Cleveland State University
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The Journal of Traditions & Beliefs
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2016
The Significance of John S. Mbiti's Works in the
Study of Pan-African Literature
Babacar Mbaye
Kent State University
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Beliefs: Vol. 2, Article 9.
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Mbaye: Mibiti's Works in the Study of Pan-African Literature
ThecriticRosemaryTraoréplacesJohnS.MbitiamongthosepioneeringBlackintellectuals
suchasCheikhAntaDiop,AbuAbarry,andKwameGyekyewho“havearguedforAfrocentricityon
thebasisoftheexistenceofanAfricanworldview”and“havehelpedtodelineatetheelementsofan
Africanworldview.”1UsingselectedBlackDiasporanliterarytextssuchasZoraNealeHurston’s
bookoffolkloreMulesandMen(1935),hernovelMoses,ManoftheMountain(1939),ElizabethHart
Thwaites’smemoir“HistoryofMethodism”(1804),AnneHartGilbert’smemoir“Historyof
Methodism”(1804),andMaryPrince’snarrativeTheHistoryofMaryPrince:AWestIndianSlave,
RelatedbyHerself(1831),thisessaywilldemonstrateMbiti’sstronginfluenceinthestudyofthe
AfricanpresenceinAfricanAmericanandCaribbeanliterature.TheAfricanismsinNewWorld
BlackwritingscaneasilybeidentifiedandinterpretedthroughtheuseofMbiti’sworks,suchas
AfricanReligionsandPhilosophy(1970),ConceptsofGodinAfrica(1970),andIntroductionto
AfricanReligion(1991).Asmyanalysisoftheseseminalbookswillsuggest,theethnographic
theoriesthatMbitidevelopsinhisscholarshipcanbeusedtodemonstratetheconnectionsamong
continentalAfricanculturesandthosebetweensuchcontinentalAfricantraditionsandtheir
equivalentsintheNewWorld.Mbiti’stheoriesofAfricanismscanalsobeusedasframeworksfor
developingamethodologyofPan-Africanliteraryandculturalstudiesthatstressestheimportance
ofAfricanworldviewsinBlackDiasporanliteratureandculture.
RedefiningAfricaandAfricanismsinNon-EurocentricandPluralisticTerms
Withapopulationof1.2billion,whospeak2,000languagesnotcountingdialects,thecontinentof
Africacoversnolessthan11,699,000squaremiles,andisasbigasthecombinedterritoryofthe
UnitedStates,WesternEurope,India,andChina.2Africahasaculturaldiversityreflectednotonlyin
thevarietyoftheethnicgroupsthatcrisscrossnationalboundariesandtraditionallanguages,but
alsointhemultiplicityofitstraditionalreligionsthatco-habitpeacefullywithIslam,Christianity,
Judaism,andothermonotheisticfaiths.AsMbitinotesinAfricanReligionsandPhilosophy,“We
speakofAfricantraditionalreligionsinthepluralbecausethereareaboutonethousandAfrican
peoples,”understoodhereasethnicgroups,“andeachhasitsownreligioussystem.”3This
hybridismmakesonewonderwhytheadjective“African,”whichtraditionallyservedtolocatea
diversepeople,cametobeusedinsomediasporicculturalnationalistmovementsandstudiesasa
generalizedstructureandmodelforallBlackpeopleintheworld.
In“African,AfricanAmerican,Africana”(1998),LuciusOutlawattemptstofindouthow
BlackscholarscouldhelpshapetheintellectualpraxesofAfricanastudiestoservetheinterestof
Africanpeopleswithoutfallingintothetendencyof“abstractnaivetéandromanticism.”4Outlaw’s
argumentaboutthedangerofusingtheadjective“African”asacompositeabstractionratherthana
discretetermtodescribeamultiplicityofAfricanvaluesiswell-founded.5Africaisnotamonolithof
culturesandhumanexperiences,andneitheristherestoftheworld.However,Outlawmust
recognizethatuniquehistoricalexperiencessuchasslavery,imperialism,colonialism,andneocolonialismthathavecausedforcefulmigrationsofBlackpeoplefromAfricatoAmerica,the
Caribbean,Europe,andotherpartsoftheworldjustifytheexistenceofcommunalisticperspectives
amongBlackculturalnationalistswhoviewEuropeanattitudestowardBlacksasacontinuumof
1RosemaryTraoré,“ImplementingAfrocentricity:ConnectingStudentsofAfricanDescenttoTheir
CulturalHeritage,”TheJournalofPanAfricanStudies1,no.10(2007),64.
2CharlesE.Cobb,Jr.,“AfricainFact,”inNationalGeographic,ed.Editor(City,State:Publisher,2005).
JohnReader,Africa:ABiographyoftheContinent(NewYork:Vintage,1997),2-6.
JohnGunther,InsideAfrica(NewYork:Harper,1955).
3JohnS.Mbiti,AfricanReligionsandPhilosophy(GardenCity:Anchor,1970),1.
4LuciusOutlaw,“African,AfricanAmerican,Africana,”inAfricanPhilosophy:AnAnthology,ed.
EmmanuelChukwudiEze(Malden,MA:Blackwell,1998),36.
5Ibid.
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racialand/orsocioeconomicandpoliticalexploitation.ThesubjectivitiesthatBlacksdevelopfrom
suchtraumaticexperiencesshouldnotbelabeledas“abstractnaivetéandromanticism,”because
anycriticalwayofunderstandingtheculturesoftheBlackdiasporashouldbeginwithan
examinationofthehistoricalcontexts,feelings,andideologiesthatmotivateAfrican-centered
scholarssuchasMbiti,LawrenceLevine,orSterlingStuckeytousetermssuchasAfricanism,
Africanness,andAfricanityintheirstudiesofPan-Africanliteratureandculture.
