HELP THE FNV
FIGHT
APARTHEID!
40 YEARS
OF DUTCH
TRADE UNION
SOLIDARITY
FOREWORD
International solidarity is something of a miracle. The past century saw a protracted
We hope, above all, that our story will inspire others to share their stories as well – stories
campaign of solidarity of workers worldwide with their fellow workers in far-away
about the struggle against apartheid and about the worldwide support to the South African
South Africa. Far away, as it turned out, wasn’t that far away after all.
unions which have played such a crucial part in the smashing of the hated apartheid system.
Now, in December 2014, UNI Global Union assembles in Cape Town. Trade unionists from
I do hope this story will inspire other trade unionists both in the Netherlands and elsewhere
across the world are able to celebrate twenty years of democracy since the ending of apart-
to work together for equality and justice.
heid. UNI affiliates have already begun to share some of their memories of the roles they
played to help South Africans to fight apartheid. FNV is greatly pleased to present
this booklet on the occasion of the 4th UNI World Indaba.
Ton Heerts
President of FNV
A brochure of this size gives an impression of the activities undertaken by FNV and its
predecessors, by our predecessors, against apartheid and in support of trade unions in
South Africa. An impression of how broad the movement eventually became, the variety
of its forms, the cooperation with unions in other countries, internationals and ITSs, as
well as with the broader anti-apartheid movement.
The story of Dutch trade unions against apartheid merits to be written in more depth than
anyone has attempted so far. Detailed studies do exist on some other countries, as well as
THE NETHERLANDS: THREE TRADE UNION FEDERATIONS
on trade union solidarity on the international level. Richard Hengeveld, who did the research
In the 1950s the Netherlands was the home to three trade union federations: the
work, the cutting and the writing for this brochure, was able to draw on Scandinavian
social-democratic Netherlands Federation of Trade Unions (NVV), the Catholic Labour
studies. FNV and the Nordics used to join forces in supporting trade unions in South Africa,
Movement (KAB), renamed Catholic Federation of Dutch Trade Unions (NKV) in 1964,
so our stories partly coincide.
and the National Federation of Christian Trade Unions (CNV). ICFTU-affiliated NVV and
WCL-affiliated NKV merged into the Dutch Trade Union Federation FNV in 1976, after
Kier Schuringa and his colleagues at the International Institute of Social History in
which the constituent federations were dissolved in 1981 and the FNV joined the ICFTU
Amsterdam helped tremendously by giving us access to a wealth of evidence concerning
(now ITUC). The CNV stayed out of the merger and for a long time went its separate,
trade union actions (not only Dutch!) on South Africa.
more dialogue-oriented way concerning South Africa (although a WCL-affiliate itself,
the CNV for instance chose not to participate in a boycott campaign jointly called for
by the ICFTU and the WCL in 1977).
2 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 3
MONSTROUS EVIL OF APARTHEID
discrimination in the trade unions and violation of trade union rights.’ Later in October Dulcie
Hartwell informed the NVV that the SATLC had been ‘much heartened by the support indi-
In the early 1950s the prevailing myth in the Netherlands, questioned by very few at the
cated from national trade union bodies such as your own and those in other countries.’
time, was that of the ‘kinship’ between the Netherlands and white South Africa, as ‘the
mother’ and ‘the grown-up daughter’, in the words of the then Dutch Prime Minister. The
Piet Huyser paid a brief visit to Amsterdam in 1955, now in his capacity of a leading figure in
Cultural Treaty signed in 1951 between The Hague and Pretoria made big news in Dutch
the South African Trade Union Congress (SATUC), a new organisation already under threat of
newspapers, and in the following year festivities in both countries celebrated the tercenten-
being banned by the regime as well. Three months before his visit a rival organisation, the
nial of Jan van Riebeeck’s landing at the Cape in 1652. However, the friendly relations and
South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), had been formed, which the NVV initially
the intended exchange and cooperation between ‘both peoples’ cited in the preamble of the
saw as a potential non-racial alternative to the dissolved SATLC. However, what Huyser
Cultural Treaty clearly did not refer to black South Africans.
wished to intimate to his host at the NVV International Department was that SACTU was
led ‘by a few serious trade union leaders, a large number of buccaneers and an even larger
The Netherlands Federation of Trade Unions NVV was among those who took an early
number of communists.’ A degree of distrust towards SACTU would remain characteristic
critical view of apartheid in South Africa. In this, it closely followed the International
of the ICFTU-affiliated NVV/FNV. It should be noted, though, that the Trade Union Council
Confederation of Free Trade Unions, of which it had been one of the co-founders in 1949.
of SA (TUCSA), the successor to Huyser’s own SATUC, eventually came to be seen by the
Already the first ICFTU General Council meeting in Berlin, July 1952, unanimously called
international trade union community as a tool of apartheid.
upon the South African government ‘to wipe out this stain which today brings shame to the
entire free world’ and pledged ‘its full support to combat this monstrous evil of racialism.’
WHY BE CONCERNED ABOUT SOUTH AFRICA?
In July 1957, NVV Executive Board member André Kloos attended the 5th ICFTU world
congress in Tunis. The Dutch delegation, as Kloos was to write in the NVV’s magazine De
Vakbeweging, was most impressed by a speech in which Sir Thomas O’Brien told the congress about the trip he and Pieter de Jonge had made on behalf of the ICFTU to investigate
racial discrimination in South Africa. It was clear to the Dutch delegation that the issue of
the emancipation of Africa and other colonial and semi-colonial areas could be expected to
pervade the activities of the ICFTU in the near future: ‘A major part of that activity will be of
From NVV archives, Amsterdam, 1952
a political nature, because normal trade union work cannot develop as long as there are still
In early October 1953 Dulcie Hartwell, general secretary of the S.A. Trades & Labour Council
sent a letter asking the NVV and its affiliates to launch a public protest against the banning
of SATLC vice-president Piet Huyser under the Suppression of Communism Act. She also
ventured the suggestion, ‘if at all possible,’ that individual Dutch union members might be
asked to sign petitions to be passed on to the South African government. The NVV was
not ready for that kind of action yet. What it did was send a reply in which it repeated a
recent message of the ICFTU to the UN which it said represented ‘a vigorous protest against
all measures taken by the Government of the Union of South-Africa with regard to racial
4 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
ICFTU delegation of Tom O’Brien, TUC (left),
and Pieter de Jonge, a Dutch ICFTU staff member
and son of an NVV trade union leader (right),
in conversation with Dulcie Hartwell of the SATLC,
South Africa, June 1957
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 5
peoples that haven’t seen their fundamental rights to democratic institutions realised,’ ac-
Now, after Sharpeville, NVV rank-and-file magazines also started to pay more attention to
cording to Kloos. He argued that this might carry the danger that political issues would take
South Africa. They publicised the ICFTU-initiated boycott, which was to last at least two
precedence over socio-economic and organisational trade union issues in future conferen­
months and was launched on 1 May 1960. From now on, the ‘Boycott of South African
ces. As he told his readers, a balance should be struck between the two.
goods’ appeared as a separate item on the internal checklist of the NVV’s international
responsibilities. When it appeared for the first time, however, activities meanwhile com-
Policital issues, including apartheid, would only grow in significance. In 1960, one week
pleted were rather modestly summed up as: ‘A list of South African goods was published
after the shock of Sharpeville, the NVV board, ‘horrified and outraged by the brutal actions
in De Vakbeweging and in Het Parool [social-democratic newspaper]’. Member magazines
of the South African authorities’, issued a communiqué in which it ‘completely condemned’
of the Catholic KAB-affiliated unions either paid no attention to the issue, or published a
South African apartheid policies, ‘fully supported’ the protests repeatedly voiced by the
small piece quoting a statement issued by the WCL in reaction to Sharpeville, in which it
ICFTU, and backed the call made by the ICFTU for a consumer boycott of South African prod-
condemned policies of repression and racial discrimination and called on the UN, the ILO and
ucts. In another article, Kloos now wrote the board realised that one might harbour doubts
others to put pressure on South Africa.
on the effectiveness of such ‘ineffectual’ declarations. But no word any more on whether
the trade union movement should engage with the political issue of apartheid at all. In later
years, the engagement with apartheid would spread among the movement, even though
differences between members and between unions did remain.
In June 1983 members of FNV-affiliated officers’ and seafarers’ unions were
‘Call for a boycott’ of South African products
offended by a press report that had reached their ship while sailing the Indian
in an NVV board communiqué, 28 March 1960
Ocean. It said that at a parliamentary hearing on policies regarding South Africa,
(from the NVV magazine De Vakbeweging)
FNV representatives had made an unconditional plea for economic sanctions.
A letter was relayed demanding from the FNV in capital letters that the federation
should REFRAIN FROM TAKING A POSITION! ‘It is absurd for the FNV to come out
in favour of a decision which puts jobs, our jobs, in danger.’
‘LABOUR PARTY-NVV COMMITTEE’
At the time of the Sharpeville massacre, preparations were under way in the Netherlands to
launch what was to become the first permanent Dutch anti-apartheid solidarity committee,
INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY
the Comité Zuid-Afrika (South Africa Committee). Its founders took pains to ensure that
In the 1950s, reports on ILO conferences and ICFTU congresses as well as articles on a
the composition of the CZA, which went public in May 1960, reflected the ‘full spectrum
wide range of other topics that cut across national borders were regularly covered by
of democratic opinion’ (which at that time excluded communists). NVV secretary Paul de
De Vakbeweging, the biweekly NVV magazine for active trade unionists. Thus, Sir Thomas
Vries was a CZA board member from the start until his death in 1963. Invariably, one or two
O’Brien’s story ‘Apartheid: The curse of South Africa’ appeared in two parts in the magazine
NVV officials, virtually ‘appointed’ by the NVV board, were members of the CZA board and
in 1958. In an article in 1959 an overview was given of spendings from the ICFTU Solidarity
its recommending committee. NVV board or staff members served on the CZA executive
Fund, which had been established after the Tunis conference (‘International solidarity: No
committee as treasurer for a number of years. The committee often even felt it should avoid
empty phrase’). The NVV had contributed 75,000 guilders to the fund. Among its beneficiaries
being seen too one-sidedly as a ‘Labour Party-NVV committee’. When the CZA, in 1965, set
was the Treason Trials Defence Fund, which acted ‘against the detention of South African
up a Dutch branch of the Defence and Aid Fund, it was again a staff member of the NVV, Piet
coloured trade unionists’, as De Vakbeweging somewhat narrowly described its purpose.
Gille, who took up the central position of secretary/treasurer.
6 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 7
The NVV board showed an interest in the committee from the start. While KAB and CNV
The NVV and Jonge Strijd were often among the signatories that endorsed CZA actions
refused funding requests, the NVV and its affiliated ‘Centrale’ workers insurance company
and protests. In 1963 the CZA decided to revive the idea of promoting a consumer boycott
became loyal sponsors of the cash-starved CZA. The NVV was also a prominent bidder at
of South African products. NKV (the former KAB) and CNV refused to support the planned
an art auction, broadcasted on TV in 1966, to the benefit of the Defence and Aid Fund,
campaign; the NVV and other organisations did endorse it. In the run-up the CZA and the
which all three trade union federations facilitated putting in their telephone switchboards.
Students Committee had to conclude, however, that ‘the large organisations’ were not
For some time, the CZA’s information bulletin was produced at cost price alternately by
particularly keen to carry the ball and that it was apparently left to themselves to get the
the Dutch Labour Party and the NVV. CZA meetings were regularly held at different NVV
campaign off the ground. Shortly before, the feasibility of a more far-reaching dockers’ boy-
venues. For most of the CZA’s existence, its financial administration was run by the NVV
cott of a South African ship that had been banned from Danish ports and might surface in
accounting department. NVV committee members helped fostering contacts for instance
the Netherlands, had sparked discussion within the committee after Rein Wijkstra appeared
when efforts were made to interest KAB or CNV representatives in participating in the CZA,
annoyed by a snub in the CZA bulletin: ‘In the Netherlands we sometimes hear trade union
and they brought union issues into the discussion within the CZA. Treasurer Max de Leeuw
leaders say that the union can’t possibly embark on such a boycott as it would be “impossi-
would for instance tell his CZA colleagues that the NVV had met with South African garment
ble to get the workers to go along”. The Scandinavian example suggests that the opposite is
workers’ union members, who had showed an interest in receiving the CZA bulletin, or in-
the case, and that workers find it hard to get the union leadership to go along.’ In his letter,
form them that the NVV would appreciate receiving from CZA regular copy for its media.
Wijkstra protested that ‘the leadership’ of the NVV had committed itself to supporting an
action if the ship would call at a Dutch port. ‘I believe criticism of trade union leaders is
YOUNG NVV MILITANTS
useful and should be welcomed, but only if we keep the facts straight.’ To this he added that
In 1963-64, the NVV youth wing ‘Jonge Strijd’ (Young Militants) was the most active
the NVV had its organisational and legal reasons to hesitate to bring into play the boycott
among a number of youth organisations in raising money for the work of the CZA and the
instrument. In Denmark both individual dockworkers and their trade unions got fined in
CZA-affiliated Students Committee. Jonge Strijd launched the ‘Blank en zwart – niet apart’
court in connection with the case.
campaign (White and Black: Not Apart, a rhyme in Dutch), and through a colourful variety
of ways collected more than 17,000 guilders. The NVV Women’s Union contributed another
1000 guilders and at the closing ceremony NVV treasurer – and CZA board member – Rein
Wijkstra told that the NVV board had decided to top up the proceeds to 20,000 guilders.
