STOR
The Development of Racial Solidarity in the Armed Forces
Alvin J. Schexnider
Journal ofBlack Studies,
Volume 5, Issue 4 (Jun., 1975), 415-435 .
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THE DEVELOPMENT OF RACIAL
SOLIDARITY IN THE
ARMED FORCES
ALVIN J . SCHEXNIDER
Department of Political Science
Syracuse University
This paper derives from an attempt to examine the existence
of race-conscious behavior among black enlisted men in the
U.S. Army. The study considered racial solidarity as the
dependent variable and then proceeded to evaluate the
independent causal factors of attitudes acquired by the
subjects prior to military service and attitudes acquired
during military service .
Race consciousness in the armed services was most
apparent during the late 1960s-roughly the same period of
increased militance among civilian blacks. Additionally, race
consciousness among black troops manifested itself at a time
when race relations in the military were on a downward
trend . The difficulties involved in establishing which was the
greater influence, conditions in the military or those in the
rest of society, are enormous and given the limitations of the
research design employed for this study, one must be
cautious in such inferences . Nonetheless, the military experience appears to have had some influence in engendering race
consciousness among black servicemen . This behavior we will
call racial solidarity. It is defined as an effort by black
JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol . 5 No . 4, June 1975
©1975 Sage Publications, Inc .
[415]
[4161 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES /JUNE 1975
soldiers to stimulate identity and cohesion among themselves
as a political lever against informal discrimination and also as
a means of providing social support.
The demise of the civil rights movement was closely
followed by efforts to create a new political force variously
described as Black Power.' The former movement was largely
a social protest strategy which sought equal access to all
institutions in the society by means of racial integration. The
civil rights struggle drew upon the human and economic
resources of blacks and whites who coalesced to eliminate
racial barriers in the society.
Black Power in its broadest meaning represents a conscious
bid for building indigenous political power bases. This
tactical shift requires that whites no longer perform the
leadership and strategy roles which they enjoyed in the civil
rights movement . Simply put, protest is replaced by a
concerted effort to effect change through the political
process. An offshoot of Black Power advocacy is the
rekindling among Afro-Americans of interest in Black Nationalism, perhaps due to the overtones of racial separatism that
were associated with it. Though there has been much recent
discussion of this phenomenon and its variants (e.g., cultural
nationalism, economic nationalism, religious nationalism), it
is not at all new. Elizabeth Ferguson in an article published in
1938 attempted to transcend concepts of particularistic
forms of nationalism . Instead she sought to develop a single
underlying concept with which to address the race situation
and- its concomitant effects on blacks in the United States
(Ferguson, 1938 : 32):
Race consciousness has been defined as a collective sentiment in
which race becomes the object of loyalty and idealization .
Through race consciousness the members of a race become a
historic group, acquiring a past, aware of a present, and aspiring
to a future . Race consciousness is essentially a characteristic of
minority groups, more specifically, of oppressed minority groups,
and takes the form of a feeling of solidarity (my underscore)
Schexnider /RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4171
among group members. It has been studied as manifested in
immigrant groups in the United States, but not as manifested by
Negroes, where the sentiment is usually intense due to the larger
number of Negroes and the greater discrimination they suffer .
The signal importance of Ferguson's effort is its attempt to
arrive at a concept of group sentiment based upon race which
transcends narrow definitions (integrationist, separatist, and
the like) designed to highlight particular forms which are not
representative of the full spectrum of black race-consciousness . This is important because black people are not now, and
never have been a social, political, or economic monolith. For
example, arguments to define and portray Black Nationalism
as a monolithic feeling among blacks has often occurred at
the expense of masking or ignoring alternate and equally
important types of race-conscious behavior . Bracey (1971 :
261), apparently attempting to avoid these gross simplifications, has singled out racial solidarity as "The simplest or
least intense form of racial or ethnic feeling that can be called
black nationalism."