TheconceptofAfricanismispartofalongculturalandintellectualdebateinwhichmany
intellectuals(BlackandWhite)haveattemptedtodemonstrateordisprovetheexistenceofAfrican
culturalsurvivalsintheNewWorld.AccordingtoBasilDavidson,theword“Africanism”isold,and
“overaprolongedperiodhaspossesseddifferentbutmoreorlessconsecutivemeanings.”6The
earliestuseofthetermisrecordedin1641,whentheEnglishreferredto“theAfricanismsofthe
earlyChurchfathers,”givingitameaningwhichhadtodowithscripturalexegesis.7In1882,a
dictionaryofChristianbiographywasfoundexplainingthattheprinciplessustainedbyOrigen
Alexandriacorrect“theAfricanismwhich,sincethetimeofAugustine,hasdominatedWestern
theology.”8By1641,theword“Africanism”wasusedbyEuropeantravelers“tolabelAfrican
culturalfeaturestakentobeexotic;andthismeaningacquiredabriefcurrencyinNorthAmerica
whendescribingthelinguistic‘Africanisms’ofblackslaves.”9
Twocenturieslater,in1862tobeexact,alongandheateddebateuponmattersofthe
structureandoriginofslavereligiousmusicbegantoproduceavastliteratureinNorthAmerica,
spearheadedbyearlyWhitefolkloristssuchasLucyMcKimandWilliamFrancesAllen.10According
toLevine,afterabriefvisittotheGullahSeaIslandsintheSouthernUnitedStatesin1862,Lucy
McKim“soundedanotewhichgenerationsoffolkloristsweretoechowhenshedespairedofbeing
able‘toexpresstheentirecharacteroftheseNegroballadsbymeremusicalnotesandsigns...’”11
McKimdescribedwhatshethoughtwasthe“odd”distinctivenessofAfricanAmericanmusicand
noted“theoddturnsmadeinthethroat;andthatcuriousrhythmiceffectproducedbysinglevoices
chiminginatdifferentirregularintervals...[that]seem[toher]almostasimpossibletoplaceon
score,asthesingingofbirds,orthetonesofanAeolianHarp.”12Althoughitwasaprimitivistic,
alienating,andethnocentricinitsassumptionthattheorchestralandvocalformofslavesongs
cannotbewritten,McKim’sstatementsuggestsadistant,possiblyAfrican,originofAfrican
Americanmusicalaesthetics.
By1920,thedebateoverAfricanisminNorthAmericachangedasanewgroupofscholars,
includingtheAfricanAmericansJamesWeldonJohnsonandAlainLeRoyLocke,andlater,the
JewishAmericansMelvilleJ.andFrancesHerskovits,challengedtheracistandethnocentric
assumptionsoftheirpredecessorsonthenatureofAfricanAmericanfolklore.Amajorcontribution
inthisscholarshipwasLorenzoD.Turner’svalidationofAfricanremnantsinBlackDiasporan
culture.Inhisinfamousessay,“AfricanSurvivalsintheNewWorldwithSpecialEmphasisonthe
Arts,”laterpublishedinAfricaSeenbyAmericanNegroes(1958),Turner,anAfricanAmerican
linguist,states,
AstudyoftheinfluenceofAfricancultureupontheWesternHemispherereveals
thattheslavesonreachingtheNewWorlddidnotwhollyabandontheirnative
6BasilDavidson,TheSearchforAfrica(NewYork:TimesBooks,1994),79.
7Ibid.
8Ibid.
9Ibid.
10LawrenceW.Levine,BlackCultureandBlackConsciousness:African-AmericanFolkThoughtfrom
SlaverytoFreedom(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1978),19.
11Ibid.
12Ibid.,255.
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Mbaye: Mibiti's Works in the Study of Pan-African Literature
culture,butretainedmuchofitwithsurprisinglylittlechange.Muchofitalsohas
beenconsiderablymodifiedbycontactwithWesterncivilization,andagooddealof
it,aswouldbeexpected,hasbeenlostentirely.ThoseaspectsofAfricanculture
whichhavebeentenaciousthroughouttheNewWorldaresurvivalsinlanguages,
folkliterature,religion,art,thedance,andmusic;butsomesurvivalsfromthe
economicandsociallifeoftheAfricanscanalsobefoundintheNewWorld.13
TheabovediscussionatteststothepervasiveinfluenceofAfricantraditionsinNewWorld
Blackcultures.Althoughtheyarevisibleinthelanguage,naming,rituals,andotheraspectsofthese
cultures,theAfricanismsarealsoapparentinNewWorldBlackliterature.
TheretentionoftheAfricanbackgroundinNewWorldBlackliteratureisapparentinthe
waysinwhichHurston’sMulesandMenrepresentstheinfluenceofvoodoointhefolkloreofNew
OrleansBlacksduringthefirstpartofthetwentiethcentury.VoodooisatraditionalAfricanreligion
thatexistsintheUnitedStates,theCaribbean,andinotherpartsoftheBlackDiaspora.AlmaJean
Billingslea-Browndefinesvoodooasabeliefinsupernaturalphenomenamanifestedintheactsof
healing,divination,incantation,andintheuseofcurativeherbs,amulets,andfetishes.14According
toBillingslea-Brown,voodooiscalledhoodoointheU.S.,voduninHaiti,shangoinTrinidad,
camdombleandmacumbainBrazil,santeriainCuba,andcuminaorobeahinJamaica.15Voodoo
evolvedoutofAfricasince,asRobertFarrisThompsonarguesinFlashoftheSpirit(1984),itisa
traditionalreligionthatisbasedonspiritualtraditionsfromDahomey,Yorubaland,Kongo,and
RomanCatholicism.16
VoodooisalsoanAfricanAmericanspiritualtradition,sinceHurstonrepresentsitinthe
secondpartofMulesandMenasthefocusofinitiationceremoniesinwhichsheparticipatedinNew
Orleansin1928.