The CZA pledged not to use the donation to cover ongoing operational costs, but to use it
for direct support to South Africans.
Picketers carrying signs made by NVV youth
saying ‘Against apartheid’ and ‘Don’t buy
Closing ceremony of the
South African Outspan oranges’,
‘Blank en zwart – niet apart’
Amsterdam, 1964
campaign, June 1964
8 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 9
The most visible part of the CZA boycott campaign was the picketing of grocery stores in
PICKING UP PACE IN THE 1970S
four Dutch cities in April/May 1964. Jonge Strijd made an indispensable contribution by constructing all 100 signs to be carried by the picketers in Amsterdam. ‘No group provided as
Dutch trade union attitudes towards South Africa and apartheid witnessed a considera-
much support as did the NVV,’ the organisers wrote in an internal evaluation. ‘In Amsterdam
ble evolution in the 1970s. A first major statement on South Africa, now made jointly by
almost all the stencil copying work was done by the NVV. Full cooperation was promised and
the three trade union federations NVV, NKV and CNV, was published in the run up to the
put into effect as regards the production, transport and storage of the signs … As for the
first International Trade Union Conference against Apartheid (Geneva, June 1973). The
demonstration we have seen little from the NVV. Given trade union priorities one cannot
federations’ condemnation of the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia, the illegal
expect them to appeal to their members to take part in solidarity demonstrations. Neither
occupation of Namibia and the colonial repression in the Portuguese colonies was rooted,
can this be expected to change in the future, I think’ – a misguided prediction, as it would
the statement read, in a long trade union tradition of advocating decolonisation, elimination
turn out.
of discrimination and better lives for all workers irrespective of their colour. The federations
called for a stop to the existing financial incentives for emigration to South Africa; they
SOUTH AFRICA SENT PACKING
identified conditions that should be met by Dutch enterprises wishing to invest in South
In the ILO, the position of black workers and unions in South Africa had been repeatedly
Africa, for instance in the areas of trade union rights and equal pay; and they said discus-
under discussion long before World War Two. After 1945 and especially after Sharpeville
sions should be initiated within firms on their investment policies in Southern Africa. In a
new member states, particularly from newly decolonised Africa, revived the debate. Chaotic
statement made in Geneva on behalf of the Dutch delegation, Oscar de Vries Reilingh, the
meetings eventually led to the expulsion of the South African workers’ delegation in 1963,
NVV’s international affairs director, above all spoke about actions planned by the Dutch fed-
after which South Africa withdrew from the organisation altogether before the next confer-
erations. Somewhat disappointed, he later wrote in an internal report that ‘The Conference
ence in 1964.
was more of a verbal manifestation against apartheid than a meeting in which a concrete
programme of action was drawn up identifying short-term and longer-term priorities.’
In July 1965, the NVV hosted the 8th ICFTU world congress in Amsterdam. A new resolution
on South Africa was adopted, welcoming the actions taken by the ILO with the full support
New Dutch groups, taking on new varieties of extra-parliamentary action against
of the ILO workers’ group that had led to South Africa’s withdrawal, and urging the UN to
apartheid, blossomed after 1970. They included the Working Group Kairos, originally
initiate similar action. ICFTU president Arne Geijer said the focus should not be on political
issues, but when trade union rights were at risk, the ICFTU could not and should not remain
silent.
set up as a support group for Dr. Beyers Naudé’s Christian Institute, the Boycott
Outspan Action and the Dutch Anti-Apartheid Movement (AABN). The existing Angola
Committee became the Holland Commitee on Southern Africa (KZA), and turned its
attention to South Africa as well. The Comité Zuid-Afrika, in which the NVV had been
involved in the 1960s, found it hard to adapt to the changing times and quit the scene.
The NVV would continue to cooperate with activist groups (as it did with others, such
as the churches), but from now on at arm’s length.
The federations, via their own media, were already informing members about apartheid
and trade union repression in South Africa. To this was now added a tinge of action. In
September 1973, the federations sent letters to more than 80 firms thought to be active in
Southern Africa. Some, including Shell and other major investors in South Africa, didn’t bother to react at all. The often evasive responses of others were passed on to the unions for
10 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 11
follow-up action. Not much happened, however, and the campaign ‘kept hovering at central
as such: ships arriving from South Africa during the boycott week were not stopped from
level,’ according to one of those involved looking back.
discharging cargo in Dutch ports. As one trade unionist in Rotterdam said, the ongoing
problems with wages may have occupied the minds of people more than a solidarity boycott
INTERNATIONAL WEEK OF ACTION
the effect of which was not clear anyway, and people feared for their jobs. Perhaps rather
After the Soweto massacre in 1976 it became clear once more that attitudes of the interna-
ungenerously, Dutch solidarity committees cooperating in the campaign concluded that at
tional trade unions towards the apartheid issue were deeply affected by what happened
such short notice one could not have expected a truly effective boycott action, which would
inside South Africa. In a letter to the Dutch government, the FNV – the new federation of
have required ‘more than leaflets for workers in the ports and a few articles in the trade
NVV and NKV – moved away from the idea of allowing investment subject to certain condi-
union press.’
tions. It now said that the government should work towards breaking off all relations.
In simultaneous letters to the ICFTU and the WCL, the FNV urged the trade union internationals to call upon all their affiliates to follow this example. The ICFTU now spoke out more
forcefully than ever, moving on to demanding a total boycott of South Africa. It called for an
international week of solidarity with black workers in South Africa to be held in January the
‘He earns 35 guilders in a 48-hour week…
next year. The WCL (to which NKV was affiliated) as well as the WFTU (no Dutch affiliates)
His employer may be the same as yours!’
endorsed the call. The FNV fully supported the plan. This time the unions, union committees
ICFTU poster distributed in the Netherlands for
and representatives in works councils would start debates inside companies and approach the
another international week of trade union action
against apartheid in 1978, which attracted far
boards of companies with business interests in South Africa, while dockers and airport ground
less media attention. The FNV now put greater
staff would refuse to handle vessels and aircraft bound for or arriving from South Africa.
emphasis on working inside companies to raise
union members’ awareness of economic relations
Picket line outside the South African
of their companies with apartheid, rather than
embassy on the closing day of the January
start by proclaiming a boycott ‘from above’
1977 boycott week. Members of the NVV
Industriebond from Hoogovens, the NVV
service workers’ union ‘Mercurius’ and other
unions joined activists from the AABN.
The picketers carried placards advertising
Yet they were quite satisfied, as was the FNV, with the fact that for the first time so many
the Support Fund for SACTU and other un-
workers had participated in discussions and had been made conscious of the roles played by
derground trade unions in Southern Africa,
an AABN initiative supported, among other
organisations, by the NVV youth wing.
their own companies in sustaining apartheid.
When later in 1977 the European Community published its Code of Conduct for firms
investing in South Africa, the FNV denounced it as primarily a ‘sympathetic gesture’, which
The FNV week of action attracted a lot of media attention. Drake Koka of the South African
lacked a mechanism to impose compliance. It was ‘too little, too late’ in view of the recent
Black Allied Workers Union was the FNV’s guest during the week; the FNV’s own weekly
worsening of the situation in South Africa. The FNV once again urged the Dutch government
members’ magazine published interviews with him and SACTU’s John Gaetsewe on the
to sever all economic relations with South Africa, with the immediate imposition of an oil
occasion. Part of the publicity, admittedly, centred on the apparent failure of the boycott
embargo as a first step.
12 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 13
AWARENESS AND SOLIDARITY
After the split-up between the three trade union federations, the FNV continued
the SOSV awareness-raising work under the heading of BOV, ‘Bewustwordingswerk
In April 1974, a number of shop stewards of the NVV Vervoersbond from Rotterdam, taking
Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Vakbeweging’ (Trade Union Awareness Activities for
part in an awareness raising seminar on third-world labour issues, decided to pick up on a
Development Cooperation). Under the BOV project a FNV/BOV Working Group on South
request from the Dutch Anti-Apartheid Movement (AABN) to be their eyes and ears in the
Africa was set up in 1982 as a spin-off from the FNV’s involvement in the UN-declared
Rotterdam port area. They formed a group under a major awareness raising project of the
International Year of Mobilisation for Sanctions against South Africa. During the UN sanc-
Stichting Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Vakbeweging (SOSV), the development cooperation
tions year, activities in the Netherlands were coordinated by a foundation in which the FNV
arm of the three trade union federations. The project, typical of the 1970s, was funded by
participated together with the Holland Commitee on Southern Africa and Kairos as well as
the Ministry of Development Cooperation and aimed at increasing union members’ aware-
a number of political parties. Almost all FNV-affiliated unions paid attention to the issue of
ness of international solidarity issues, encouraging them to perceive the links between the
sanctions against apartheid in their members’ magazines and circulated material published
struggles of others and those of their own and to take part in solidarity activities. Trade un-
by the foundation, while numerous meetings were spent discussing the South African issue.
ion anti-apartheid activities fell under the SOSV project from 1972 to the split-up in 1976,
Workshops and days of action were organised by the FNV and a number of unions, and
when NVV and NKV became the FNV and the CNV went its separate way.
actions took place at several companies.
The Rotterdam SOSV group joined the ongoing investigations and campaign of the AABN
In the past year high priority has come to be placed on activities with regard to
against the illegal trade with Rhodesia, in addition to efforts to spread information on
South Africa and the struggle against apartheid. Concrete action plans on South Africa
Southern Africa among fellow workers. The group soon enjoyed successes, such as when a
cargo of herbicides on its way to Rhodesia was intercepted. Other workers passed on inside
information on shipments, and more embargo violations were brought to light. Fascism in
are now being worked out in virtually all unions, in the federation, nationally, regionally
and locally. This development is, of course, partly a consequence of events in South
Africa, but it is also encouraged by the federation and the unions, which have long
made the campaign against apartheid one of their priorities. In this respect, regular
Chile became an area of concern as well. But both the group members and those who chose
contacts with trade unionists from South Africa have been extremely stimulating.
to covertly assist the group had reasons to fear the negative consequences of their commit-
Wherever they were, be it at trade union congresses, a workshop or a living-room
ment. Neither was it always an easy relationship between the group and the unions.
gathering, they were an enormous inspiration. From a report from the FNV/BOV
The group felt that they only got ‘passive’ support; as one member commented: ‘Many
project to its main sponsor, the Dutch government, September 1986
issues are being referred to international trade union bodies, which in most cases don’t
It was this pattern of BOV activities which only expanded over the years to follow. South
take any action.’
Africa working groups of union members were also set up within several unions and local FNV
The Rotterdam SOSV group glued stickers with texts such as
‘Stop smuggling tobacco from Rhodesia’ and ‘Apartheid is a crime’
onto bales of tobacco arriving from South Africa, to alert workers
branches and in a number of firms. Increasingly, local FNV branches were also called upon
to play an active role with regard to their city’s anti-apartheid policy. Members of different
unions from different parts of the country and anti-apartheid activists took part in the central
in tobacco factories, hoping to incite them to join their action.
FNV/BOV group. While the BOV work was concerned with more areas than just South Africa,
Group members also concealed leaflets among merchandise
the South Africa group was the only central FNV/BOV group that produced its own bi-monthly
destined for South Africa. It was inferred from several reports
publication, Arbeidersstrijd tegen Apartheid (Workers’ Struggle against Apartheid). Between
that South Africans felt heartened by finding leaflets telling
1983 and 1990, for many in the Netherlands within and some outside the FNV, ‘ATA’ was the
them, ‘Dutch workers support you’
14 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
main source of information on developments in the South African trade union movement.
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 15
TRADE UNION WOMEN AGAINST
APARTHEID
A South African Chemical Workers Industrial Union delegation
visited the Industriebond in October 1989 for talks on a code
of conduct for Dutch companies with South African subsidiaries.
‘We will have to feed the FNV’s actions against apartheid, more than we have done so
far, with information on the position of black South African women,’ said FNV women’s
Part of the code set out a strict disinvestment procedure, which
secretary Elske ter Veld, speaking in Amsterdam in 1980 at a conference on Women against
the CWIU said was ‘necessary because most of the alleged
Apartheid, held on the initiative of the Dutch Anti-Apartheid Movement. Ter Veld went on
disinvestments from South Africa have been not genuine.
to predict that ‘Within the trade union movement it will not always be easy to explain why
Rather they have been exercises in corporate camouflage.’
women must again be highlighted … We as women trade unionists will then be able to come
up with our own activities, give practical support to women strikers, launch actions in Dutch
firms that employ women in Southern Africa … Actions that are based on mutual recognition
I started working for the FNV In 1977 as a project staff member for ‘trade union aware-
of each other’s situations.’ In the years that followed, Dutch trade union women set to work
ness activities for development cooperation’, according to the terms of my appointment.
towards highlighting the cause of their South African colleagues.