The findings reported here are the result of an attempt to
identify the sources and expressions of race consciousness
among a subgroup of the American population : the black
enlisted man in the army . What emerges is a phenomenon
which I have described as racial solidarity . To be sure, today's
black soldiers may wear more than one hat, both on and off
the battle field : however, in many - instances it is clear that
racial solidarity is a common denominator which cuts across
the independent variables of rank, military occupation,
region, education, and other military and civilian demographic characteristics.
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON BLACK
PARTICIPATION IN THE MILITARY
In spite of the conditions of racial stratification in
American society, blacks have participated in each of this
[ 41 8] JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES/ JUNE 1975
country's wars (Quarles, 1964, 1969; Leckie, 1967 ; Moskos,
1966, 1970 ; Stillman, 1968 ; Williams, 1972) . Until 1948
however, the U.S . Armed Forces maintained a policy of racial
segregation . As members of a segregated military, black
servicemen were confined chiefly to service and, support units
rather than combat outfits . President Harry S . Truman's edict
ordering desegregation of the military changed all of this and
his directive was enhanced by the outbreak of the Korean
Conflict (Bogart, 1969 : 11-12). Consequently, this new
policy was implemented prior to Brown versus The Topeka
Board of Education in 1954. By 1956, the color line had
been erased throughout - all four branches of the armed
services .
As a result of the new policy of racial integration, the
armed services, particularly the army, began to emerge as an
organization in which blacks could avail themselves of
opportunities for personal advancement which did not exist
in the civilian community. Black military participation
increased for two major reasons: first, because quotas were
eliminated, and second, because the military came to enjoy a
rather favorable image as an avenue of upward mobility for
blacks .
It was not until the late 1960s that the military experienced a noticeable decline in its race relations . Tensions
between black and white enlisted men invariably resulted in
sharp racial cleavages (NAACP, 1971 ; Nordlie, 1972 ; Borus et
al., 1972) . Of much greater importance, however, is the fact
that the experiences of the black troops engendered stronger
feelings of race consciousness . Independent of racial conflict
with whites, and perhaps in some instances because of it,
black soldiers internalized the effects of their military
experiences and moved toward creating stronger bonds as
evidence of their increasing race consciousness (Schexnider,
1972).
Racial solidarity vis-a-vis black enlisted men acknowledges
the likelihood that black males enter the service with varying
Schexnider /RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4191
levels of perception (consciousness) of themselves and the
larger world of which they are necessarily a part. Moreover,
we proceed on the assumption that military life generally
does not constitute an oppressive condition but that where
informal discrimination exists black servicemen are likely to
maximize racial ties to combat it.' Finally, our notion of
racial solidarity is cognizant of the need for social supportsimply put, the need to be with the brothers . It is posited
that this latter need derives from feelings of anxiety and
powerlessness which many blacks may experience during
their first encounter with large, white, alienating bureaucratic
organizations .
THE RESEARCH DESIGN
Data for this study were collected between December
1972 and March 1973 at three army installations : one
Southern and one Western post in the United States, and one
in New Ulm, West Germany . An earlier investigation into the
existence and meaning of symbols of solidarity took place in
September 1971 and these data are presented for comparative purposes . The data are based on direct observation,
participant observation, and from interviews with 124 black
enlisted men . Respondents at the Southern post were
selected from three units which were not constrained by a
training schedule. Accordingly, these men were not randomly
chosen. Random samples were drawn from black enlisted
populations at the posts in the West and in Germany . At both
locations, lists of names and ranks were compiled and every
nth individual (third, fifth, seventh, and so on) was selected
for interview. While it is likely that some error entered into
the selection process, every effort was made to achieve a
representative sampling and thereby reduce both selection
and interviewer bias (Schuman and Converse, 1971 : 44-68).
Clearly, the most reliable way of testing the development of
racial solidarity in the army would have been through the
[420] JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES/ JUNE 1975
employment of a longitudinal or panel research design . Time
and financial restrictions militated against such an approach,
however .