First,Hurstondescribestheimportanceofinitiationinvoodooism.Inordertoparticipatein
avoodooritual,astudentmustbetrainedbyapersonwhoiscalledadoctor,apriest(orpriestess),
or,inthecaseoffemales,aqueen.HurstontellsthestoryofMarieLaveau,anineteenth-century
BlackwomaninNewOrleanswhowascalledthe“voodooqueen.”MarieLaveau’sfamecamefrom
therespectheldbymanyNewOrleansAfricanAmericansforAfricancultureduringtheearly
twentiethcentury.Intheintroductiontoherfieldworkonvoodoo,inMulesandMen,Hurstonsays,
“NewOrleansisnowandhaseverbeenthehoodoocapitalofAmerica.Greatnamesinritesthatvie
withthoseofHaytiindeedsthatkeepalivethepowersofAfrica.”17Laveaumighthavebeenoneof
these“greatnames.”Yet,evenagreat“voodooqueen”suchasLaveauhadtobeinitiatedto
voodooismbeforeshecouldhavetheprominentstatusthatHurstongivesher.AsHurstonsuggests
inMulesandMen,LaveauwasselectedtobecomeavoodoopriestessbyAlexander,themanwho
wasknownasthe“two-headeddoctor”who“feltthepowerinher”andtoldherthat“shemust
cometostudywithhim.”18WhenAlexandermadetheoffertoher,Laveauwasreluctanttoacceptit
becauseshedidnotwanttostopgoingtoballsandfallinginlove.Yetwhenarattlesnakecameinto
herbedroomand“spoketoher,”Laveauchangedhermindandwenttostudyvoodooismfrom
13LorenzoD.Turner,“AfricanSurvivalsintheNewWorldwithSpecialEmphasisontheArts,”Africa
SeenByAmericanNegroes:AfricafromthePointofViewofAmericanNegroScholars(Paris:PresenceAfricaine,
1958),103.
14AlmaJeanBillingslea-Brown,CrossingBordersThroughFolklore:AfricanAmerican
Women’sFictionandArt(Columbia:UniversityofMissouriPress,1999),34.
15Ibid.
16RobertFarrisThompson,FlashoftheSpirit:AfricanandAfro-AmericanArtand
Philosophy(NewYork:VintageBooks,1984),163.
17ZoraNealeHurston,MulesandMen(NewYork:Harper,1990),183.
18Ibid.,192.
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Alexander.19Thesnakefulfillstheroleofcarrierofadivinemessage,whichistraceabletothe
Africanbeliefthatanimalsaremediatorsbetweenspiritsandpeople.InAfricanReligionsand
Philosophy,MbitiarguesthattheIgbiraofCentralNigeriabelievethatanimalspiritssuchasthose
ofsnakesandhyenasareintermediariesbetweengodsandsociety.20Mbiti’srationaleisimportant
forthestudyofAfricanAmericanliteratureandculturebecauseithelpsusprovideascholarly
evidenceofthepossiblerelationshipsbetweenthesnakeworshipsinAfricaandintheBlack
Diaspora.
InAfricanworldviews,humanscannotsurvivewithoutaco-existencewithanimalspecies
suchassnakesandalligatorsthatserveastotemslinkingthevisibleandinvisibleworlds.This
sacredbondthatexistsbetweenthetotemandAfricansisreflectedinthecloserelationshipthat
Laveauhadwithhersnake.AsHurstonsuggests,whenLaveaubecomesold,“therattlesnakethat
hadcometoheralittleonewhenshewasyoung”cametoseeheragain.21Whenshehearsthe
snakesing,“she[Laveau]wenttoherGreatAltarandmade[a]greatceremony.Thesnakefinished
hissongandseemedtosleep.”22ThesepassagesshowthefamilialbondthatexistsbetweenLaveau
andhersnaketotem.ThisunitybetweenLaveauandhertotemisvisibleinthesnake’s
disappearancewhenLaveaudies.Hurstonwrites,“Itissaidthatthesnakewentofftothewoods
aloneafterthedeathofMarieLaveau.”23
LaterinMulesandMen,Laveau’saltarisbetrothedtoLukeTurner,whoisnowthekeeper
ofhismother’stemple.Turner’sroleinvoodooistocommunicatewithhisdeceasedmotherand
instructthestudentswhovisitthevoodootemple.Turner’scloserelationshipwithhismotheris
noticeablewhenhespendsafewhoursprayingtothe“spirit”ofLaveau,whotaughthimhowto
conjureorcharmaperson.24AccordingtoHurston,the“spirit”tellsTurnerthat“dustofGoofer”can
beusedtobring“damnationandtrouble”onsomeoneelse.25ThiscommunicationbetweenTurner
andhisdepartedmotheristraceabletotheAfricanbeliefthatthespiritsofancestorsareconnected
withthoseoftheirlivingrelatives.26Forexample,asNoelQ.Kingsuggests,theAkan,amongother
AfricanethnicgroupssuchastheYorubaandtheWolof,believethatthespiritofanancestor
revisitshis/herlivingrelatives.27InhisstudyofthetraditionalreligionsoftheAkan,SunitiKumar
ChatterjifoundahierarchyofdivinitiessuchasOnyankopon(theGreatSupremeBeingwhois
Uniqueandwithoutasecond),theObossoms(thelesserdivinitieswhoarebutformsof
Onyankopon),andnexttothesetwogods,theancestorswhomtheindividualworshipsinshrinesin
ordertoreceivepersonalandsocialwelfare.28
Inasimilarvein,KingarguesthattheAkanbelievethatthespiritsoftheancestors
reincarnatethemselvesinthenames,spirits,andpersonalitiesofthechildrenwhobeartheir
namesandinnature.29
AnotherAfricanelementinMulesandMenisapparentinthewayinwhichTurnerperforms
theritualofbeinginonenesswithhismother’sspirit.Thispracticeisbothsecularandreligious,
sinceitisdesignedtostrengthentheindividualwhoseeksknowledgeandmaturity.Commonly
19Ibid.
20Mbiti,AfricanReligionsandPhilosophy,91.
21Hurston,MulesandMen,194.
22Ibid.
23Ibid.,195.
24Ibid.,196.
25Ibid.
26NoelQ.King,AfricanCosmos:AnIntroductiontoReligioninAfrica(Belmont,CA:Wadsworth
PublishingCo.,1986),22..
27King,AfricanCosmos,16.
28SunitiKumarChatterji,Africanism:TheAfricanPersonality(BankimChatterjiStreet,Calcutta:
BengalPublishing,1960),118.
29King,AfricanCosmos,22.
