police. The Army is incredibly limited in what it can provide the Malian State, and it was left to French and Chadian troops to defeat Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) when it took over three Malian cities. The current Chief of the General Staff is Gen. Mahamane Toure, who replaced Brig. Gen. Ibrahima Dahirou Dembele in 2013. Following the French-led intervention in January 2013, the international community—mainly European states—has taken on the responsibility of rebuilding Mali’s weak military. In February 2013 the European Union, authorized the dispatch of an FIGURE 5: Malian military leaders stand with a French-supplied EU Training Mission to Mali (EUTM) aimed at armored vehicle (Reuters). training and re-equipping the military’s disorganized units. Four battalions of 700 soldiers each are being trained, using enlisted men and new recruits, with the training mission to wrap up in May 2014. CONCLUSION Insecurity is pervasive in Malian society. Much of it stems from the geography and history of the country, coupled with the fact that that Malian society is divided along ethnic lines and social status. One explanation for the growing allure of radical Islamic groups is their ability to cross ethnic and social lines in this and neighboring countries.17 The two most pertinent threats likely to affect Mali in the near-term are the presence of AQIM and the decline in the price of gold. The Malian military, at this stage of its development, is largely unable to counter the threat of AQIM and the various Tuareg movements, necessitating substantial external intervention, especially from former colonial power France. 16 “Mali” Climate Investment Fund, https://www.climateinvestmentfunds.org/cifnet/?q=country/mali; “SREP Mali - Investment Plan Scaling Up Renewable Energy,” Republic of Mali, Ministry of Energy and Water. http://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Project-andOperations/SREP-Mali_IP_Volume1_EN_21Sept%20(2).pdf 17 Ronald Marchal, “Mali Vision of War,” International Journal Stability of Security & Development, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2013), pp. 17-25. 5 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE Another key challenge being faced by the Keïta government is the state of the economy, which contracted because of the 2011-2012 crises. However, the ability of the government to engage in development programs has been undermined by the decline in the price of gold over the last few years. Additionally, there is an appreciation—thanks to work by non-governmental organizations such as Human Rights Watch—that 20,000 children are believed to be working in Malian artisanal gold mines.18 The 2011 National Action Plan for the Elimination of Child Labor in Mali was a good start in terms of cleaning up this industry, but one has to recognize the limitation faced by the government in imposing its will, especially when human insecurity remains so pervasive. 18 “A Poisonous Mix Child Labor, Mercury, and Artisanal Gold Mining in Mali,” Human Rights Watch, 2011. http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/mali1211_forinsertWebUpload_0_0.pdf 6 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE ADDENDUM Executive Leadership President: Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta Prime Minister: Oumar Tatam Ly Communication & Information Technology: Jean Marie Sangaré Defence & Veterans' Affairs: Soumeylou Boubèye Maïga Economy & Finance: Bouaré Fily Sissoko Energy & Water: Mamadou Frankaly Keïta Environment: Ousmane Ag Rhissa FIGURE 6: Malian President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta (Agence France Presse) Foreign Affairs & International Co-Operation: Zahabi Ould Sidi Mohamed Industry & Mines: Boubou Cissé National Reconciliation & Relations with the North: Cheick Oumar Darrah Public Service: Bocar Moussa Diarra Regional Administration: Col. Moussa Sinko Coulibaly Rural Development: Bokary Tereta Trade: Abdel Karim Konaté Director General of the National Directorate of Geology & Mines: Lassana Guindo Chief of the General Staff: Gen. Mahamane Toure Governor of the Regional Central Bank (BCEAO): Koné Tiémoko Meyliet Key Companies Energie du Mali (EDM) http://www.edm-sa.com.ml/default.asp Eskom Enterprises http://www.eskom.co.za Orange Mali (formerly Ikatel) http://www.orangemali.com Sotelma http://www.sotelma.ml Anglogold http://www.anglogold.com Randgold http://www.randgoldresources.com IAMGOLD http://www.iamgold.com 7 CONTRIBUTOR: Isaac Kfir, Visiting Professor of International Relations and Law, Syracuse University. A multidisciplinary, university-based center for the study of national and international security and terrorism, the Institute for National Security and Counterterrorism (INSCT) offers law and graduate studies and conducts incisive research and timely policy analysis. Part of both Syracuse University’s College of Law and Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, INSCT’s collaborative projects and initiatives have shaped law and policy dialogues for more than 10 years. insct.syr.edu Suite 402, MacNaughton Hall Syracuse University Syracuse, NY 13244-1030 P: 315.443.2284 F: 315.443.9643 E: [email protected] W: insct.syr.edu
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