The aim of this study was to examine the existence of race
consciousness among black enlisted men in the Army. The
investigation confirmed its existence and revealed that racial
solidarity is a function of two principal factors : (1) attitudes
toward integration which ensue from what the subjects
perceive as a disequilibrated social system ; and (2) the need
for social support among the subjects, many of whom for the
first time find themselves in a large, white, and alienating
bureaucratic organization .
ATTITUDINAL DIMENSIONS
The black soldier's expectations with regard to both interand intraracial experience greatly influence his reaction to
military life. Most of the subjects entered the military with
moderately favorable views on black-white relations and high
expectations of service life. These men were basically
achievement-oriented and entered the service with the hope
of acquiring some level of respectable training or some type
of marketable skill, ostensibly for later use in civilian life.
Accordingly, when actual interracial relations as well as
career achievement did not comport with these expectations,
normative assumptions about reality often were realigned .
Several indicators of premilitary expectations are instructive .
The respondents registered 75% agreement with the statement "Before I came into the service I expected that there
would be equal opportunity for all servicemen." On the
question of interpersonal relations, 67% agreed that "Before I
came into the service I felt that there should be more close
contacts between Blacks and whites . 113
Finally, one of the questions in the survey instrument
asked the respondents to subjectively state what kind of
impact, if any, had the army experience had on their thinking
Schexnider / RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4211
as black men . As Table 1 indicates, most of the respondents
(62 of 101) feel that the army experience has made them
more racially aware. While most respondents continue to
identify themselves as integrationists rather than separatists,
it is evident that separatist identification is most common
among those who report an increase in consciousness . More
than a third (37%) of the men in the latter category identify
themselves as separatists, while only 15% of those in the "No
Change" category do so.
Another major factor which stimulates the development of
racial solidarity among the troops is their felt need for social
support. Clearly, the overwhelming majority of the servicemen interviewed and observed were inclined to spend much
time together . This situation obtained at all three locations
independent of the prevailing racial climate . For example, the
post in the West enjoyed the best race relations of the three.
This is evident from the fact that 72% of the respondents at
this installation disagreed that "Blacks and Whites should
only mix together while working on the job." Yet 76% of
these men reported that "Most of my off-duty time is spent
with black servicemen ." Perhaps the best statement of the
meaning of this desire of blacks to get together is expressed
by a black enlisted man stationed at this same post :
TABLE 1
Impact Of The Army Experience On Black Men
(in percentages)
Self-Perceptions Of Race Consciousness
Self-Identification
More Aware
Still integrationist
(39)
63%
Now separatist
(23)
37
Totals
62
No Change
(33)
85%
(6) 15
39
Totals
72
29
101
NOTE : The responses to these items were obtained only at the post in the
Western United States and on the Kaserne in New Ulm, West Germany. The
question posed to the respondents was "What kind of thinking, if any, has being
in the Army had on your thinking as a Black man?" While most of the men
registered an increase in consciousness level (more aware), of this group they were
more likely to be integrationist (63%) than separatist (37%).
[4221 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES/ JUNE 1975
The brothers naturally want to talk to each other, especially the
kids just in from the block. . . . We talk our street talk, the whites
can't understand, they think we're plotting or laughing at them .
That's crazy, man. Probably, we're talking about our last leave,
some music . When we laugh, we're not laughing at them .
The "naturalness" of blacks' propensity to socialize with
each other often is overlooked, as whites anticipate a
race-conscious threat to their dominant status in the society.
This "overreaction" has its consequences . Negative white
reactions to blacks congregating in barracks, mess halls, or
recreation areas appear to the latter as racist and therefore
further inducement to heightened black solidarity .
SYMBOLS OF RACIAL SOLIDARITY
The most visible and potent indicators of racial solidarity
among black servicemen are the expressive symbols which
they have developed to exemplify their race consciousness.
The symbols are of two types : argot or implicit symbols, and
gestures and physical objects which are explicit symbols.