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knownas“retreat”or“initiation,”thismomentofisolationandrebirthisa“riteofpassage”that
mostAfricansgothroughbeforeand/orafterpivotalexperiencessuchascircumcision,marriage,
education,andexile.InIntroductiontoAfricanReligion,Mbitilistseightfunctionsof“initiation”in
Africansociety:(1)abondismadebythesheddingofblood;(2)ayoungsterbecomesanadult;(3)
he/sheisallowedtogetmarried;(4)abridgebetweenyouthandadulthoodiscreated;(5)amark
ofunitywiththepeopleiscelebrated;(6)theindividualiseducatedintribalmatters;(7)he/she
returnshomewithanewidentity;and(8)theinitiationbringsthepeopletogether.30
OneelementthatMbitidoesnotmentionis“spiritualretreat,”whichisacustominwhich
theindividuallivesaloneinanisolatedplaceunderdeprivationforashortperiodinorderto
acquirepowerandknowledge.InWestAfrica,whereIslamhasbeenpresentsincetheseventh
century,“spiritualretreat”isknownaskhalwawhich,asConstantArméssuggestsisaSufiand
Islamicritualinwhichapersonwithdrawshimselforherselfintolonelinessinanattempttoseek
knowledgefromahigherpower.31Khalwa(theArabicwordforretreat)isoneoftheprinciplesof
SufiphilosophydevelopedbytheArabscholarMuhyiddinIbn-`Arabi(1165-1240A.D.)underthe
categoriesofal’uzla(loneliness)asapathwaytospiritualself-discovery.Theinitiateofkhawlais
expectedtoretreataloneforfortydaysinameditationroomwithonlyamat.`Arabiexplains,“The
onewhoundertakeskhalwa,likeadeadman,surrendersallworldlyandexteriorreligiousaffairs,
asthefirststeptosurrenderinghisownexistence.Incompleteseclusionhecontinuouslyrepeats
thenameofGod.”32ContrarytoDonaldB.CruiseO’Brien’sclaimthatAfricansdidnotconceiveof
GodinmysticaltermsasdidtheSufis,thereisevidenceshowingthatAfricanswerepracticing
khalwaatleastduringtheAtlanticslavetrade.33KnutS.Vikorcorroboratesthispossibilitywhenhe
pointsoutthatKhalwatiya,themovementwhichderiveditsnamefrom“theimportanceitlayson
thebrethrengoingintoseclusion,”alsohad“localbeginnings”inAfricafromtheNigerSaharato
WestAfricaduringtheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.34ThemillionsofAfricanswhohad
beenenslavedintotheAmericasduringthistradeprobablyincludedpractitionersofkhalwasince
thisterm,asG.MichelLaRueargues,alsodescribesKoranicschoolswhereAfricanstudentshad
beenkidnappedandsoldintoslavery.35
ThepracticeofkhalwawasretainedinAfricanAmericanculturewhereitsignifies“spiritual
retreat.”Oneexampleof“spiritualretreat”inAfricanAmericancultureisapparentinMulesand
Men,inwhichTurnerasksHurstontoisolateherselfinaroomforsixty-ninehoursinordertoallow
hertogainspiritualstrength.Hurstonwrites,“Threedaysmybodymustliesilentandfastingwhile
myspiritwentwhereverspiritsmustgothatseekanswersnevergiventomenasmen...Icould
havenofood,butapitcherofwater.”36Hurston’sisolationisaspiritualriteofpassagewhich
parallelstheWestAfricanIslamicpracticeofkhalwa.Islam,likeChristianity,becameintegralto
AfricansocietiesbeforetheendoftheAtlanticslavetrade.Moreover,asMbitisuggests,bothIslam
andChristianitywerereligionsthatAfricansmixedintotheirowntraditionalreligionsevenifthey
hadreceivedthemfromArabandEuropeanenslaversandcolonizers.37
30JohnS.Mbiti,IntroductiontoAfricanReligion(London:Heinemann,1982),93-96.
31ConstantHamés,“Magic,Morality,andReligioninWestAfricanTalismanicPractices,”
Religiologiques(Automne1998),http://www.religiologiques.uqam.ca/18/18texte/18hames.html#fn0.
32IbnMuhyiddin`Arabia,JourneytotheLordofPower:ASufiManualonRetreat.Konya,Turkey,12041205(NewYork:InnerTraditionsInternational,1981),110.
33DonaldB.CruiseO’Brien,“IslamandPowerinBlackAfrica,”inIslamandPower,ed.AliE.Hillal
Dessouki&AlexanderS.Cudsi(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1981),158.
34KnutS.Vikor,“SufiBrotherhoodinAfrica,”inTheHistoryofIslaminAfrica,ed.NehemiaLevtzion&
RandallL.Pouwels(Athens:OhioUniversityPress,2000),449-450.
35G.MichaelLaRue,“Khabir'AliatHomeinKubayh:ABriefBiographyofaDarFurCaravanLeader,”
AfricanEconomicHistory13(1984),69.
36Hurston,Mules,199.
37Mbiti,IntroductiontoAfricanReligion,30-32.
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AnotherAfricanisminHurston’sworksisapparentinMoses,ManoftheMountain,inwhich
sherevisestheBiblicallegendofMosesthatPaulLaurenceDunbartoldinhis1896poem,“AnAnteBellumSermon.”BothDunbarandHurstonfictionalizethestoryofhowGodcommandedMosesto
gotoPharaohandfreetheHebrewsfrombondageandtyranny.ThewaysinwhichDunbarand
Hurstonnarratethiswell-knownJudeo-Christianstorybearswitnesstoastrikingsimilarity
betweenthetwoauthors’useofBlackreligiousfolklore.Inthesecondstanzaof“AnAnte-Bellum
Sermon,”thepoemthatatteststhemosttoDunbar’sstronginterestinspirituals,thenarrator
comparesHebrewslaveryandliberationwithAfricanAmericanslaveryandliberation.First,the
narratorsays,“CoseolePher’ohb’lievedinslav’ry,/ButdeLawdhelethimsee,/Datdepeoplehe
putbrefin,—/Evahmothah’ssonwasfree.”38Afewlinesfurther,thenarratorsays,
ButwhenMoseswifhispowah/
Comesan’setsuschillunfree,/
WewillpraisedegraciousMastah/
Dathasginusliberty;/
An’we’llshoutouahhalleluyahs,/
Ondatmightyreck’nin’day,/
Whenwe’sereco’nisedezcitiz’—/
Huhuh!Chillun,letuspray!39
ThispassagesuggeststheAfricanslaves’beliefthattheywillbefreedfromthebondageof
EuropeansbythesamedivinepowerthatliberatedtheHebrewsfromPharaoh’sslavery.The
speakerperceivesthesetwokindsofliberationsassimilarexperiences,sincehe/sherepresents
“Moses”and“degraciousMastah”astwoindividualsthroughwhoseactionsthe“Lawd”willfree
enslavedpeopleandbringthejoysandprivilegesoffreedomsuchas“liberty”and“citizenship”to
them.