Chile and South Africa were the most important areas. My colleagues and I were very
much involved in the coal boycott and in the end succeeded in convincing power stations to stop burning South African coal. In the port of Rotterdam we had a working
group on South Africa. One day a couple of military camouflage nets were seen being
The FNV delegation to the ICFTU World Women’s Conference that was held in Madrid in
1985 focused its efforts on the draft conference statement on women workers under apart-
transhipped, coming from Germany and destined for South Africa. According to us this
heid. A special Support Committee of FNV Women against Apartheid was formed after the
was an infringement of the arms embargo, so the cargo was returned. Together with
conference. Among its aims was that of helping to improve opportunities for South African
the AABN we then published a report on violations of the arms embargo.
women workers to participate in trade union activities. A valuable contact at the time was
Emma Mashinini, general secretary of the Dienstenbond’s South African sister, COSATU-
I remember endless discussions in Brussels with Cyril Ramaphosa, the then trade union
leader, on whether, and how, a progressive black trade union in South Africa was possible at all. The question for us was: are we going to put a million guilders in it or aren’t
we? Yet I think foreign support has been important for the development of the unions.
affiliate CCAWUSA. The committee also met with delegations from the Domestic Workers
Association of South Africa and from the Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA). During a
meeting Emma Mashinini welcomed the plan to expressly invite South African trade union
women to study visits to the Netherlands, because ‘If just “union members” are invited, it’s
From 1984 I have been a regional executive of the Voedingsbond. Based on my com-
always the men who will go.’ This was not exactly the experience of another FNV union, the
mitment I am still member of a union working group on South Africa. The food workers’
Vervoersbond: its South African sister union had always included women in its delegations.
union is always happy to take part in actions, also in cases when the FNV does not, for
‘Every time the subject of money came up, however, it was the men who took the floor,’ it
example in the blockade of the Shell laboratory. Tomorrow we are going to officially
call off the Shell boycott. We will also notify Shell – a simple act of common decency.
was reported during a support committee meeting.
Dick de Graaf, FNV staff member and later Voedingsbond official, looking back in
What was seen as more important than selecting special projects on women’s issues, was
December 1993 (excerpts from an interview in Nederland tegen Apartheid, 1994).
ensuring that women were involved in ‘normal’ FNV and ICFTU projects. Several projects
For FNV/BOV staff members, their awarenessraising work was inextricably linked
under way both by the FNV and e.g. by FIET, the international federation to which the
with various types of anti-apartheid campaigning and support to the independent
Dienstenbond was affiliated, were already meeting this criterion. Meanwhile, the committee
labour movement in South Africa, as shown by De Graaf’s story.
16 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 17
found it easy enough to devise useful projects; positive effects in awareness-raising
FOR EXAMPLE: THE OIL EMBARGO
activities in the Netherlands, however, proved increasingly difficult to realise.
Looking back in 1995, Nelson Mandela identified the international embargo on the supply
The FNV women’s union (Vrouwenbond) was an active participant in the FNV/BOV pro-
of oil to South Africa as ‘one of the most important sanctions against the apartheid regime’.
gramme. An ongoing project to support the South African Domestic Workers Union was a
The Netherlands was the home to the Shipping Research Bureau, a unique institution set
success. SADWU delegates attended the Vrouwenbond’s 40th anniversary celebration in
up in the wake of a UN-sponsored international seminar to discuss the oil embargo held in
1988. The Vrouwenbond was also one of the FNV unions whose members took turns partici-
Amsterdam in 1980. For over a dozen years, until the UN lifted oil sanctions in late 1993,
pating in weekly, later monthly rallies at the South African embassy in The Hague
people from around the world looking for solid information on embargo violations would
for a number of years in the later 1980s.
turn to the Amsterdam-based ‘embargo watchdog’.
The ‘Malibongwe’ conference in January 1990 was a milestone in Dutch anti-apartheid history. No less than about 100 women from within South Africa and about 50 who lived in exile
met in Amsterdam during the two-week conference. The FNV co-sponsored the conference
and invited South African trade union women to take part. Several FNV unions prepared
FNV president Wim Kok addressing the
special meetings between the South Africans and their Dutch colleagues. 76-year-old exiled
Amsterdam oil embargo seminar,
trade union veteran Ray Simons, founder of the Food and Canning Workers Union, together
15 March 1980. Seated at the table,
with five other South African women visited a cocoa factory, meeting its almost all-fe-
below the big banner, is SWAPO president
male works council and Voedingsbond president Greetje Lubbi; together with 25-year-old
Sam Nujoma.
Thembelihle Ngcobo, staff member of the Paper, Printing, Wood and Allied Workers Union,
Ray Simons also visited the Amsterdam office of the Bouw- en Houtbond; Gladys Mlangeni,
treasurer of the National Education, Health and Allied Workers Union and Gwen Ramokgopa,
FNV president Wim Kok was one of the speakers at the Amsterdam oil embargo seminar, in
then a medical student, now South Africa’s deputy health minister, met with women of the
which delegates from the FNV’s international department participated. Kok said the Soweto
FNV civil servants’ union AbvaKabo; women journalists from both countries met each other;
uprising of 1976 was proof that dialogue was a dead end; in line with the ICFTU and the
and a shop steward of the South African Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers Union met
WCL the FNV had reached the conclusion that an economic boycott should be imposed. ‘The
with a Dutch fellow trade unionist of the Dienstenbond at the Aalsmeer flower auction to
FNV, together with many other Dutch organisations, believes that an economic boycott
discuss similarities and differences between union work in both countries. Malibongwe was
could best be started by banning the sale of oil to South Africa.’
an unprecedented opportunity for South African trade union women to meet on safe ground
and discuss their situation under apartheid and their future in a liberated South Africa, as
Indicative of the cross-border interrelatedness of anti-apartheid work, the Shipping
well as forge closer relationships with their Dutch counterparts.
Research Bureau forged much closer links with trade unions outside the Netherlands than
with the FNV. Research was partly undertaken in close collaboration with these unions and
their members. The Norwegian labour movement supported the research financially during
many years, which the FNV never did. Dutch unions and international trade union bodies
such as ICFTU and WCL felt they should adhere to their standard policy that only trade union
projects inside South Africa would be considered for financial assistance.
18 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 19
The FNV board or individual international department staff members gladly put in a word,
‘Only the most forceful and clear signals coming from the outside world can possibly
however, when the Dutch embargo researchers tried to obtain funding from the ICFTU, as
bear results. I want to stress that we consider sanctions to be the foremost of such
did the secretary-general of the ITF and the Norwegian trade union confederation. In the
end a partial success was achieved when the ICFTU found a donor – the solidarity committee
of the Norwegian labour movement, a regular funder of the SRB anyway – to fund a publication on the oil embargo tailored to be used in the trade union movement.
signals … So far, governments have not been able to unite on a common programme
of sanctions against South Africa. However, this should not be an excuse for any
government to refrain from initiatives to take sanctions unilaterally …
We are willling to cooperate with other unions, at a European and global level …
Let this be seen as an invitation from our side for closer international cooperation
between unions in this field.’ Part of a statement by FNV Executive Board member,
For the researchers, asking for a grant, if only a token one, from the unions served as well as
a lever to raise awareness among trade unionists on how they could use research findings to
promote the oil embargo. Members of staff of the FNV international department maintained
fruitful contacts with the researchers and their activist board members of the Holland
and former NKV international affairs executive, Jan van Greunsven, made to the
International Trade Union Conference against Apartheid, Geneva June 1983. The conference was organised by the ILO Workers’ Group, whose secretary at the time, incidentally,
was Oscar de Vries Reilingh, the former international affairs director of the NVV, who in
1973 had represented the NVV at the International Trade Union Conference
Commitee on Southern Africa and Kairos, and regularly sought the expertise of the SRB. At
international trade union meetings and ILO conferences they acquainted other delegates
with the work of the Bureau and distributed its publications, or presented a conference
AT ALL LEVELS
paper prepared jointly with the SRB. They facilitated meetings between the researchers
With regard to sanctions against apartheid South Africa the FNV endorsed and followed
and other trade union delegations, or even saw to it that a representative of the SRB was
up on decisions of international trade union bodies, and sometimes itself took the lead,
included in the official FNV delegation.
both in the European Trade Union Confederation and in the ICFTU (see above). Not all was
about international and national trade union federation diplomacy, though, as unions, union
In november 1983 FNV staff member Dick de Graaf consulted the SRB on what
committees in companies, shop stewards and rank-and-file members were involved as well.
information on the oil embargo he might bring in to the next meeting of the ICFTU
As early as in 1978, after talks with anti-apartheid activists, trade unionists of NVV and
Coordinating Committee on South Africa in Brussels. Soon after the meeting he
NKV distributed 6000 copies of a pamphlet on the role of the Shell oil company in Southern
contacted the SRB again to relate what the role of the FNV would be regarding
Africa among workers of the company. The NVV Industriebond raised the issue of Shell’s
the ICFTU ‘Programme of Action in Support of the Independent Black Trade Union
Movement in South Africa’. De Graaf asked the SRB to draft a paper on oil sanctions
for him to present at a forthcoming ICFTU symposium in Düsseldorf in January 1984.
Thus the FNV was able to base its contribution on thoroughly researched background
role within its international federation ICEF. The NVV/NKV union committee at the Shell
laboratory in Amsterdam issued a statement condemning Shell’s attitude towards Southern
Africa, which was blocked by management from being published in the lab’s staff magazine.
information, while at the same time SRB got an opportunity to leave its mark on
Unions members at the Shell refinery near Rotterdam declared their solidarity with black
discussions within the trade union movement. It was this kind of exemplary collabora-
South African workers in their struggle against apartheid and their willingness to support
tion which was incorporated in the updated Programme of Action adopted at the end
that struggle. The commitment only grew over the decade that followed. Individual mem-
of the Düsseldorf symposium: ‘The ICFTU will work for agreement on a mandatory oil
bers, after contacts had been forged through union channels, also responded to requests to
embargo through the UN conference on the supply and transport of oil to South Africa.
We will, in cooperation with the Shipping Research Bureau, seek to identify practical
measures which may contribute to the implementation of the existing oil embargo
against South Africa.’
assist the SRB with confidential information from within their companies; such assistance,
for understandable reasons, better remained hidden from view. ITF Inspectors in Rotterdam
– based at the offices of the Federation of Seafaring Workers (FWZ), an FNV affiliate long opposed to any action against apartheid – established a long-lasting mutual cooperation with
the SRB. The ITF itself, however, refused to participate in the international Maritime Unions
20 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 21
Against Apartheid (MUAA) initiative in which the SRB was involved, because it was opposed
to any joint initiatives of ITF/ICFTU-affiliated and WFTU-affiliated unions outside the ILO
ASSISTANCE TO SOUTH AFRICAN
TRADE UNIONS
framework. In 1985 neither the FNV Vervoersbond nor the FWZ sent delegates to the
MUAA conference. ‘I cannot run faster than I already do as far as South Africa is concerned,’
In the early 1970s the SOSV, the development cooperation arm of the three Dutch trade un-
Vervoersbond official Kees Marges would explain to the SRB. Fears for the loss of jobs large-
ion federations, started developing a programme of direct material support to trade unions
ly determined the attitudes towards South African boycotts of members and shop stewards
in developing countries, either provided through the trade union internationals or directly by
in his union. FWZ president Cees Roodenburg pointed to the same problem in a rare conver-
the Dutch federations. The formation in 1973 of a centre-left government opened up new
sation with the SRB: thousands of his members sailed on ships that frequented South Africa,
sources of official funding. Beneficiaries at the time, to name just a few, included the exiled
‘and worse, this whole MUAA campaign is run by communists.’ Cold War sentiments remained
SACTU; the Black Allied Workers Union in South Africa; so-called ‘worker service organisa-
a factor affecting the room for anti-apartheid action also in the trade union movement.
tions’ in South Africa that provided educational, advisory, administrative and legal services
to black workers and their trade unions; and the Namibia National Workers Union (for which
You can imagine that I, as a representative from Rotterdam, the world’s biggest port,
a fundraising campaign was also staged by the NVV Industriebond, which in 1975 raised
found myself in a somewhat awkward position of not being able to report any concrete
about a quarter million guilders for education and training of Namibian union activists).
progress as regards sanctions and other measures against apartheid taken by the
Rotterdam authorities … This experience led me to once more calling on you urgently
to please take those measures which you have the power to take, which have been
After the formation of the FNV in 1976, support projects continued under the Trade Union
proposed for instance in the report of the Shipping Research Bureau. In Luxembourg, we
Co-financing Programme as well as other government programmes, and out of the FNV’s own
as FNV Transport Workers Union have wholeheartedly supported a declaration requiring
means. In 1982 the FNV set up its own Wij en Zij (‘We and Them’) international solidarity
all affiliated unions to make sure, if necessary through actions, that the international
fund, its name a legacy of the NKV solidarity fund. The fund received donations from the FNV,
embargoes on oil and arms transports to South Africa are rigidly observed and to see
trade union members, FNV-connected banks and others. SACTU remained a beneficiary of the
that they will be extended generally to all South African cargoes and trade. From an
open letter from Kees Marges (Vervoersbond FNV) of 11 August 1986 to Mayor and
Aldermen of the city of Rotterdam, written after the 35th ITF Congress in Luxembourg
support programme only until 1978. Its affiliation to WFTU was seen as a stumbling block as
well as its claim to exclusive rights to represent the South African workers. The formation of
the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) in 1979 opened the way for the FNV to
redirect its funding to a non-racial trade union umbrella organisation working inside South Africa.