Argot is more subtle as a form of symbolic language . The
subjects usually do not make a conscious effort to employ it
in a purposefully symbolic way. . It simply emerges from the
natural setting ; however, its meaning may intensify in
relationship to the level of existing tensions .
Explicit symbols are more overt and deliberate in their use.
They are designed for purposes of promoting racial solidarity .
The hours that are required for a man to construct an
intricate wristband made of combat shoestrings is Certainly
calculated to convey a message . Symbols of solidarity,
whether implicit or explicit, act as powerful organs of
communication.
Argot : Implicit Symbols of Solidarity
Argot or institutional lingo are important in that they
serve as the means by which the subjects themselves verbalize
Schexnider /RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4231
the events that are crucially important in their world . Some
of the most creative examples of argot can be found in the
prison socialization literature (Grosser, 1968: 298-307 ; Sykes
and Messinger, 1971 : 77-85). Having emanated from the field
experience they may be used as data, especially since they are
provided by the subjects themselves, in their world as they
perceive it.
Some of the argot used by black soldiers are biracial, that
is to say, it is used by and applied to blacks and whites alike .
Lifers, for example, are soldiers, either senior noncommissioned officers (NCOs) or officers who have committed
themselves to an army career . Soldiers who are overly
enthusiastic about military life in general are usually described as being gung-ho . Another example is shamming, a
term which describes an individual's continued ability to
avoid performing his job without incurring the wrath of his
supervisor and minus any serious threat to career advancement.
Some argot, however, are used exclusively by black
enlisted men and therefore are more clearly identified with
race consciousness or prejudicial feelings against whites.
Brother Me or Black is the idealized black soldier who is
always loyal and trustworthy . Brother Me is usually highly
respected by fellow blacks while some white NCOs and
officers are prone to utilize his informal capacity to mediate
racial conflict and reduce instances of racial confrontation .
On some posts, however, black enlisted men refer to each
other as "Brother Me," but despite the commonality of
appellation one or two of these men can usually be identified
as the idealized informal leader of the group. Firing-up means
inflicting bodily harm on a soldier, usually a white who is
perceived as having said or done something racist : "the
smallest thing they do to me, even on the basketball court,
makes me want to `fire them up' for the things that have
been going on. In the outside world there are too many of
them but here (in the Army) we can see through the white
man ."
[4241 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES/ JUNE 1975
Rabbit is a pejorative which refers to white soldiers. It is
not used casually, but rather when one expresses harsh scorn :
"My level of consciousness has been raised in the Army. I've
learned not to take any more shit off the rabs (rabbits) ." By
the same token a chocolate-covered rabbit is a reference to
black soldiers whose consciousness is questionable : "when a
brother comes from Nam (Vietnam) he's solid from his heart,
his soul, his mind. I've met some chocolate-covered rabbits in
the states ." If an order is given or some rule is promulgated
which black soldiers feel will compromise the group spirit,
they usually respond with a can't show which means an
unwillingness to accommodate the wishes or orders of white
superiors in such a way that racial solidarity will be
undermined .
An expression like Brother Me is not merely "hip talk."
Rather it is the verbal embodiment of empathy, communal
awareness, and brotherly concern . It is a particularistic form
of universalism, i.e., it excludes whites, but suggests an
openness to all blacks. Moreover, the emotional context
within which it is spoken invariably reinforces in-group/outgroup characterizations . Through argot, black soldiers are not
only able to develop social types of themselves and others,
but also to reinforce the cohesion of the group . This is
evident from the fact that not once during the researcher's
informal interactions with white soldiers were they heard to
use any of the above-mentioned terms. On occasion they
might speak of "a brother" or "brothers," but they never
addressed a black soldier as "Brother Me," perhaps mute
testimony to the fact that the terms were used exclusively by
black enlisted men.