Moreover,thesepassagesshowhowDunbarmeldedBlackhumorwithJudeo-Christian
legendinordertoexpressthemannerinwhichAfricanAmericansusedhumorduringthe
antebellumeraasameansofinterpretingandovercomingtheirdifficultlivesinAmerica.The
dialoguebetweenGodandPharaohinthepoemhasadualconnotation.Fromaliteralandhistorical
pointofview,thedialogueisanaccountoftheJudeo-ChristianstoryofhowGodappearstoMoses
ontheMountofSinaiandtellshiminasolemnvoicetogofreetheHebrewslavesfromthe
tyrannicalPharaohofEgypt.Thesecondmeaningofthedialogue,whichismetaphorical,istheidea
ofresistanceagainsthegemonic,imperialistic,andauthoritarianforcessuchasthoseoftheslave
owners,planters,sharecroppers,andoverseersthatAntebellumAfricanAmericanspreservedin
theirfolkloreasameanstoimaginetheendoftheirsufferingfromsuchoppressionsandthe
racism,classism,sexism,andotherformsofinjusticesthataccompaniedthem.
AlthoughslaveryhadendedbythetimeDunbar’spoemwaspublished,thememoryof
sufferingthathelpedproduceitwaskeptaliveinthemindofAfricanAmericansandwasoften
expressedintheformoflegends.ReinterpretingtheBibleprovidedAfricanAmericanswitha
meansforexpressing,albeitbehindamaskofwordsandhumor,theirbeliefinthepossibleendto
theirsuffering.Inthissense,thehumorthatthenarratorconveyswhenidentifyingGodasanold,
patientmanwhosendsMosestodohisjobbecausehe“gottiahed”ofPher’oh’s“fooling”suggests
anironickindofcomedybehindwhichliesthepainandsubjugationfromtheoppressionof
sharecroppingthatperpetuatedthelegallyandofficiallyendedslavery,throughtheearlytwentieth
38PaulDunbar,“AnAnte-BellumSermon,”TheVintageBookofAfricanAmericanPoetry,ed.MichaelS.
Harper&AnthonyWalton(NewYork:Vintage,2000),82.
39Ibid.,83.
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Mbaye: Mibiti's Works in the Study of Pan-African Literature
century.40IfPher’ohhadconductedhimselfasamatureandresponsiblemanbyfreeingtheslaves
earlier,thenGodwouldnothavebeendisturbedbythisirresponsibleandimmaturepersonwho
symbolizedthenewlandownerswhocontinuedtooppressthefreedAfricansdespitethe
EmancipationProclamationof1863.Pher’oh’simmaturityisevidentinhisunfairexploitationof
the“chillun”whomhekeepsasfieldworkersinhisplantation.41Notetheaffectivesignificanceof
Dunbar’sreplacementoftheconventionalterm“people”with“chillun.”
LikeDunbar,HurstondrewfromanAfricanAmericanhumorousrevisionoftheJudeoChristianlegendofMosesandPharaoh.Hurston’srevisionofthisstoryisapparentinthemiddleof
Moses,ManoftheMountaininwhichthecharacterofMoseshearsavoicesaying,
“Moses,IwantyoutogodowntoEgypt.”
“IntoEgypt?Howcome,Lord?Egyptisnoplaceformetogo.”
“IsaidEgypt,Moses.Iheardmypeople,theHebrews,whentheycried,when
theykeptongroaningtomeforhelp.Iwantyoutogodownandtellthat
PharaohIsaytoletmypeoplego.”
“Hewon’tpaymeattention,Lord.Iknowhewon’t.”
“Goahead,likeItoldyou,Moses.Iamtiredofhearingthegroaninginmyear.I
meantoovercomePharaohthistime.GodownthereandI’llgowith
you.”42
LikeDunbar’s,Hurston’snarrativeisacomicalreinterpretationoftheJudeo-Christianstory
ofwhyGodsentMosestoPharaoh.LikeDunbar’s,Hurston’sMosesisplayfullydeferenttowardGod
andappearstobesoteasinglydisobedientandmischievouslyrebellioustowardGod.Insteadof
remainingsilentwhenGodordershimtogotoEgyptandfreetheHebrews,Hurston’sMoses
retortswithsurpriseandastonishmentbyasking,“IntoEgypt?”anddemandingthatGodexplainto
himwhyheshouldbetheonetogotoPharaoh.43Whenheasks,“Howcome,Lord?”Hurston’s
Mosesisactinglikeaspoiledchildwhoisnotenthusiasticaboutwhathisfatherhastoldhimtodo.
ThisMosescleverlysearchesforexcusesfornotwastinghistimewithPharaoh.Then,likeina
theatricalperformance,God,whoknowsthatachildneedshis/herparent’spatienceand
compassion,promisestohelphisbelovedMosesfulfillhismission:“GodownthereandI’llgowith
you,”theLordtellsMoses,suggestingtheintimacyandfriendshipthatexistbetweenMosesandhis
God.ThisintimacyandfriendshipbetweenGodandMosescanbetracedbacktoAfricanAmerican
andAfricanreligionsinwhichtherelationshipsbetweenmanandGodareconceivedaspersonal
andintimate.Levinewrites,“TheGodtheslavessangofwasneitherremotenorabstract,butas
intimate,personal,andimmediateasthegodsofAfricahadbeen.”44Thecloserelationships
betweenGodandhumanbeingsarealsoapparentinthefilialaffectionandconversational
interactionbetweenGodandthetwoMosesesthatDunbarandHurstondepict.Theserelationships
arerootedintheAfricanAmericanbeliefthatGodisaclosefatherwhocanbebefriendedand
talkedto.ThisconceptionofGodisperceptibleinthefollowingAfricanAmericanslavespiritual:
Indemornin’whenIrise,
TellmyJesushuddy[howdy]oh,
40Dunbar,“AnAnte-BellumSermon,”81.
41Ibid.
42Hurston,Moses,ManoftheMountain(Philadelphia,NewYork:J.B.LippincottCompany,1939),
162.
43Ibid.
44Levine,BlackCultureandBlackConsciousness,35.
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Iwashmyhandsindemornin’glory,
TellmyJesushuddyoh.
GwinetoarguewiddeFatherandchatterwiddeson,
Thelasttrumpetshallsound,I’llbethere.