In this, the FNV joined the Scandinavian group of ICFTU affiliates, with leading roles for the
‘Each drop is one too many – On to the next pump’:
Swedish and Norwegian trade union confederations. They similarly mainly relied on funds made
campaign sticker of the Voedingsbond FNV.
available by their governments, with no strings attached (which meant that, irrespective of the
The union joined the international Shell boycott
source of the funds, the trade union donors themselves were able to select projects for funding).
campaign of the late 1980s
FNV South African trade union support projects during a few selected years
22 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
1979: 3 projects 180,000 guilders
1980: 3 projects almost 250,000 guilders
1981: 6 projects almost 500,000 guilders
1986: 22 projects 1.25 mln guilders
1991: 20 projects just over 2 mln guilders
1992: 16 projects almost 2.5 million guilders
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 23
The FNV also supported CUSA, the competing trade union confederation committed to black
that a practical solution should be sought. The ICFTU reached the decision, if not without
worker leadership in the unions that was formed in 1980. Assistance to the South African
arguments, that from then on the donors’ group would negotiate with COSATU on direct
trade union movement was channelled through the ICFTU Coordinating Committee on South
disbursements, while the results would still be presented to the Coordinating Committee. At
Africa, which met at least once a year. The ICFTU donors’ group supported efforts towards
the same time, the group would work towards a normalisation of COSATU-ICFTU relations.
seeking unity in the fast-evolving union landscape in South Africa, which culminated in
As former FNV staff member Tom Etty recalls: ‘The important thing is that the FNV together
1985 in the launch of COSATU. The new federation chose not to affiliate to the ICFTU.
with the four Nordics has sought to convince the black and non-racial trade union movement
But unlike its predecessor FOSATU, it also decided to reject any direct ICFTU funding. ‘The
in South Africa that the ICFTU was not a piece of Cold War machinery in the hands of AFL-
reason given by COSATU,’ the ICFTU secretary-general, not amused, told the Coordinating
CIO. And so we acted as an important postillon d’amour contributing to the eventual affilia-
Committee, ‘is that there are “good” and “bad” organisations within ICFTU, and money from
tion of COSATU to the ICFTU – an abhorrent idea for many in COSATU at the time.’ COSATU
“bad” organisations cannot be accepted.’ Just days before the committee meeting, COSATU
joined the ICFTU in 1997.
delegates had met in Stockholm with the ‘good guys’, the Nordic/FNV group of donors that
had for years provided most of the ICFTU support. As COSATU’s Jay Naidoo later recalled
Etty’s former colleague at the international affairs department Wouter van der Schaaf
about the Stockholm meeting, ‘They were prepared to work with us on a bilateral basis …
points out that ‘Financially, the support accounted for a substantial part of the FNV’s
They were forthright and open in their criticism and also in hearing us out. This laid the basis
budgetary resources available for trade union development cooperation. The unconditional
for a good relationship.’
choices made at the time by the FNV and the Scandinavian unions made a key contribution
to extending COSATU’s ability to act and raising its profile.’
The FNV and its Nordic colleagues succeeded in persuading the ICFTU that delaying the support that COSATU needed would only fuel the explosive situation in South Africa. Although
In 1980 Willy Wagenmans started working for the FNV International Affairs depart-
being firmly committed to the principle of international coordination themselves, they felt
ment, where he became responsible for the ‘Wij en Zij’ Fund (now FNV Mondiaal), the
financed by solidarity contributions from union members and the government through
Beneficiaries of FNV South African support projects – selected years
individual trade unions in South Africa trade union support fund for workers and trade unions in the Third World. The fund was
the co-financing programme, while some unions at the time also managed to arrange
1979 1981 1986 1992
%%%%
funds through collective bargaining.
‘This gave us the opportunity to spend money on organising actions and training and
89 20 18 23
supporting unions world-wide. South Africa had a tradition of trade unions in which
FOSATU/COSATU confederation –
37 11 34
black and white openly worked together. Apartheid meant that there was a great deal
CUSA/NACTU confederation – –
23 16
11 –
–
–
and trade union members felt strongly about the anti-apartheid struggle, which was
–
43 14 14
expressed in a strong commitment. The Dienstenbond, for example, cooperated with
–
–
22 12
Trade Union Advisory Coordinating Council (TUACC) worker service organisations, etc. of obstruction against the unions. The level of attention was high in the Netherlands
legal and relief aid, e.g. to sacked strikers and families
of detained unionists the South African union of domestic workers and sent them photocopiers.’
‘Our journalists’ union took the lead in supporting the ANC’s Radio Freedom. Its
International Federation of Free Teachers Unions
conference on education against apartheid –
–
11 –
1983 campaign, run together with the broadcasting workers’ unions, raised 90,000
South Africa postcard campaign Netherlands –
–
1
–
guilders for equipment and training, a huge sum at the time. The fund had a relief aid
COSATU/ANC study tour to the Netherlands and Denmark – –
–
1
programme running too, for people who lost their jobs or were imprisoned for union
100 100 100
24 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
100 activities. The FNV supported the families of these trade union activists.’
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 25
The FNV cooperated extensively with the new trade union federation FOSATU, formed
SOLIDARITY ALL OVER THE PLACE
in 1979, which aimed at building a broad multi-racial trade union movement. ‘We helped
train shop stewards and provided practical support in many ways, next to rallying
It would be false to suggest that the Dutch, or all Dutch workers, or even the entire mem-
political support. We cooperated closely with Scandinavian countries, with intensive
bership of the FNV stood united in solidarity with South Africans in their fight against
consultations aimed at a coordinated approach. With German, British and French unions
apartheid. Often enough, trade union members concerned about apartheid or about the role
we primarily coordinated the political line (e.g. on the oil and arms embargoes and other
sanctions against South Africa, and our strategy towards the ILO). We were refused
entry to South Africa, and always met in neighbouring countries. I very well remember
of their own company may have felt frustrated at not being able to find a sympathetic ear
among their colleagues. And yet, a selection of examples from the wide array of FNV activ-
we had invited a FOSATU delegation to the Netherlands. For most it was their first
ities on South Africa since 1980 cannot fail to leave us impressed with the extraordinary
visit and the South Africans went from one surprise to the next. The cooperation and
level of engagement demonstrated by all sectors of the trade union movement.
consultations with employers, the legal assistance service, the training facilities, the
way unions were taken seriously by the government… How on earth had we managed
to get that far?’
The transformation of FOSATU into COSATU in 1985 was a historic turning point. ‘For
years we cooperated with Jay Naidoo, Cyril Ramaphosa and other trade union leaders;
we supported them, and during the big miners’ strike of 1987 the FNV was even
prepared to mobilise half a million guilders from its own strike fund to provide legal
assistance to the union in South Africa. It’s only much later you realise that it did
make a difference. The day Nelson Mandela walked out of prison, it was not only his
then wife Winnie, but Cyril Ramaphosa too who walked at his side. It is very special for
a trade union, and a union staff member too, to have contributed to building a stronger
trade union movement.’
Willy Wagenmans, FNV International Department staff member, interviewed by
Anne Graumans in 2013 (abridged from http://www.pvda.nl/berichten/2013/10/
Vakbondssteun+tijdens+apartheidsregime).
1980 January: equipment campaign of NVV youth wing, and youth of the Dienstenbonden
FNV, Druk & Papier and other unions for ANC school in Tanzania • July: Federation Council
discusses withdrawal of FNV investments from firms involved in SA; ‘Concerned Members’
chain themselves to FNV head office entrance, protesting against lack of progress •
November: FNV co-publishes report on Dutch-SA economic relations • November:
co-founder ABOP meets with sister unions at the first ‘International Committee of Educators
to Combat Racism Anti-Semitism and Apartheid’ congress in Tel Aviv; sharp condemnation of
apartheid system • 1981 March: 6-day visit of banned Ford SA strike leader Thozamile
Botha; meets works council and union committee at Ford Amsterdam; speaks at FNV/AABN
solidarity meeting • May: Vervoersbond pensioners active in newly launched local ‘Haarlem
against Apartheid’ initiative • November: Unilever central works council informs SA Food
Beverage Workers Union on willingness to support black workers’ struggle for emancipation
• 1982 May: Industriebond Central Liaison Committee at Shell speaks out against the
company’s SA policy • June: FNV publishes Solidair magazine on SA, on the occasion of the
26 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 27
UN Sanctions Year • June: FNV and CNV meet Foreign Affairs Minister Van Agt, who derides
the release from detention of Moses Duma Nkosi, shop steward at Dutch SHV-owned Makro
voluntary boycotts as ‘a silly instrument’ • October: Druk & Papier president supports move
in Jo’burg, who visited the Netherlands in January • November: FNV youth and others rally
to expel racist SA union from International Graphical Federation; instead, is sent on mission
against presence of SA embassy representative at youth meeting on SA, Waddinxveen •
to SA; SA union eventually expelled in 1985 • September: two-day Industriebond study/
December: CCAWUSA general secretary Emma Mashinini told the press that ‘Mr Nkosi’s
action seminar for shop stewards and union officials considering to become active on SA •
release followed massive pressure on the Government by trade unions in Europe. She said
November: Vervoersbond day of action and seminar on SA coal • December: Kunstenbond
the most vocal was the Dutch union federation … which had sent letters to the South
participates in ‘The Cultural Voice of Resistance’ conference, Amsterdam, with Dutch and SA
African authorities calling for Mr Nkosi’s release’ • 1985 February: occupation of Rabo Bank
artists • 1983 January: launch of FNV/BOV Working Group on SA • March: Dienstenbond
in Waddinxveen by FNV youth and others, as part of Dienstenbond-supported campaign to
continues campaign against banks supporting apartheid with a brochure and picket of the
stop Krugerrand coin sales by Dutch banks • March: AbvaKabo women send letter to PW
ABN Bank head office in Amsterdam • August: Voedingsbond succeeds in getting on the
Botha protesting against arrest of Albertina Sisulu • April: FOSATU’s Chris Dlamini and
phone Oscar Mpetha of its sister trade union in SA, for whose release it had repeatedly
SFAWU’s Jay Naidoo tell their hosts of the Voedingsbond that they are ‘fed up with solidarity
campaigned • October: statement on SA at 34th ITF congress, Madrid, on the initiative of
that is no more than lip service. Never has such solidarity from Western governments and
FNV Vervoersbond representative, reacting to outrageous behaviour of SA union
workers got us any further. That’s why we are here at the FNV to discuss concrete ways of
representative who called SA bus boycotters ‘terrorists’ • November: first issue of FNV/BOV
solidarity’ • September: Industriebond writes a letter to Van Leer on the company’s
magazine Arbeidersstrijd tegen Apartheid • November: Dienstenbond introduces motion on
presence in SA • September-October: five trade unionists of three SA unions visit the
SA to FIET congress in Japan; Emma Mashinini from SA can’t take Dienstenbond brochure
Netherlands on a 3-week tour well covered by Dutch media, meeting Dutch colleagues at
home • 1984 January: reception at FNV head office and informal meeting of BOV groups
conferences and various other occasions, acquainting themselves with sister unions in the
with SA trade union delegation, on tour on the invitation of CNV; after returning to SA,
FNV and their own sectors in particular • November: Unilever central works council asks
delegation members are detained and interrogated on their trip • February: for the
board to refrain from expanding in SA • December: Emma Mashinini first COSATU executive
umpteenth time, Dutch national airline KLM found to support apartheid; after KLM works
to deliver a public address to Dutch trade unionists at an evening devoted to SA at a
council unanimously condemned KLM promotion of sports tournament in Bophuthatswana,
Dienstenbond congress • 1986 January: more than 100 demonstrate in Amsterdam against
Vervoersbond pickets KLM office in Amsterdam • April: FNV decides, on the request of
mass redundancies at Impala Platinum Mine; demonstration organised by combined FNV
Dienstenbond, Kunstenbond and NVJ, to grant 90,000 guilders to Radio Freedom, for
solidarity groups; among the speakers are representatives from the FNV Amsterdam branch
training of programme makers; Dutch technicians will install studio equipment • September:
and the president of Druk & Papier • January: Dienstenbond sends letter to Amro Bank,