Explicit Symbols of Solidarity
Effective political symbols must be charged with emotional efficacy and channel reactions to them into a
purposeful direction . Symbols need not be physical-indeed
Schexnider /RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4251
they often are spoken words or gestures. While symbols are
invariably used by prevailing authorities to legitimize the
existing political order (Lasswell, 1958 : 34-42), it is also the
case that some elements deliberately create symbols which
are calculated to detach the affections of the masses from the
existing symbols of authority and to attach them to insurgent
causes .
An outgrowth of race consciousness has been the development of symbols of solidarity among black servicemen .
Nearly all indicators point to the Vietnam experience as the
source and subsequent diffusion of experience as a factor in
enhancing race consciousness. This can be seen in the
following statement (Ebony, 1972 : 22-23) :
After serving in Vietnam for one year and while presently serving
stateside (U.S. Army, Alaska), I can see blacks in the United
States still trying to live true blackness while the Black brothers
in Vietnam are already doing so. Even the black brothers here in
Alaska have a long way to go in bridging the black unity gap. The
unity among the blacks in Vietnam leaves little or nothing to be
desired. There is a true black brother relationship unlike anything
the blacks here in America have seen. It is a rare experience just
being in Southeast Asia. The pride, love for each other's identity,
and respect for every black man's heritage makes every black G.I.
serving there someone special regardless of the racial unjustices at
home and abroad .
In the fall of 1971 this writer interviewed fourteen black
enlisted men who had served in the Vietnam war as members
of the U.S. Army, Air Force, and Marine Corps. At that time
most of these men were recent Vietnam returnees and a few
were yet serving in the U.S. Army at Ft. Sheridan, Illinois .
Through informal discussions the respondents described
the means by which they expressed their solidarity in
Vietnam . Since most of the men had served in different parts
of Vietnam and had been in different branches of the armed
forces, it afforded variations in the information they gave .
Table 2 presents those items that were described by the
respondents as symbols of solidarity.
[4261 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES/ JUNE 1975
TABLE 2
The Most Frequently Mentioned Symbols Of Solidarity-1971
(n = 14)
Symbol
No . Of Times Mentioned
Afro (natural haircut)
Dap (handshake)
Black Fist (Wooden Carving)
Wristband
Amulets (worn around neck)
Pierced ears
Black crosses
Arm bands (worn in memoriam to MLK)
Rap sessions
Changed surname to X
All black barracks
14
14
14
12
9
8
7
4
3
1
1
During this writer's most recent field investigation, another
effort was made to have all of the respondents identify what
they perceived or expressed as symbols of their purported
unity. This time, the following results were obtained :
Of the 1971 sample, all of the respondents regarded the
Afro as a symbol of solidarity, and most of the men did not
begin wearing one until entering the service or going to
Vietnam . It was not until 1969 that individual branches of
the armed forces, at different points in time, officially
permitted blacks to wear modified Afros . This was but a
belated effort for by that time the symbol had already been
TABLE 3
The Most Frequently Mentioned Symbols Of Solidarity-1972-1973
(n = 101)
Symbol
Dap (handshake)
Terminology
Wristband
Braided Hair
No . Of Times Mentioned
101
45
35
21
Schexnider /RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4271
institutionalized among black GIs . In the most recent sample
the. Afro was not mentioned as a symbol, perhaps testimony
to the fact that it is so common now that any symbolic
meaning in the armed services at least would be superfluous .
In both samples the dap received a high rating. The dap is
any variation of handshake exchanged and recognized among
blacks in all four branches of the military . The fact that there
are several variations of the dap underscores its widespread
use as a common denominator generally expressive of racial
solidarity among black enlisted men . Wristbands, made of
combat boot shoestrings or strips of leather continue to be
popular among these soldiers .
What is perhaps important when comparing symbol identifications from both groups is the fact that the most recent
respondents are less diffuse in their identification of symbols .
This suggests that symbol meanings are probably more
restrictive and focused in their use . Additionally, when the
1971 data were collected, all of the respondents had been to
Vietnam and could therefore identify symbols rather easily .