Gwinetalk’boutdebrightworlddeydes’comefrom.
Thelasttrumpetshallsound,I’llbethere.
GwinetowritetoMassaJesus,
TosendsomeValiantsoldier
ToturnbackPharaoh’sarmy,Hallelu!45
LikethetwoMoseses,theslavenarratorinthisspiritualsignifiestheprivilegedrelationship
hehaswithGodandJesus.Thenarratorhasaprivateagencywhichisevidentinhispowerto
“argue”and“chat”withGodandJesusandhisroleofwitness,informant,andambassadorofGod.
ThisrelationshipbetweenAfricanAmericansandareachableGodremindsusofAfricantraditional
religionsinwhichthepresenceoftheCreatorisfeltinthedailylivesofpeople.ThisAfrican
worldviewisapparentinthefollowingassertioninMbiti’sAfricanReligionsandPhilosophy:“For
mostoftheirlife,AfricanpeoplesplaceGodinthetranscendentalplane,makingitseemasifHeis
remotefromtheirdailyaffairs.ButtheyknowthatHeisimminent,beingmanifestedinnatural
objectsandphenomena,andtheycanturntoHiminactsofworship,atanyplaceandanytime.”46It
isthisimminencethatallowsforpossibilitiesofconversationandargumentbetweentheindividual
andGodinPan-Africanreligions.ItisfromsuchimminencethatthetwoMosesesandthenarrator
ofthespiritualestablishtheirrelationshipwithGodonutilitarianaswellasspiritualterms.The
twocharactersbehaveasdiplomatswhodialoguewithGodonthesubjectofPharaoh’s
dictatorship,theendofwhichtheyregardasanotherproofofGod’smercyandimpartiality.
MbitiandAfro-CaribbeanLiterature
ThesignificanceofMbiti’sworkinthestudyofNewWorldBlackliteratureisalsoapparentinthe
importantrolesthathistheoriesofAfricantraditionsplayinananalysisoftheAfricanelementsin
earlynineteenth-centuryCaribbeanliterature.OneexampleofthisliteratureisElizabethHart
Thwaites’memoir,“HistoryofMethodism,”whichindicatesablendingofMethodistChristianity
andAfricantraditionalreligiosity.TheinfluenceofMethodisminthisnarrativeisvisibleinthe
rejectionoftheearthlythingsthatThwaites’Methodistparentstaughther.Shepayshomagetoher
grandmother,FrancesClearkley,“whowasconvertedtoGodbytheministryoftheRev.Francis
GilbertandwhodiedintheFaith,withmyDearMother(gonetoGlory).”47Thwaitesthanksher
parents,whowere“unitedtotheMethodistsandtraineduptheyoungerbranchesoftheFamily,
myselfamongthem,inthefearofGodandtheobservanceofreligiousduties.”48Thispassageshows
theChristianfoundationthatlaterattractedThwaitesandhersistertoasceticism.InTheHarts
Sisters,Fergusonwrites,“AftertheirMethodistconversion,thesisterschangedtheirhabits,dressed
plainly,andrenouncedwhattheyconsideredworldlypursuits.”49
Thwaites’referencetoherdeceasedmotherreflectstheAfricanconceptthatdeathisa
passageintoaworldthatisinseparablefromthatoftheliving.MbitiarguesinIntroductionto
AfricanReligionthatsomeAfricansocietiesbelievethat“thedepartedremainintheneighborhood
45Ibid.,36.
46Mbiti,AfricanReligionsandPhilosophy,43.
47ElizabethHartThwaites,“HistoryofMethodism,”inTheHartSisters:EarlyAfricanCaribbean
Writers,Evangelicals,andRadicals,ed.MoiraFerguson(LincolnandLondon:1804;UniversityofNebraska
Press,1993),89.
48Ibid.
49MoiraFerguson,TheHartSisters,9.
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oftheirhumanhomestead.Theyarestillpartofthefamily...Theirsurvivingrelativesandfriends
feelthedepartedareclosetothem.”50AlthoughitdepictstheChristianconceptofthedistancethat
existsbetweenthelivingandthedead,Thwaites’representationofherdepartedmotherasa
personwhohas“gonetoGlory”alsosuggeststheerasureofsuchadistanceinAfricanworldviews.
Forinstance,inthelateeighteenthcenturyAfricanAntiguanculturethatinfluencedThwaites,the
ideaofdeathdidnotpreventBlacksfrombelievingintheAfricannotionofthecontinuitybetween
theworldofthedeadandthatoftheliving.AsDavidBarryGasparsuggests,thisAfricanworldview
survivedinAntiguanslaveculturewheretheAkanandCoromanteerebelstooktheiroaths“with
gravedirtthatsignifiedthattheworldofthelivingwasintertwinedwiththatofthedead,thatthey
wereunitedwiththeirancestors,bywhomtheysworetobetruetotheirsolemnobligationsor
incurdreadfulsanctions.”51
Later,Thwaitespraisesthegenealogyofherfamilybycelebratingthemotherandfather
whogaveherlife.Shewrites,“IwasalsoblestwithanaffectionateFatherwhoeverwatchedwith
thetenderestsolicitudeoverthemoralsofhischildren,asdidothersofourRelations,whobytheir
kindattentionpreventedourfeelingthewantofMother’scareafterherDeath.”52Thisstatement
introducesaconceptofkinshipbasedonthesanctityoftheparents’lovefortheirchildrenthatwas
centralintraditionalAfricansocieties.MbitisuggeststhatboththeMende(ofSierraLeone)andthe
Nandi(ofKenya)viewedtheparents’lovefortheiroffspringasthesolepowerthatcanwardoff
evilfromthem.53Thisconceptionofparenthoodasashieldagainstevilisconsistentwith
Elizabeth’srepresentationofherparentsasthemostimportantprotectorsoftheirchildren.