launch of Dienstenbond postcard campaign, with FIET and CNV service workers’ union, for
urging it to stop short-term loans for SA trade • April: FNV working visit to Southern Africa,
28 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 29
but not SA; delegation visits SACTU offices in Lusaka • April: AbvaKabo grants 250,000
adds another 15,000 guilders, together enabling the purchase of two cars • November:
guilders for support to SA trade unions, especially for education and training; the grant will
Solidarity Week, first activity of The Hague SA Trade Union Support Committee, with local
be used for a Scandinavian co-financed course in Botswana, organised by Public Services
BOV group participation, sponsored by AbvaKabo The Hague and local FNV branch
International • May: presidents of Voedingbond and Dienstenbond sit on ‘shadow board’
• November: ten TGWU members, invited on the initiative of FNV and Vervoersbond by
which publishes critical ‘Shell Shadow Report’ on the occasion of Shell AGM • May: first
the City of Rotterdam for a training course, follow lessons at shipping and transport college,
and meet participants of the union’s September course and other FNV members
• November: FNV Magazine issue, featuring interviews with SA union leaders, is banned
national FNV South Africa Day to discuss better coordination between various FNV SA
groups, in the presence of COSATU and CUSA representatives • June: Remember Soweto
demonstration in Amsterdam, with launch of postcard campaign in support of call for
in SA • 1986-87: FNV youth active in committee that works towards renaming streets in
sanctions made by SA trade unions; presidents of all FNV unions symbolically sign giant
Leiden’s ‘Transvaal’ district after SA liberation fighters • 1987 January: start of fundraising
postcard • June: AbvaKabo receives delegation from SA sister unions for talks with board
campaign for SACTU initiated by AbvaKabo members working for the municipal social
and active members • July: FWZ writes letter to SA ambassador protesting against arrest of
services department in Amsterdam • March: CUSA’s Piroshaw Camay meets BOV working
unionists • July-August: Industriebond files protest with Dutch Philips head office at request
group in Rotterdam • March: Voedingsbond decides on SA action programme, centered on
of CWIU against dismissal of 55 workers at Philips SA subsidiary, who were subsequently
campaign against Shell • April: Industriebond meeting for Shell workers, with sacked Shell
reinstated • August: on the initiative of Voedingsbond, followed by Industriebond and other
SA employee Thomas Nkadimeng • April: launch of ABOP Radio Freedom campaign • May:
unions and FNV, 200 demonstrate at SA embassy against detention of SA trade unionists;
railway workers, members of Vervoersbond, picket at SA embassy in solidarity with their SA
the VVCS president, an exception among the ranks of the FNV, has spoken out against
Railways and Harbour Workers Union colleagues • May: FNV, ABOP, AbvaKabo, Bouw- en
anti-apartheid trade union action, but a VVCS official present says ‘Our policy is not solely
Houtbond, Dienstenbond, Horecabond, Industriebond and Voedingsbond sign national
determined by the president’ • August: three Third World solidarity organisations resume
newspaper ad calling on Shell to divest from SA • May: FNV general secretary Henk van
weekly lunchtime demonstrations at the SA embassy; FNV unions take part by turns
Eekert first FNV board member to speak on SA at Shell AGM • May: Industriebond president
• September: course for Vervoersbond members on how to organise SA solidarity and
writes sharp letter to Shell protesting against active discrimination by Shell SA of black
stimulate discussion within companies • September: FNV president hands 20,000 signed
employees • May: ‘Anti-Aparthate Benefit Pop Festival’ co-organised by FNV youth,
postcards to Dutch Parliament Speaker • September: Voedingsbond doubles sum of 15,000
Amersfoort • July: FNV, invited to attend COSATU congress, is refused entry to SA
guilders collected by active members during support campaign for SA sister union, and FNV
• August-­September: FNV Federation Council expresses support for striking miners in SA
30 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 31
anti-apartheid platform including FNV; FNV president Johan Stekelenburg (on photo on page
29 marching at the head, with Allan Boesak and others) reads message from COSATU to
50,000 demonstrators • June: action meeting of KLM employees at office of Vervoersbond;
union president promises that the union ‘will make every effort to protect anyone wanting
to initiate a boycott of KLM and SAL planes … Let’s start discussions on how to black at least
one plane from Amsterdam to Jo’burg in the very near future’ • September: Vervoersbond
study day on SA; about 90 participants • 1988-89: Vervoersbond members urge their union
and FNV to stop using Unisys computers because of the company’s SA relations • 1989
March: Industriebond union committee at Shell’s Amsterdam lab and FNV Amsterdam branch
and, on the request of the Miners International Federation, grants 600,000 guilders in legal
consider their position regarding planned ‘blockade spectacle’ that will fence off the lab
and relief aid from the unions’ strike funds; members are asked to donate through the Wij en
Zij fund, which allocates another 100,000 guilders; local union branches collect additional
• April: Shell blockade; unlike FNV and Industriebond union committee, Voedingsbond and
Amsterdam branch of AbvaKabo support and sponsor the demonstration • October: CWIU
money • September: ‘Political Café’ of FNV youth, Gouda branch, devoted to SA with
delegation, on visit to the Netherlands, negotiates agreement with Industriebond on code
collection for ANC • September: FNV president presents new report by FNV and anti-apart-
of conduct for Dutch firms investing in South Africa; both unions hold often difficult talks,
heid groups on Dutch-SA economic relations, saying tension may arise between the struggle
in the Netherlands and South Africa, with Shell, Philips and others about compliance with
against apartheid and the protection of jobs – but ‘such is life for a trade union leader … it’s a
the code • October: anti-apartheid committee Purmerend, in which FNV and AbvaKabo
question of finding a neat solution, not of sacrificing jobs to attain the “grand objective” of
participate, discusses local anti-apartheid policies with city council members • December:
crushing the apartheid regime’ • November: 2nd The Hague SA Trade Unions Solidarity
AbvaKabo Groningen international affairs working group celebrates its 5th anniversary, with
Week, with union meetings in a local FNV branch, the FNV trade union school and firms; FNV
SACTU representative Zola Zembe • 1990 January: Dutch celebrities, including presidents
members on the dole build exhibition; jumble sale, street collection, sale of Turkish snacks
of FNV and CNV, form Welcome Mandela Committee • February: AbvaKabo’s and FNV’s
and solidarity pennants, and collection in participating union groups generate more than
northern branches, together with churches, city councils and others, congratulate Nelson
6000 guilders for SA municipal workers’ union and SACTU; in all about 120 union members
Mandela in regional newspaper ad • February: FNV urges government to maintain sanc-
involved • December: FNV president writes letter to Prime Minister Lubbers on worsening of
tions, especially now • March: SAMWU delegation attends AbvaKabo congress, The Hague
situation in SA, inadequate international action, and increasing repression of SA trade
with solidarity theme, e.g. Nicaragua and SA • 1988 January: AbvaKabo Groningen branch
• March: Vervoersbond civil aviation SA Working Group deplores that KLM has expanded
flights to SA, profiting from sanctions by other countries • April: first FNV visit to SA, as
part of international trade union delegation, invited by COSATU and NACTU • April: FNV
joins ‘Hands off COSATU!’ campaign • January: four COSATU leaders, in Amsterdam on the
and other participants in Shell campaign publish Tankgids, featuring a list of ‘apartheid-free
invitation of the FNV for discussions with international group of donors, ask for help in
petrol stations’ • May: FNV member Jogchum Kooi from SA working group at the Amsterdam
putting pressure on SA government to withdraw proposed repressive labour legislation and,
Shell lab adresses Shell AGM • September: at FNV South Africa Day, COSATU’s Jay Naidoo
to promote political commitment and awareness, meet groups of trade unionists, as well as
says ‘Maintain sanctions!’; FNV president Johan Stekelenburg pledges continued commit-
politicians including the Minister of Development Cooperation • February: one-page ad of
ment to SA trade union movement • October: FNV open letter to President De Klerk • 1991
Industriebond in Weekly Mail (SA) in support of detained trade unionist Moses Mayekiso
June: Executive Board member Ieke van den Burg tells ILO conference in Geneva that FNV
• March: action weekend ‘Sittard against Apartheid’ (local group in which FNV youth take
part) • June: largest anti-apartheid demonstration in the Netherlands, organised by broad
has criticised Dutch government for its support for premature lifting of EC sanctions and
unions • 1987-88: FNV youth wing Rotterdam organises regular ‘happy hours’, sometimes
32 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
intensifying contacts with SA regime • July: Nederlandse Politiebond participates in first of
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 33
GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS
Speaking in Amsterdam on Workers’ Day 1994,
waiting for the South African election results
to come in, FNV president Johan Stekelenburg
(here shown with Nelson Mandela in the
Netherlands, June 1990) praised COSATU:
‘South African trade unions have been
FNV: NVV/FNV & KAB/NKV page 3 – BOV awareness activities for development cooperation
– ABOP teachers – AbvaKabo civil servants – Bouw- en Houtbond building and woodworkers – Dienstenbond service workers – Druk & Papier paper and printing workers – FWZ
officers and seafarers – Horecabond catering workers – Industriebond industrial workers
all-important in transforming South Africa
– Kunstenbond artists – NVJ journalists – Vervoersbond transport workers – Voedingsbond
to a non-racial society’
food workers – Vrouwenbond women – VVCS soccer players – Netherlands other: AABN
Anti-Apartheids Beweging Nederland (Dutch Anti-Apartheid Movement) – CZA Comité
series of fact-finding and violence observation missions to SA by Dutch police trade unions
Zuid-Afrika (South Africa Committee) – CNV page 3 – International: FIET International
and AABN • November: working visit AbvaKabo to SA • 1992 January: Jay Naidoo gets first
Federation of Employees, technicians and managers – ICFTU International Confederation
FNV Human Rights prize • April: FNV president says FNV deplores lifting of EC sanctions, as
of Free Trade Unions – ILO International Labour Organisation – ITF International Transport
pressure should be maintained • 1993 March: Dutch police unions, on violence observa-
Workers Federation – WCL World Confederation of Labour – WFTU World Federation of Trade
tion mission to the Vaal Triangle, are ‘amazed by the brutality and contempt still displayed
Unions - South Africa (SA): CCAWUSA Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers Union
vis-à-vis township residents’ by large sections of the security forces, ‘as if democracy and a
– COSATU Congress of SA Trade Unions – CUSA Council of Unions of SA – CWIU Chemical
predominantly black government were not around the corner’ • June: SA Municipal Workers
Workers Industrial Union – FOSATU Federation of SA Trade Unions – NACTU National Council
Union expresses solidarity with the fight for a better collective agreement of its sister
of Trade Unions – SACTU SA Congress of Trade Unions – SADWU SA Domestic Workers Union
union AbvaKabo (Groningen branch) • September: five domestic workers from SADWU play
– SAMWU SA Municipal Workers Union – SFAWU Sweet Food and Allied Workers Union – TGWU
themselves in a theatre production touring the Netherlands; Industriebond is co-sponsor •
Transport & General Workers Union - Other: AGM annual general shareholders’ meeting –
1994 February: police union representatives leave for 3rd mission; they also visit congress
TUC Trades Union Congress (UK)
of fast-growing police union POPCRU and act as election observers in April • March: publication of Nederland tegen Apartheid on history of Dutch anti-apartheid, with chapter on FNV
solidarity by Wouter van der Schaaf (FNV/BOV) • April: more FNV representatives travel to
SA at request of NACTU and COSATU to observe elections that mark the end of apartheid •
May: FNV board member Lodewijk de Waal speaking in SA at Workers’ Day meeting pledges
continued FNV support in order to help the SA trade union movement play its crucial role.
34 HELP THE FNV FIGHT APARTHEID!
40 years of Dutch trade union solidarity 35
Cover based on FNV poster, 1978.
RESEARCH AND TEXT: Richard Hengeveld, Amsterdam. The author is grateful to
the IISH staff, especially Kier Schuringa, and Dick de Graaf, Tom Etty, Carla Kiburg
and Wouter van der Schaaf for their assistance.
PICTURE CREDITS: International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, and private
collections; photos and posters by Piet den Blanken, Pieter Boersma, Hans Brouwer,
Frank Greiner, Rob List, José Melo, Hans Mooren, Lies Ros/Rob Schröder/Frank Beekers,
Huib Suurmond, Arend van Dam, Egbert van Zon, Bert Wallenburg.
Design and page layout: Zippa grafische vormgeving, Bussum, The Netherlands.
Printed in South Africa.
All or parts of this publication may be reproduced for non-commercial purposes
without further permission provided the publication and the author are acknowledged.