In 1972-1973 however, only 35% of all the respondents had
served in Vietnam yet 101 of 124 respondents could identify
one or more symbols . This suggests that Vietnam returnees
have had a critical role in the diffusion of symbols as well as
in helping to foster a group consciousness among their
cohorts. The 1972-1973 data indicates the widespread use
and meaning of the symbols despite the fact that so few of
the men had served in Vietnam .
Parenthetically, the 1972-1973 interviews also indicate the
degree of cohesion which black soldiers experienced during
their tours in Vietnam . Based upon questions directed only
to Vietnam returnees, a factor analysis of the respondents'
answers was performed in order to develop the table below.
The scores in the index are used to determine the extent of
involvement of an item in a dimension . Therefore, the factor
scores for each item in the table indicates its relative strength
in the dimension . The higher the factor score of an item in an
index, the more respondents agreed with that statement .
[4281 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / JUNE 1975
TABLE 4
Racial Solidarity In Vietnam
Statement
Factor Loading
In Vietnam there was greater solidarity among Black
servicemen than one will find among Black servicemen
in the States.
.930
In Vietnam there was as much cross-racial solidarity with
Whites as there was solidarity among Blacks .
.588
I had as many White friends in Vietnam as I had Black
friends.
.308
1 have never seen such unity among Black people as I
witnessed among Black soldiers in Vietnam.
.850
Explicit symbols, perhaps more than argot, have been
specifically designed to promote feelings of group solidarity
among the subjects . During my field experiences in Germany,
black soldiers were often observed dapping in the mess hall in
a protracted and intense manner both before and after chow.
Such demonstrations were probably somewhat cosmetic, and
partly a means of displaying racial unity. Likewise, one must
concede that argot and symbols are not wholly monolithic in
their use and meaning. A few of these men undoubtedly
engage in symbolic behavior for selfish reasons, but they
seem to be more the exception than the rule. For the most
part, I would conclude that the symbols employed by black
soldiers are serious and genuine.
Finally, the use of symbols as expressions of racial
solidarity must be viewed within the context of ethnocultural
identity . That is to say, it is simply not enough to speak of
symbolic actions expressive of racial unity without addressing
the issue of racial pride. Clearly, it was not merely by chance
that the respondents of this study indicated overwhelming
opposition to any possible deployment of American troops in
Africa . More importantly, 71 % of these men stated they had
some special identification with or attachment to the peoples
of Africa . This is a remarkable development for it was not
very long ago that Herskovits (1958 : 32) wrote the following
Schexnider / RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [429]
It is little wonder that to mention Africa to a Negro audience sets
up tensions in the same manner as would have resulted from the
singing of spirituals, the `mark of slavery,' to similar groups a
generation ago. Africa is a badge of shame ; it is the reminder of a
savage past not sufficiently remote, as is that of European
savagery, to have become hallowed . Yet without a conviction of
the worth of one's own group, this is inevitable . A people that
denies its past cannot escape being a prey to doubt of its value
today and of its potentialities or the future .
While it is clear that racial solidarity and its various
symbols have arisen from the army experience, and that they
are indicative of racial pride, we are less certain of the degree
to which they represent survivals of Africanisms. Yet based
upon uncontrolled observation it is commonly agreed that
certain of the symbols are intrinsically African. The wearing
of Afros (or "naturals" which is a more precise statement of
one's hair grooming) and braids in the civilian black
community antedated their adoption in the military, but
they are distinctly African (Herskovits, 1958 : 142) :
Unfortunately, we do not know whether definite names are given
the many patterns into which the hair of Negro women and
children is braided, nor have the actual braid designs been
systematically described. Yet the multiplicity of these is the
outstanding feature of the hair-braiding pattern; unbroken parts
running the length of the head, lengthwise parts broken by lateral
lines, and many other combinations emphasize the contrasts
between the whiteness of the scalp and the blackness of the hair,
while the units into which the hair is gathered for braiding are
frequently so small that one wonders how the braids can be
achieved . The modes of hair-dressing are ubiquitous in West
Africa, while everywhere in the West Indies Negro girls and
women dress their hair in a similar manner, with similar designs
based on the whiteness of the lines when the scalp shows between
the numerous parts.