LikeThwaites’memoir,AnneHartGilbert’s“HistoryofMethodism”(1804)isalso
permeatedwithAfricanisms.OneearlyexampleofsuchAfricanretentionsinBlackDiasporan
cultureisapparentinthepassageinwhichGilbertdescribesthemannerinwhichslavesinearly
nineteenth-centuryAntiguahonoredthedeceasedmembersoftheircommunitybyplayingmusic
andperformingvariousdeathrituals.Shewrites,
TheirDeadwerecarriedtothegraveattendedbyanumerousconcourse,someof
thembeatinguponaninstrumenttheycalla“ShakeShake.”(Thisisalargeround
hollowCalabashfixedupontheendofastick,withafewpebblesinit)andall
singingsomeheathenishaccountoftheLife&Deathofthedeceased;invokinga
perpetuationoftheirfriendshipfromtheworldofSpiritswiththeirSurviving
friendsandrelations,&prayingthemtodealdestructionamongtheirenemies;
especiallyiftheythoughttheirdeathhadbeenoccasion’dbythepowerof
Witchcraft.(59)54
ItisironicthatGilbert,whopretendstodislikeslaveculture,knowssomuchaboutitthat
shecandescribethecentral“emic”valuethatinsidersattachtoit.Gilbert’srepresentationofthis
cultureprovidesrichinsightsintotheAfricanremnantsinAntigua’sslaveculture.The“Shake
Shake”isanAfricanmusicalinstrumentthattheslavesusedasasymbolicmeansofprotestagainst
50Mbiti,IntroductiontoAfricanReligion,122-23.
51DavidB.Gaspar,BondmenandRebels:AStudyofMaster-SlaveRelationsinAntigua,with
ImplicationsforColonialBritishAmerica(Baltimore:JohnHopkinsUniversityPress,1985),245.
OliveSenior,“AncestralPoem,”inThePenguinBookofCaribbeanVerseinEnglish,ed.PaulaBurnett
(NewYork:Penguin,1986),320.
SterlingStuckey,SlaveCulture:NationalistTheoryandtheFoundationsofBlackAmerica(NewYork:
OxfordUniversityPress,1987),30.
52Thwaites,“HistoryofMethodism,”89.
53JohnS.Mbiti,ConceptsofGodinAfrica(NewYork:PraegerPublishers,1970),201-02.
54AnneHartGilbert,“HistoryofMethodism,”inTheHartSisters:EarlyAfricanCaribbeanWriters,
Evangelicals,andRadicals,ed.MoiraFerguson(Lincoln:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1993),59.
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theplanter.ThisinstrumentservedthesamefunctionthatTommieLeeJacksonascribestothe
drumthatwastakenandplayed“indefianceoftheslaverswhohadreasonedthat‘He[theslave]
serveusbetterifwebringhimfromAfricanakedandthing-less.’”55The“ShakeShake”performsa
similarsubversiverolebyfuelingthestaminaofAntiguanslavesagainsttheiroppressors.Thereis
strongevidencethatthe“ShakeShake”derivedfromWestAfrica.*
Inaddition,Gilbert’sdescriptionofthedeathritualsofAntiguanslavesrevealsAfrican
elements,suchastheparticipants’singingandaccountofthedepartedperson’slife,andtheir
testimonyofhis/hergoodrelationshipswiththecommunityofthelivingandthedeceased
ancestors,partsoftraditionalfuneralsinAfrica.InIntroductiontoAfricanReligion,Mbitidescribes
theseritesas“ritualsofdeath”thatare“intendedtosendoffthedepartedpeacefully,toseverhis
linkswiththeliving,andtoensurethatnormallifecontinuesamongthesurvivors.People,
especiallywomen,wailandweep,lamentingthedepartureofthedeadperson,recallingthegood
thingshesaidanddid,andremindingthemselvesthathelivesoninthenextworld.”56These
funeralsareusuallyaccompaniedwithfeastsandsongsofmourningthatlastadayortwoafterthe
burial.57Musicanddanceplayanimportantpartinfunerals,becausetheyallowthelivingto
accompanythedeceasedtotheirnewworld.AsMbitistates,“Byritualizingdeath,peopledanceit
away,driveitaway,andrenewtheirownlife.”58Theseritualsofdeathcontinuethroughyearly
anniversaries,tributes,andprayersforthedeceasedthataresimilartotheyearlycelebrationofthe
spiritsofthedepartedamongAntiguanslavesthatGilbertdescribesinhermemoirasfollows:
TheGraveyards&buryingplaces,bothinTown&Country,wouldbecrowdedon
Christmasmorningswiththefriends&relativesofdeceasedpersons,strewing
quartersofboiledandroasted,meat;orfowls&yams,&pouringbottlesofRum,
uponthegravesoftheirdepartedfriend.TheObeahmenandwomenofthatday
wereveryrichpeople;possessedoflargesumsofmoney;beingkeptinconstant
pay,bythosethatcouldaffordit,topreventtheirenemiesfrominjuringtheir
personsorproperties,toprocure,&keepthefavoroftheirowners,togivetheir
childrengoodluck,andtomakethemprosperousineverything.59
Alltheserites,includingthelibation,whichcanbedonewitheitherwaterorliquor,exist
acrossAfricawherevariousspiritualleadersthatperformservicestothefamilyofthedeceased
andtheirguestsplaytheroleoftheCaribbeanObeahman.Whiletheyrarelydemandmoney
beforehand,mostAfricanspiritualleadersexpectit.LiketheAntiguanslaves,Africansusethe
servicesoftheirspiritualguidestoprotecttheirfamiliesandthemselves.Mbititracesthis
worldviewtothecultureoftheMendeofSierraLeone,inwhichGod’spowerandprotectivework
areconsideredasbeingmediatedthroughancestors.60
Inasimilarvein,onefindsMbiti’sworktobeveryimportantinthestudyofTheHistoryof
MaryPrince.Prince’srecreationoffamilybondsinthisnarrativesharesparallelswiththewaysin
whichcharactersinBermudanandAntiguanfolktalesre-establishthreatenedkingroups.Insome
ofthesetales,femaleandmalecharactersdemonstratetrueaffectionstowardtheirchildrenand
eachotherduringpeculiarmomentsofhardship.
55TommieLeeJackson,AnInvincibleSummer:FemaleDiasporanAuthors(Trenton,NJ:AfricaWorld
Press,2001),40.
*The“ShakeShake”derivedfromtwoAfricaninstrumentscalledtheyencaandtheaxatse/shekere.
56Mbiti,IntroductiontoAfricanReligions,121.
57Ibid.
58Ibid.,122.
59Gilbert,“HistoryofMethodism,”59.
60Mbiti,ConceptsofGodinAfrica,201.