© FNV Bondgenoten, Amsterdam 2014
Illustrations
Cover design: Richard Hengeveld & Zippa
grafische vormgeving, after an FNV poster by
an unknown designer [1978], IISH BG D3/718
4
5
7
8
9
12
13
14
16
19
22
27
27
27
28
28
28
29
29
30
30
31
31
IISH, Archief NVV Internationale dienst, inventory number 282 (South Africa: Cuttings
and documentation, 1949-67) (‘I.[C.]F.T.U. News, September 1952’)
De Vakbeweging, 1958, No. 15, page 238 [IISH ZK 64822]
De Vakbeweging, 1960, No. 8, page 114 [IISH ZK 64822]
IISH, Archief Stichting Comité Zuid-Afrika, inventory number 23: Verslag Jonge Strijd 1-9-1963 –
31-8-1964, pp. 36-37
Photo Egbert van Zon, IISH BG B32/708
Photo Bert Wallenburg, Amsterdam; from: Zuidelijk Afrika Nieuws, No. 83, February 1977, page 3
[IISH ZK 40987]
IISH BG D13/346
Leaflets Rotterdam ca. 1975, in: ISSH, Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1970s’ (DOK 1.3)
FNV Magazine (Industriebond edition), 11 November 1989, page 24 [IISH ZK 54719]
Photo Frank Greiner, Almere, negative No. 758-25; print in photo collection Shipping Research
Bureau
IISH BG A52/752
Druk & Papier Youth campaign to donate screen printing equipment to the ANC’s Solomon
Mahlangu Freedom College (Tanzania), after January 1980; poster designed by Huib Suurmond,
Utrecht, IISH BG D81/789
Vervoersbond pickets KLM office in Amsterdam, 22 February 1984; photo Piet den Blanken,
Breda, IISH BG B32-237
Cover of Dienstenbond brochure on banks and apartheid, March 1983; in: ISSH, Niza collection
‘Trade unions 1980s’ (DOK 1.3)
The Hague South African Trade Unions Solidarity Week, November 1986; poster by unknown
designer, IISH BG D50/34
Demonstration at South African embassy against detention of South African trade unionists, The
Hague 19 August 1986; photographer unknown; print in IISH, Niza photo collection
AbvaKabo Groningen branch COSATU support campaign, January 1988 and onwards; poster by
unknown designer (based on poster by HAL, 1988), IISH BG D90/58
The Hague, demonstration of railway workers at South African embassy, 7 May 1987;
photographer unknown, IISH BG B32/379
Amsterdam, anti-apartheid demonstration 11 June 1988; photographer unknown, IISH BG
B25/889
SAMWU delegation attends AbvaKabo congress, The Hague March 1990; photo José Melo,
Amsterdam; from: Carry van Lakerveld (ed.), Nederland tegen Apartheid (The Hague/
Amsterdam, 1994), page 140 [IISH 1994/2171]
FNV discussion day on South Africa, Utrecht 23 September 1989; photo Hans Mooren,
Amsterdam; from: Zeggenschap, No. 162, September-October 1989, page 9 [IISH ZK 40988]
Apartheid: Solidarity against Vorster, 1978; FNV poster designed by Hans Brouwer, IISH BG
D3/721
COSATU choir singing at CASA conference, Amsterdam Historical Museum, December 1987;
photo Pieter Boersma, Amsterdam; from: Willem Campschreur and Joost Divendal (eds),
Culture in Another South Africa (London, 1989), page 46 [IISH 2009/7199]
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 1
31
32
33
33
33
34
NVV Youth Contact campaign for the ANC’s Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College, 1980; poster
designed by Lies Ros, Rob Schröder and Frank Beekers, Amsterdam, IISH BG D3/378
Apartheid: Solidarity against Vorster, 1978; FNV poster designed by Hans Brouwer, IISH BG
D3/720
Industriebond FNV against apartheid in South Africa (UN Sanctions Year 1982); poster by
unknown designer, IISH BG H1/414
Freedom for M. Duma Nkosi, Dienstenbond campaign postcard, September 1984; IISH BG
A28/122
Vervoersbond FNV campaign against complicity of KLM with apartheid, 1984; poster designed by
Arend van Dam, Landsmeer, IISH BG D21/340
Photo Amsterdam, June 1990, by Rob List; from: IZ-Bulletin [FNV], September 1990, page 8 [ISSH,
Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1990s’ (DOK 1.3)]
Select bibliography
On Dutch anti-apartheid history in general, publications 1994-2014 (also for further references):
Carry van Lakerveld (ed.), Nederland tegen Apartheid. The Hague/Amsterdam: Sdu Uitgeverij Koninginnegracht and Amsterdams Historisch Museum, 1994 [IISH 1994/2171]
Genevieve Lynette Klein, De strijd tegen apartheid: The role of the anti-apartheid organisations in the
Netherlands, 1960-1995. Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 2001 (download at
socialhistory.org/sites/default/files/docs/collections/genevieve-klein.pdf)
Richard Hengeveld, The Netherlands against Apartheid 1948-1994 (web dossier; 2004, rev. 2009);
socialhistory.org/en/collections/netherlands-against-apartheid-1948-1994
Sietse Bosgra, ‘From Jan van Riebeeck to solidarity with the struggle: The Netherlands, South Africa and
apartheid’, chapter 7 of The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 3: International Solidarity, part I,
pp. 533-622. Pretoria: South African Democracy Education Trust (SADET), 2008 (chapter download at
socialhistory.org/sites/default/files/docs/collections/sadet.pdf)
Roeland Muskens, Aan de goede kant: Biografie van de Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging 1960-1990.
Soesterberg: Aspekt, 2014 [IISH 2012/2874]
See also socialhistory.org/en/collections/anti-apartheid-and-southern-africa-collection-guide
Little has been written specifically on the role of Dutch trade unions; a few examples, 1980-2014:
Johan van Kesteren and Rico Monasso, De zwarte vakbeweging in Zuidelijk Afrika, deel III: Internationale
vakbeweging, section ‘Nederlandse vakbeweging’ (thesis Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, 1980) [ISSH,
Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1970s’ (DOK 1.3)]
Wouter van der Schaaf, ‘De FNV en de strijd tegen apartheid: Een recente geschiedenis’, in: Van Lakerveld
(ed.), Nederland tegen Apartheid, pp. 135-140
Tinie Akkermans, Redelijk Bewogen: De koers van de FNV 1976-1999, Van maatschappijkritiek naar
zaakwaarneming, section 5.7, ‘Internationale zaken’, pp. 258-266. Utrecht: Stichting FNV-pers, 1999
[IISH 2000/444 fol]
Esther M. van den Berg, The Influence of Domestic NGOs on Dutch Human Rights Policy: Case Studies on
South Africa, Namibia, Indonesia and East Timor, section 5.4.1, ‘Federatie Nederlandse Vakbeweging’, pp.
83-90. Antwerpen etc.: Intersentia, 2001 [IISH 2001/1115]
Roeland Muskens, ‘De vakbeweging tegen apartheid’, in his Aan de goede kant, pp. 170-180
A number of studies on the international trade union movement and South Africa shed some light on the role
played by the FNV and its predecessors (esp. NVV), publications 1995-2002:
Roger Southall, Imperialism or Solidarity? International Labour and South African Trade Unions.
Rondebosch: UCT Press, 1995 [IISH 2009/2433]
Vesla Vetlesen, ‘Trade Union Support to the Struggle Against Apartheid: The Role of the Norwegian
Confederation of Trade Unions’, chapter 8 of: Tore Linné Eriksen (ed.), Norway and National Liberation
in Southern Africa, pp. 326-352. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2000 (download at
liberationafrica.se/publications)
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 2
Rebecca Anne Gumbrell-McCormick, ‘South Africa: the Fight for Freedom’, in: Anthony Carew et al. /
Marcel van der Linden (ed.), The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (International and
Comparative Social History; 3), pp. 197-413. Bern etc.: Lang, 2000 [IISH PUB O 3], or idem, ‘The ICFTU in
Action: The Campaign for Women's Equality and the Struggle against Apartheid’, chapter 5 of The
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions: Structure, Ideology and Capacity to Act (thesis
University of Warwick, June 2001), pp. 173-217 (download at go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/56529)
Tor Sellström, Sweden and National Liberation in Southern Africa, Volume II: Solidarity and Assistance
1970-1994. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2002 (download at liberationafrica.se/publications)
References by page
4 In the early 1950s: on Duch anti-apartheid history in general, see some of the titles listed above
4 the mother and the grown-up daughter: PM Willem Drees to South African PM Malan, during a
visit to South Africa in 1953; quoted by Maarten Kuitenbrouwer in his De ontdekking van de Derde
Wereld: Beeldvorming en beleid 1950-1990 (The Hague, 1994), page 215 [IISH 1994/2179]
4 both peoples: from preamble of Cultureel Verdrag tussen het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden en de
Unie van Zuid-Afrika; The Hague, 31 May 1951; in: Tractatenblad van het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, 1951 No. 76 (facsimile in: Sasja Bökkerink and Kirsten Bokkers, Het cultureel verdrag tussen
Nederland en Zuid-Afrika: Een verdrag tussen bloedverwanten, annex I (paper Utrecht University,
June 1993); a cyclostyle edition from 1965, presumably by the CZA, can be found in: IISH, Archief
Stichting Comité Zuid-Afrika [henceforth: CZA archives], inventory number 18
4 one of the co-founders in 1949: Ger Harmsen and Bob Reinalda, Voor de bevrijding van de arbeid:
Beknopte geschiedenis van de Nederlandse vakbeweging (Nijmegen, 1975), pp. 295 and 298 [IISH
111/150]. The first ICFTU general secretary (J.H. [Jaap] Oldenbroek, 1949-1960) as well as the
third (Harm G. Buiter, 1967-1971) were former NVV officials; J.P. Windmuller, The International
Trade Union Movement (Deventer etc., 1980), pp. 48 and 51 [IISH 249/44]; and ‘Bibliographical
Notes’ in: Anthony Carew et al. / Marcel van der Linden (ed.), The International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions (Bern etc., 2000), pp. 559 [Oldenbroek], 551 [Buiter] [IISH PUB O 3]
4 unanimously called upon the South African government: ICFTU, Press Release PP/R/kp/Berlin
6, 5 July 1952, page 2 (‘A resolution, condemning the “attempted legalisation of brutal racial prejudice and enslavement of millions of human beings by the Government of the Union of South
Africa”, and pledging trade union support in combatting this policy, was unanimously adopted on
the motion of Mr. D. MacDonald (Canada)’); in: IISH, ICFTU Archives, inventory number 382, cover
382b
4 to wipe out this stain: from Draft Resolution No. 2 on the Union of South Africa (submitted by the
Canadian Congress of Labour), in Report of the First General Council Meeting, Berlin, 1-5 July 1952
(Brussels: ICFTU, 1952), Appendix IV, pp. 105-106 (speech Donald MacDonald on pp. 82-83); in:
IISH, ICFTU Archives, inventory number 382, cover 382c
4-5 if at all possible, etc.: Hartwell-NVV correspondence, 1, 19 and 28 October 1953; in: IISH, Archief
NVV Internationale dienst, inventory number 282 (South Africa: Cuttings and documentation,
1949-67)
5 by a few serious: report of Huyser visit 7 June 1955 to NVV board, by J.G. van Wouwe, head of NVV
International Department; ibid.