It has been suggested that dapping is also an African
phenomenon . Certainly, some of the argot represent attempts
to insure privacy of communication . It also appears that
[4301 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES/ JUNE 1975
expressive symbols are not only cohesive elements, but also
convey feelings of ancestral race pride as well. Even in the
context of its emergence in the army, to view one facet of
this dimension without considering the other is to do
violence to its total meaning. Turner (1970: 598) puts it
thus :
The current Black Power Movement, which is fundamentally a
form of black nationalism, is an ideological movement of
social-psychological as well as political importance . Although the
militancy of black nationalism is an explicit response to a real
situation, it is primarily a symbolic value assertion, and secondarily a political impetus or perspective. Black nationalism seeks to
affirm and accentuate group and individual identity with Africa
as a central symbol in the configuration of a new `psychoogcial
identity'.
SUMMARY
While the data indicate that racial solidarity results from
the service experience and that it is at once expressive of
racial pride and political cohesion, they also demonstrate that
racial solidarity need not be synonymous with exclusionary
practices toward whites . This can be seen in the following
discussion of normative and functional integration, concepts
which seek to explain the behavior of black and white troops
in different settings as manifestations of the absence of a
pattern of racially exclusionary practices.
The following statements illustrating either normative or
functional integration are verbatim reports by respondents.
In addition, they are supported by my own observations . In
no way do they contravene the persistence of racial solidarity . Rather, they underscore the complex nature of this
phenomenon .
Schexnider / RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4311
Functional integration . The key notion in this concept is
imperative. Functional integration is defined as those associations resulting from an organizational imperative . That is,
integration is operational because a certain level of mutual
respect and cooperation is required in order to get the job
done . A black military policeman (MP) describes his own
dilemma and what he must do in order to perform his job :
I've gained a lot of experience since I've been in the Army,
especially in Nam. I worked in the stockade for 13 months-I
know the brothers in Nam and the states are getting fucked over .
How would you feel if you came to a company with a CO from
Mississippi and a first sergeant from Alabama? I notice that
whenever white MP's stop brothers, no matter how courteous the
brothers are, the white MP's get rough. I don't tolerate this when
I'm around .
Another enlisted man provides us with an example of how
he copes with being a black man in the army. The
implications of his attitude about integration are clear :
minimal interracial contact save for what is required .
The Army has taught me that being black means you have to try
harder and do better than the next white guy. You apply yourself
and come out on top, then they'll have to notice you. The Army
changes you in a way-it makes you serious-minded and concerned about yourself. You have to go for what you know. I
don't ever think about whites unless they step on my toes. I don't
even think about the President.
In some way, the behavior of black soldiers whose chief
contact with whites is functional or on the job is comparable
to what Becker (1963 : 95-96) describes as _the isolation and
self-segregation of musicians.'
Blacks whose experiences with whites in integrative situations are less than pleasant may want to avoid as much as
possible awkward encounters which may lead to innocent,
though condescending queries and comments, for example,
"May I touch your hair?" or "What do you have against
[4321 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / JUNE 1975
Booker T. Washington?" However, in units or on posts where
sharp racial strife exists, there may be immense social
pressure to confine interracial contact to the job .
Normative integration. The key notion in the concept
normative integration is voluntary. It is interracial association
which occurs on a voluntary basis, usually after work hours
in distinctly social contexts . Individuals who engage in
normative integration see it as an acceptable practice about
which they have no qualms. In other words, these soldiers
have no difficulty in freely associating with individuals
irrespective of race.
The normative integrationists cannot be labeled anti-black
simply because they associate with whites of their own
volition . Rather, seemingly secure in their own identities,
they typically exude self-confidence in discussing their
relations with whites .