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InavariantoftheAntiguantale,“TheOrdeal,”whichwascollectedbyElsieClewsParsons
between1933and1943,awomansavesherchildrenfromdeath.HelenL.Flowersummarizesthe
taleasfollows:“Threechildrenatethegrainofriceandthefishbonewhichtheirmotherleft.She
wenttothewelltodrownthem,butpulledthemoutbeforetheysank.”61Thisanecdoteatteststo
theaffectionthatBlackAntiguanshadfortheirchildrenforwhomtheyhadspecialfilialbondsand
motherlyinstincts,asnoticeableinthemannerinwhichPrince’sparentsrescuedherfromher
abusiveowners.
OneexampleofthisrescueistheAntiguantale,“UndertheGreenOldOakTree,”collected
byJohnH.Johnsonin1920,whichFloweralsosummarizesasfollows:“Aboykilledhissistertoget
herflowerbucket.Heburiedherunderanoaktreewhereashepherdboylaterpickedupaflute
madeofbone.Itplayedonlyonetuneuntilthemotherplayedit.Shefainted.Whenthebrother
playedit,itsang,‘Itisyouthatkilledme.’Hefaintedanddied.”62ThistaledepictstheAfricanbelief
intheresurrectionofthespiritofdeadpersonswhoseghostsreturntodoeithergoodorevil.One
exampleoccurswhenPrincedescribestherambleinandaroundthehomeofherownersthat
occurredwhenshewasbeingbeatenbyMr.I——.Princewrites,
Hebeatmeagainandagain,untilhewasquitewearied,andsohot(fortheweather
wasverysultry),thathesankbackinhischair,almostlikeafaint.Whilemy
mistresswenttobringhimdrink,therewasadreadfulearthquake.Partoftheroof
felldown,andeverythinginthehousewent—clatter,clatter,clatter.OhIthought
theendofallthingsnearathand;andIwassosorewiththeflogging,thatIscarcely
caredwhetherIlivedordied.Theearthwasgroaningandshaking;everything
tumblingabout;andmymistressandtheslaveswereshriekingandcryingout,“The
earthquake!Theearthquake!”Itwasanawfuldayforallofus.63
ThispassageillustratestheimpactofAfricancosmologyonPrince’sinterpretationof
naturalcalamitiesfromspiritualviewpoints.Herallusiontothe“groaning,”“shaking,”and
“tumbling”ofthingsinherowner’shomeindicatesherbeliefthatsuchramblingsaredrivenby
supernaturalforcesattemptingtoendtheinjusticeofherowner.Theinterventionofspiritsinthe
worldoftheliving,forgoodorbadpurposes,isnotunfamiliarinAfricancosmology.Mbitiargues
thatwithintraditionalAfricansocieties,“thespiritscandobothgoodandeviltopeople,justas
peopledobothgoodandeviltotheirfellowhumanbeings.”64TheCaribbeanequivalentsofthese
ambivalentspiritsaretheRadaandPetrodeitiesofHaitianvodun,whocandoeithergoodorbad
dependingonthesituationathand.TheRadaare“apantheonofloa[deities]whooriginatedin
Africa,namedaftertheDahomeantownofArada”whilethePetroare“thepantheonofloawho
originatedinHaiti.”65
The“clatter”PrincedescribescanbeinterpretedasadivineinterventionofRadaandPetro
deitieswhocombinesupernaturalforcestofreeherfromslavery.ThisinterventionofAfricanand
Diasporanspiritsisevidentintheshrieksandcriesoftheslaves,whichappearasritualistic
incantationsfortheominousinterferenceofthe“living-dead.”AsMbitiargues,inAfricanreligions,
61HelenLenevaFlowers,AClassificationoftheFolktalesoftheWestIndiesbyTypesandMotifs(New
York:ArnoPress,1980),456.
62JohnH.Johnson,“UndertheGreenOakTree,”in“Folk-lorefromAntigua,BritishWestIndies,”
JournalofAmericanFolklore34,no.131(1921),267.
63MaryPrince,“TheHistoryofMaryPrince:AWestIndianSlave.RelatedbyHerself.1831,”inThe
ClassicSlaveNarratives,ed.HenryLouisGates,Jr.(NewYork:NewAmericanLibrary,1987),196.
64Mbiti,IntroductiontoAfricanReligion,79.
65CaroleCleaverandSeldenRodman,SpiritsoftheNight:TheVaudunGodsofHaiti(Dallas:Spring
Publications,1992),12-14.
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the“living-dead”areconceivedas“thedepartedwhoarestillrememberedpersonallybysomeone
intheirfamilyandinwhosenamesthefamilymakessacrificesandofferingsasasymbolof
fellowship,respect,andtherecognitionthat‘thedepartedarestillmembersoftheirhuman
families.’”66FromthisAfricanworldview,thecriesandshrieksoftheAntiguanslavescanbe
interpretedasAfricanandAfricanDiasporanlamentationsandprayersfortheendofoppression,
signifyingthehorriblenatureofatrans-Atlanticslavetradethatcriticsstillneedtoexplorein
furtherdetail.
ThesignificanceofMbiti’sworkinthestudyofBlackDiasporanliteratureandfolkloreis
easilyascertainedinthenumeroustheoriesofAfricanworldviews,religions,andculturesthathe
providestoanyscholarwhowishestoanalyzetheAfricansurvivalsinAfricanAmericanand
Caribbeanliteratureandculture.AssuggestedintheaboveinterpretationoftheAfricanismsin
Hurston’sMulesandMenandMoses,ManoftheMountain,Thwaites’s“HistoryofMethodism,”
Gilbert’s“HistoryofMethodism,”andPrince’sTheHistoryofMaryPrince,NewWorldBlackwritings
andtraditionsarepermeatedwithAfricanelementsthatcanbebetterunderstoodwhenexamined
inthelightoftheextanttheoretical,ethnographic,anthropological,andhistoricalscholarship
emanatingfrombothAfricaandtheBlackDiasporasincetheearlytwentiethcentury.Thiskindof
scholarshipexpandstheinterdisciplinarymethodsthroughwhichNewWorldBlackliteratureand
culturecanbeexamined,helpingstudentsbetterunderstandtheimportanceofAfricantraditionsin
thenarrativesandideologiesofAfrican-descendedpeoples.
66Mbiti,ConceptsofGodinAfrica,179.
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