5 TUCSA tool of apartheid: sahistory.org.za (accessed October 2014)
5 5th ICFTU world congress Tunis: J.G. [Jan] van Wouwe, Verslag van de delegatie van het Nederlands
Verbond van Vakverenigingen over het vijfde congres van het Internationaal Verbond van Vrije Vakverenigingen gehouden van 5 tot 13 juli 1957 te Tunis (on O’Brien’s speech: pp. 15-16); in: IISH,
Archief NVV, NVV-Commissiearchief 1945-1963, inventory number 326
5-6 A major part: André Kloos, ‘Vrije vakbeweging in Tunis bijeen’, De Vakbeweging, 1957, No. 15, page
230 [IISH ZK 64822]
5 son of an NVV trade union leader: information from Tom Etty, Nijmegen, email to the author, 29
September 2014
6 horrified and outraged: NVV board communiqué of 28 March 1960, De Vakbeweging, 1960, No. 8,
page 114 (see illustration on page 7 of this brochure)
6 ineffectual: André Kloos, ‘Wie wind zaait zal storm oogsten’, ibid., page 115
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 3
6 refrain from taking: letter of seafarers to VKO/FWZ (Cc: FNV), ‘Naar aanleiding van ingesloten
krantenbericht’, Indian Ocean, 16 June 1983; in: IISH, Archief Shipping Research Bureau [henceforth: SRB archives], inventory number 608
6 The curse of South Africa: Sir Tom O’Brien, ‘Apartheid: Zuid-Afrika’s vloek’, De Vakbeweging 1958,
No. 15, pp. 237-240, and No. 16, pp. 248-249
6 against the detention: ‘Internationale solidariteit geen holle frase’, De Vakbeweging, 1959, No. 17,
page 263
7 NVV rank-and-file magazines: e.g. Mercurius, orgaan van de Algemene Nederlandse Bond van Handels- en Kantoorbedienden en Handelsreizigers ‘Mercurius’, 16 April, 14 May, 11 June 1960 [IISH ZF
30629]; the same articles appeared e.g. in De metaalkoerier (Algemene Nederlandse Bedrijfsbond
voor de Metaalnijverheid en de Elektrotechnische Industrie ANMB) of 23 April, 21 May and 18 June
1960, respectively [IISH ZF 30637]
7 Boycott of South African goods and A list of South African goods: J.G. van Wouwe, ‘Korte samenvatting van de internationale activiteiten van het NVV’, 21 September 1960, page 6; in: IISH, Archief
NVV, NVV-Commissiearchief 1945-1963, inventory number 327 (Commissie Internationale Aangelegenheden)
7 KAB magazines: the WCL statement was quoted in ‘Het ICV en de gebeurtenissen in Zuid-Afrika’,
Kabo-post, orgaan van de Katholieke Bond van Overheidspersoneel, 14 May 1960, page 8 [IISH ZF
30507]
7 full spectrum: recurrent theme expressed in varying terms, e.g. in CZA ‘general leaflet 1962’; in: CZA
archives, inventory number 1
7 Paul de Vries died in December 1963; see e.g. letter of condolence CZA to Mrs P. de Vries, 19
December 1963; in: CZA archives, inventory number 6
7 virtually appointed: see e.g. letter C.W. van Wingerden, general secretary NVV, to CZA, 20 April
1964; in: CZA archives, inventory number 4 [W]; see also first note to page 8 below, on Hordijk
1970
7 felt it should avoid: see e.g. letter J.J. Voogd (CZA) to H[ans] van den Doel and H. Holtslag, 2 March
1962 (‘Replacement of Hans as treasurer: Wijkstra, NVV treasurer, came to my mind. Excellent, but
will we not end up with too many from the Labour coterie?’); and minutes CZA, 8 June 1964 (‘two
NVV people in the executive board is too much; Mr Van Tilburg then to recommending committee’);
both in: CZA archives, inventory number 1
7 Labour Party-NVV committee: CZA member Ed van Thijn, note in pocket diary (29 March 1964); in:
IISH, Archief Ed van Thijn, inventory number 1
7 again a staff member of the NVV: Gille became ‘the one who actually carried out all the work … The
NVV gave him all the room he needed’; thus Roeland Muskens, who interviewed Gille in November
2007, in his Aan de goede kant: Biografie van de Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging 1960-1990
(Soesterberg, 2014), page 92 [IISH 2012/2874]. The FNV quit the DAFN board in 1980 ‘for priority
reasons’ (note Jan van Greunsven[?] for W. Kok, FNV president, ‘Betreft: verzoek Defence and Aid
Fund (DAF)’, ca. August 1982; in: IISH, Archief Stichting ‘Wij en Zij’, Internationaal Solidariteitsfonds van de FNV (Amsterdam) [henceforth: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives’], inventory number 169
8 refused funding requests: letter CNV to CZA, 24 November 1960, quoted in minutes CZA, 28
November 1960, page 4; in: CZA archives, inventory number 1; letter W.D. Lelieveld for the KAB
board to the CZA, 1 December 1960; ibid., inventory number 3 [K]. – The KAB’s successor, the NKV,
at a later stage also declined representation in the CZA: letter NKV to CZA, 29 September 1966;
ibid., inventory number 8 [N]. As for the CNV, in 1964 its secretary W. Albeda, after having accepted
an invitation through R. Wijkstra (NVV and CZA) to join the CZA, had to tell the CZA that the CNV
board objected and that he had to withdraw his acceptance; minutes CZA, 4 October 1963, 11
November 1963 and 24 January 1964, and letter Albeda to CZA, 3 February 1964; ibid., inventory
numbers 1 (minutes) and 2 [A] (letter). After having left the CNV and accepted a professorship in
Rotterdam in 1966, Albeda joined the CZA board in 1967; minutes CZA, 22 April 1967; ibid.,
inventory number 40. By 1970, things had changed to such an extent that the three trade union
federations NVV, KKV and CNV now jointly delegated the CNV’s Arie Hordijk ‘as representative of
the Dutch trade union movement in the board of your foundation, thus also filling the vacancy
[caused by the death in 1969 of CZA board member and NVV secretary] Van Tilburg’; letter
Overlegorgaan NVV-NKV-CNV to CZA/DAFN, 14 January 1970; ibid., inventory number 43 [O]
8 loyal sponsors: see e.g. letter NVV secretary P. de Vries to CZA secretary K. Roskam, 20 September
1960, and letter NVV treasurer R. Wijkstra to CZA president J.J. Voogd, 13 March 1962; both in: CZA
archives, inventory number 3 [N]; letter De Centrale Arbeiders-Verzekeringsbank N.V. director H.
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 4
8
8
8
8
8
8
8
8
9
9
9
9
9
9
9
10
10
10
Vos to CZA, 15 October 1963; ibid., inventory number 2 [C]; letter CZA to De Centrale, 17 September
1970; in ibid., inventory number 43 [C]
art auction ‘Ton d’r op’ campaign: various press cuttings April-May 1966 in: CZA archives,
inventory number 39
information bulletin produced by Labour Party and NVV: see e.g. minutes CZA, 26 June 1962
(‘The typing [of Informatie Bulletin No. 7] will be done at the WBS [Labour Party think tank], and
printing and sending at the NVV’); in: CZA archives, inventory number 1; letter [H. Holtslag] to
Richard [Klijnsma], 3 December 1964 (‘We’re also going to produce it ourselves now; no longer will
we farm it out, even if it used to be produced for a small fee (at NVV/Labour Party)’); ibid.,
inventory number 3 [K]
CZA meetings at NVV venues: CZA archives, e.g. inventory numbers 1 and 40, passim
financial administration: see CZA archives, e.g. inventory number 1: minutes CZA, 1 May 1964;
inventory number 4 [W]: letter Wijkstra (NVV) to J.J. Voogd, 13 May 1964; inventory number 43
[N]: letter CZA to NVV board, 26 November 1969; inventory number 43 [G]: correspondence with
H. Goede (NVV), 26 November and 13 December 1969. Wijkstra and De Vries together formed the
CZA’s audit committee in 1962; minutes CZA, 28 May 1962; ibid., inventory number 1
helped fostering contacts: see e.g. minutes CZA, 4 October 1963 (‘Wijkstra will ask Dr Albeda
[CNV]’) and letter CZA to Albeda, 25 November 1963; minutes 15 November 1963 (‘a member of
KAB (Wijkstra will ask), and minutes 24 January 1964 (‘Wijkstra not yet succeeded [in finding a]
KAB man as new board member’), and ‘Lijst van activiteiten i.v.m. de consumentenboycot actie
C.Z.A.’, annex to minutes 21 February 1964 (‘Organisations still to be contacted wrt endorsement:
… KAB (Wijkstra) …’); in: CZA archives, inventory number 1 (minutes) and 2 [A] (letter); minutes
CZA, 30 January 1967 (‘De Leeuw will ask Mr De Groo[d]t, N.K.V. trade union official, if he is willing
to join the board’); ibid., inventory number 40
brought union issues into the discussion: see e.g. CZA minutes, 11 October 1961, page 2 (‘Mr De
Vries tells the trade union movement [i.e. the NVV] has planned instructive meetings on “Africa and
us” as part of its February 1962 courses for union officials. It would be a good thing for the CZA to
give each of the 100 speakers at these meetings a few of our leaflets to work with. Perhaps a
collection can be taken too’; in: CZA archives, inventory number 1; on Max de Leeuw: undated note
M. de Leeuw on meeting 3 July 1964, and minutes CZA, 27 August 1964, page 2; both in: ibid.
Jonge Strijd and other youth organisations raising money: see e.g. CZA archives, inventory
numbers 1 (minutes CZA, 1962-1964), 3 [N] (for Nivon, an organisation which, incidentally, was
also part of the Dutch so-called ‘Red Family’: its predecessor was formed in 1924 by the NVV and
the then Labour Party), and esp. 23 (for NVV youth)
The CZA pledged not to use: letter H.J. Holtslag (CZA) to NVV Jeugdorganisatie ‘Jonge Strijd’, 12
June 1964; in: CZA archives, inventory number 23
signatories that endorsed: CZA archives, inventory numbers 1, 18 and 40 and more
NKV and CNV refused to support: see e.g. Fries de Vries, ‘Verslag van de postacties in het kader van
de partiële consumentenboycot van het Comité Zuid-Afrika en de Stichting Studentencomité-ZuidAfrika’, 26 May 1964, page 3; in: CZA archives, inventory number 24 (NB. De Vries referred to the
KAB, but the KAB had become NKV on 1 January 1964)
the large organisations: minutes CZA, 24 January 1964, page 2; in: CZA archives, inventory number 1
In the Netherlands we sometimes: Fenna van den Burg, ‘The Turn of the Screw’, Informatie-Bulletin
van het Comité Zuid-Afrika, No. 12, 1963, page 7 [IISH ZK 31382]
I believe criticism: R. Wijkstra (NVV) to the editors of the Informatie-Bulletin, 7 October 1963; in:
CZA archives, inventory number 3
In Denmark: Christopher Munthe Morgenstierne, Denmark and National Liberation in Southern
Africa: A Flexible Response (Uppsala, 2003), page 25 [download at liberationafrica.se/publications].
On the ship in question – in fact a Swedish ship (MS Lommaren) carrying South African goods – see
also minutes CZA, 17 July 1963; in: CZA archives, inventory number 1
Picketers carrying signs: photo Amsterdam, possibly 18 April 1964; see Fries de Vries, ‘Plan van
actie-posterijen’, 14 March 1964 (‘On the first Saturday of the campaign, 18 April 1964, campaigners will have to walk sandwich boards, using the same boards that will be used for the shop pickets.
March routes to be planned for each city’); in: CZA archives, inventory number 24
100 signs: ‘Verslag van de postacties…’ [see page 9], page 2
No group provided: ibid.
In the ILO: see Henne van der Kooy, De Internationale Arbeidsorganisatie en het Zuidafrikaanse
rassenbeleid: Respons vóór en ná de tweede wereldoorlog (thesis Universiteit van Amsterdam,
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 5
November 1976); in: IISH, Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1970s’ (DOK 1.3). – ‘In 1994, South Africa
returned to the ILO, participating fully in the tripartite Conference deliberations and the [1964]
Declaration [Concerning Action against Apartheid] was rescinded’ (World of Work [ILO], No. 9,
October 1994, page 11)
10 8th ICFTU world congress, Amsterdam: P.J.C. [Nel] Tegelaar, Verslag van de delegatie van het
Nederlands Verbond van Vakverenigingen over het achtste congres van het Internationaal Verbond
van Vrije Vakverenigingen gehouden van 7 - 15 juli 1965 te Amsterdam (summary of resolution: page
27; Geijer: page 22); in: IISH, Archief NVV, NVV-Commissiearchief 1945-1963, inventory number
328; ‘1965’, Trade Union World [ICFTU], No. 7, September 1999, Special 50th Anniversary Edition,
page 26 (the photo on that page, incidentally, shows Nel Tegelaar speaking at the Amsterdam
congress, without mentioning her name) [IISH ZK 43843; download at newunionism.net]
11 A first major statement: ‘Uitspraak van NVV, NKV en CNV met betrekking tot Zuidelijk Afrika
(Utrecht, 7 June 1973)’; see IISH, Archief NVV, NVV-Commissiearchief 1973, inventory number 91
for draft statement and deliberations; definitive statement e.g. in: IISH, Archief Werkgroep Kairos,
annex Betaald Antwoord, and IISH, Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1970s’ (DOK 1.3)
11 In a statement made in Geneva: ‘Kort verslag van de Internationale Vakbewegingsconferentie
tegen de Apartheid op 15 en 16 juni 1973 te Genève’, Internationaal Bulletin (published by Internationale Dienst NVV), No. 28, July 1973, page 12; in: IISH, Archief NVV, NVV-Commissiearchief
1973, inventory number 91. The report was written by Oscar de Vries Reilingh; see alternative
version in: IISH, Archief Werkgroep Kairos, annex Betaald Antwoord
11 The conference was more: De Vries Reilingh, ‘Kort verslag…’, page 11
11-12 the federations sent letters to more than 80 firms: Pim Juffermans, The Role of the Trade
Unions in the Fight against Apartheid (United Nations Department of Political and Security Council
Affairs, Unit on Apartheid, Notes and Documents, No. 15/74, June 1974), page 6 [IISH ZK 72462];
Johan van Kesteren and Rico Monasso, De zwarte vakbeweging in Zuidelijk Afrika, deel III: Internationale vakbeweging (thesis Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, 1980), section ‘Nederlandse
vakbeweging’, page 14; in: ISSH, Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1970s’ (DOK 1.3)
12 kept hovering at central level: Piet Jeuken, former director of SOSV, interviewed in 1977 by Van
Kesteren and Monasso; Van Kesteren and Monasso, op. cit., page 14
12 FNV letter to the Dutch government, and simultaneous letters to ICFTU and WCL: letter FNV
to Council of Ministers, 30 August 1976, quoted in: Stefan de Boer, Van Sharpeville tot Soweto:
Nederlands regeringsbeleid ten aanzien van apartheid, 1960-1977 (The Hague, 1999), page 359
[IISH 1999/2996]; ‘Verbreek betrekkingen met Zuid-Afrika’, De Vakbondskrant van Nederland,
2 September 1976, page 3 [IISH ZK ZF 40340]
12 The ICFTU now spoke out more forcefully: see Resolution Adopted by Southern Africa Conference
(International Trade Union Conference on Southern Africa [with WCL and ETUC]), Brussels, 21
September 1976; in: IISH, ICFTU Archives, inventory number 1666; reprinted in: United Nations,
International Trade Union Action against Apartheid: Recent Developments (United Nations Department of Political and Security Council Affairs, Centre against Apartheid, Notes and Documents, No.