I think every black man should come into the Army to see what
the establishment is like . Since being in the service I've seen
people exactly as they are. I've seen some whites I wouldn't mind
associating with. In civilian life Black Power was just a fashion.
Since being in the Army, I know the real meaning of Black
Power.
Another soldier viewed the army as a consciousness-raising
experience which encouraged him to forge social contacts
with diverse individuals and races :
Being in the Army has given me greater exposure to other races. I
am more racially conscious than before because of not living in a
racially exclusive environment. I've been associating with whites,
chicanos, Asiatics and this has enabled me to better evaluate
situations on their merits .
It should be emphasized that normative integration and
functional integration are used here primarily as conceptual
tools. They are employed as means of categorizing two
Schexnider /RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [ 43 3]
general types of behavior. There are occasions in which black
soldiers who normally only interact with whites in job
situations nonetheless engage in interracial contact. Sports
competition (Company A versus Company B, or 3rd Brigade
versus 15th Artillery) which requires group effort is one such
example . Another would be in bivouac or reforager operations wherein one's normal cohort group may not be required
to participate . Hence, behavior in the field (combat or
simulated combat) and behavior in the rear may evince
different patterns of race relations thereby rendering solidary
groups based on race superfluous (Mandelbaum, 1952;
Moskos, 1957). However, in units where feelings of racial
solidarity are high, it is probable that off-duty interracial
contact will be minimal. In my investigations at all three
posts, 86% of the respondents stated that most of their
off-duty time was spent with other black servicemen. Yet
65% of these men disagreed with the statement that "Blacks
and whites should only mix while working on the job ."
The evidence is clear that black racial solidarity is a reality
in today's armed forces . And while normative integration
exists, it is much less prevalent than functional integration .
That normative (off-duty) integration exists at all in areas
where racial solidarity is visible is perhaps due to the fact of
its desirability as an abstract ideal, yet one that is difficult to
achieve from the perspective of either blacks or whites,
military or civilian .
NOTES
1 . Though yet conceptually unclear, the single most comprehensive effort to
define Black Power is found in a book by that title co-authored by Carmichael
and Hamilton (1967).
2 . Bracey cites "condition of oppression" as a major factor in mobilizing
group strength for racial solidarity . However, it seems wise to leave open the
possibility (probability) that conditions will vary from one institution to the next .
Butler's (1974) research shows that unsanctioned racial inequality persists in the
[4341 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / JUNE 1975
army, but he argues that it is far less prevalent than in other major institutions.
The term "oppression" overstates the pervasiveness and legitimacy of race
inequality in the Army .
3. To be sure, these data are retrospective, but they nonetheless provide us
with a crude measure of an individual's prior level of aspiration .
Later in the interview the respondents were asked to provide a current
evaluation of their achievements and relations with whites in the service.
Sixty-five percent felt that "worse punishments (Article 15, courts martials, and
the lice) are given out to Black servicemen than to White servicemen" and 61%
felt that whites were more likely than blacks to get better jobs in the service. It is
understandable then, that 64% of these men reported that they had no intention
of pursuing a career in the army . The relatively high expectations which they had
of service life had declined measurably . The optimism they expressed regarding
integrationist goals seemed to wane .
4. Becker argues that musicians develop patterns of behavior designed to
isolate and segregate them in the actual playing situation. According to Becker,
"the primary function of this behavior is to protect the musician from the
interference of the `square' audience ." Similarly, black servicemen exhibit
behavioral patterns designed to limit their participation in their intercourse with
the larger military community.
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ERRATA
In the article by Freddye Hill, "The Nature and Context of Black
Nationalism at Northwestern in 1971," which appeared in the March 1975
issue of Journal of Black Studies (Vol . 5, No. 3), the following errata should
be noted:
1. Page 322, line 1 (the first line of the first paragraph) was omitted; it
ought to read :
A third reason for the selection of a student sample is that
2. Page 322, paragraph 1, line 4: situtation ought to read situation; and
line 7: undoubedly ought to read undoubtedly