16/77, June 1977), pp. 12-14 (see also ibid., page 6) [IISH ZK 72462]
12 WCL and WFTU endorsed the call: United Nations, International Trade Union Action…, op. cit., pp. 6
and 7, respectively
12 This time the unions: FNV, Circular No. 4063, 14 December 1976, quoted by Van Kesteren and
Monasso, op. cit., page 22
12 Members of the NVV Industriebond, etc.: ‘Picket-line voor de Zuidafrikaanse ambassade’, Zuidelijk
Afrika Nieuws, No. 83, February 1977, page 3 [IISH ZK 40987]
12 Support Fund for SACTU supported by NVV youth wing: see e.g. poster IISH BG D11/291; and
Anti-Apartheidsbeweging Nederland, Dokumentatiemap voor Steunfonds voor de ondergrondse
vakbeweging in Zuid-Afrika, Namibië en Rhodesië [1975]; in: IISH, Archief Anti-Apartheidsbeweging
Nederland, inventory number 173
12 interviews with Drake Koka and John Gaetsewe: ‘Gevlucht voor Vorster: Drake Koka in
Nederland’, and ‘Internationale actie tegen Vorsters apartheid’, De Vakbondskrant van Nederland,
20 January 1977, page 7, and 6 January 1977, page 7, respectively
12-13 Part of the publicity: thus e.g. ‘Boykotweek internationale vakbeweging’, Zuidelijk Afrika
Nieuws, No. 83, February 1977, page 3; several examples, incl. ‘Boycot tegen Zuid-Afrika mislukt
doordat er niets te boycotten is’, Het Financieele Dagblad, 18 January 1977, in: IISH, Niza collection
‘Trade unions 1970s’, press cuttings (DOK 1.3)
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 6
13 As one trade unionist in Rotterdam said: Jan Verburg, in an interview by the Holland Committee
on Southern Africa (KZA)/Kairos/Boycott Outspan Actie magazine Amandla; see ´Boycot tegen
Zuid-Afrika’, Amandla, vol. 1 No. 2, February 1977, page 15 [IISH ZK 40033]
13 Dutch solidarity committees cooperating: see e.g. Working Group Kairos, Jaarverslag [Annual
Report] 1977, page 3; in: IISH, Archief Werkgroep Kairos
13 more then leaflets: ‘Redactioneel’, Amandla, vol. 1 No. 2, February 1977, page 2
13 another international week of trade union action … attracted far less media attention: Van
Kesteren and Monasso, op. cit., page 18; the change in focus had been announced e.g. in De
Vakbondskrant van Nederland, 24 November 1977, page 5 (‘Vakbeweging zint op nieuwe acties’),
and 1 December 1977, page 3 (‘Maart 1978: campagne tegen apartheid’)
13 Yet, they were quite satisfied: see e.g. ‘Boykotweek internationale vakbeweging’, Zuidelijk Afrika
Nieuws, No. 83, February 1977, page 3 [for AABN], and ‘Redactioneel’, Amandla, vol. 1 No. 2,
February 1977, page 2 [for KZA/Kairos/BOA]
13 as was the FNV: ‘Succes voor internationaal protest: Campagne verhoogt druk op Vorster’, De
Vakbondskrant van Nederland, 27 January 1977, page 7
13 sympathetic gesture: ‘VNO spaart Vorster’, De Vakbondskrant van Nederland, 29 September 1977,
page 1
13 too little, too late: ‘Gedragscode Z-Afrika te mager en te laat’, De Vakbondskrant van Nederland, 10
November 1977, page 3
13 The FNV once again urged: ‘FNV over Zuid-Afrika: Verbreek economische betrekkingen’, De
Vakbondskrant van Nederland, 27 October 1977, page 3
14 In April 1974, a number of shop stewards: on the Rotterdam SOSV group, see Van Kesteren and
Monasso, op. cit., pp. 38-47, and: ‘SOSV-Rotterdam: “Regimes ekonomisch ondermijnen”’, AntiApartheids Nieuws, No. 74, September 1975, pp. 11-12 [IISH ZK 30139]
14 Stichting Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Vakbeweging: on the history of the SOSV, see Peter van
Dam, ‘“Een stukje ellende in uw eigen wereldje”: Solidariteit met de derde wereld in de Nederlandse
vakbeweging’; in: Peter van Dam et al. (eds), Onbehagen in de polder: Nederland in conflict sinds
1795 (Amsterdam, 2014), pp. 231-252 [IISH 2012/4062] [chapter available online at
vakbondshistorie.nl]
14 Many issues are being referred: Anti-Apartheids Nieuws, No. 74, September 1975, page 11
14 Stop smuggling tobacco, etc.: Van Kesteren and Monasso, op. cit., page 40 & note 108
14 South Africans felt heartened: Van Kesteren and Monasso, op. cit., page 41, and: ‘SACTU-pamflet in
heel Zuid-Afrika verspreid’, Anti-Apartheids Nieuws, No. 74, September 1975, page 12
15 an FNV/BOV Working Group on South Africa was set up in 1982: Bewustwordingsproject
Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Vakbeweging (BOV), Subsidie-aanvraag FNV aan NCO voor
activiteiten in 1983, Amsterdam, September 1982, page 27; in: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory
number 174. The group started work in January 1983 (Arbeidersstrijd tegen apartheid, No. 1,
November 1983, page 1 [IISH ZK 41744])
15 a foundation in which the FNV participated: Jos van Beurden and Chris Huinder, De vinger op de
zere plek: Solidariteit met Zuidelijk Afrika 1961-1996 (Amsterdam, 1996), page 110 [IISH
1996/6102]; IISH, Archief Komitee Zuidelijk Afrika, Annex: Stichting Internationaal Sanctiejaar
1982 (for the FNV, see esp. inventory numbers 811 and 817)
15 Almost all FNV-affiliated unions: Muskens, Aan de goede kant, op. cit., page 463
15 In the past year high priority: Bewustwordingswerk Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Vakbeweging,
Subsidieaanvraag FNV aan NCO voor BOV-activiteiten in 1987, Amsterdam, September 1986, page
10; in: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory number 174
15 Increasingly, local FNV branches: Bewustwordingsproject Ontwikkelingssamenwerking
Vakbeweging, Subsidieaanvraag van de FNV aan de NCO voor activiteiten in 1988, Amsterdam,
September 1987, page 8; in: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory number 174. See also: Federatie
Nederlandse Vakbeweging, De FNV in aktie tegen apartheid, ook in de gemeente (Amsterdam, May
1987); in: IISH, Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1980s’ (DOK 1.3)
15 only central FNV/BOV group that produced: Wouter van der Schaaf, ‘Bewustwording en dan…’,
internal note on the FNV’s BOV policy, 4 February 1986, page 4; in: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory
number 174
15 main source of information: Bewustwordingsproject Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Vakbeweging,
Subsidieaanvraag FNV aan NCO voor BOV-activiteiten in 1986, Amsterdam, September 1985, page
15; in: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory number 174
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 7
16 A South African Chemical Workers Industrial Union delegation: see e.g. ‘Rod Crompton,
bestuurder Zuidafrikaanse chemiebond: Met Industriebond-code kunnen we werken’, FNV
Magazine (Industriebond edition), 11 November 1989, pp. 24-25 [IISH ZK 54719]
16 necessary because most: CWIU general secretary Rod Crompton, quoted in: ‘Unions link to protest
procedure’, New Nation, 25-31 May 1990, page 4 [in: SRB archives, inventory number 618]; also in:
‘New code of conduct defined for Shell’, Newsletter on the Oil Embargo against South Africa, third
quarter 1990, No. 20, page 5 [IISH ZDK 40109]
16 I started working for the FNV, etc.: Dick de Graaf interviewed on 15 December 1993 by Caroline
van Dullemen; in: Carry van Lakerveld (ed.), Nederland tegen Apartheid (The Hague/Amsterdam,
1994), pp. 141-142 [IISH 1994/2171]
17 We will have to feed, etc.: ‘Inleiding van Elske ter Veld, werkzaam in het Sekretariaat voor Vrouwelijke Werknemers van de Federatie Nederlandse Vakbewegingen [sic]’, address delivered at the
‘Vrouwen tegen apartheid’ conference in Amsterdam, 12 April 1980; in: IISH, Archief Anti-Apartheids Beweging Nederland, inventory number 283
17 focused its efforts on the draft: Kitty Roozemond, note for FNV-Contactcommissie Vrouwenarbeid
meeting 7 November 1985, ‘Voortgang met de resultaten van de 4e Wereldvrouwenconferentie van
het IVVV, Madrid 23 -26 april 1985’, page 1; in: IISH, Archief FNV Vrouwensekretariaat, inventory
number 20
17 A special support committee was formed: Kitty Roozemond, Circular No. 1453 to the members of
the FNV Contact commission on women’s labour, 14 November 1985, page 1; in: IISH, Archief FNV
Vrouwensekretariaat, inventory number 20, where also further documents on the committee’s
aims, activities, contacts, meetings, etc., can be found
17 If just ‘union members’ are invited: ‘Verslag gesprek met Emma Mashinini op 14 december 1985 te
Utrecht’, by Kitty Roozemond, page 2; in: IISH, Archief FNV Vrouwensekretariaat, inventory number
20
17 Every time the subject of money: ‘Verslag vergadering FNV-steuncomité “vakbondsvrouwen tegen
apartheid” dd. 13 januari 1986 te Amsterdam’, by Kitty Roozemond, page 1; in: IISH, Archief FNV
Vrouwensekretariaat, inventory number 20
17 What was seen as more important: ‘Verslag vergadering FNV-steuncomité…’, page 1
17-18 Meanwhile, the committee found it easy: ‘Verslag van de vergadering van het FNVsteuncomité Vakbondsvrouwen tegen apartheid, op 16 april 1986’, by Kitty Roozemond, page 2; in:
IISH, Archief FNV Vrouwensekretariaat, inventory number 20
18 The FNV’s Women’s Union (Vrouwenbond): ‘“Vrouwen moeten zich organiseren”’, Steun de
Zuidafrikaanse Vakbeweging, newsletter Haags Steunkomitee Zuid-Afrikaanse Vakbeweging
(special edition on the occasion of the Solidarity Week 12-18 November 1989), pp. 9-11; in: IISH,
Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1980s’ (DOK 1.3)
18 The ‘Malibongwe’ conference in January 1990: see esp. ‘Malibongwe: Wij eren de vrouwen in de
strijd’, special edition of IZ-Bulletin and Nieuwsbrief FNV-Vrouwensecretariaat, March 1990 [IISH ZK
41804]
19 one of the most important sanctions: from foreword by Nelson Mandela in: Richard Hengeveld and
Jaap Rodenburg (eds), Embargo: Apartheid’s Oil Secrets Revealed (Amsterdam, 1995), p. ix [download at socialhistory.org/sites/default/files/docs/collections/embargo_apartheids_oil_secrets_revealed.pdf]
19 delegates from the FNV’s international department: participant lists Amsterdam seminar (H.
Bijen, W. Wagenmans); in: SRB archives, inventory number 509
19 The FNV, together with many: ‘Toespraak van W. Kok, voorzitter FNV, tijdens het Internationale
Seminar over een olie-embargo tegen Zuid-Afrika op 15 maart 1980 te Amsterdam’, page 5; in: SRB
archives, inventory number 511
19 much closer links with trade unions outside the Netherlands: see e.g. SRB archives, inventory
numbers 611-636
19 Norwegian labour movement: SRB archives, inventory number 98
19 Dutch unions and international trade union bodies such as ICFTU and WCL: the argument was
used, e.g., by Arie Hordijk (CNV), in his letter to C. Groenendijk (Kairos [and SRB]), 2 December
1982; in telex ICFTU to SRB, 15 October 1985; and in letter International Solidarity Foundation
(WCL) to SRB, 28 June 1988; in: SRB archives, inventory numbers 90, 609 and 83, respectively
20 gladly put in a word: see e.g. letter C. Groenendijk (SRB) to W. Wagenmans (International Department FNV), 8 May 1985; letter J. van Greunsven (FNV board) to J. Vanderveken (ICFTU), 23 May
1985; letter H. Lewis (General Secretary ITF) to J. Vanderveken, 15 July 1987; in: SRB archives,
inventory number 609; and letters Landsorganisasjonen i Norge (LO) and International Solidarity
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 8
Committee of the Norwegian Labour Movement (AIS) to ICFTU, 26 January and 27 April 1988; ibid.,
inventory number 98
20 fund a publication on the oil embargo: see correspondence ICFTU/SRB and associated
documents, 1987-1988; in: SRB archives, inventory numbers 609-610. The SRB feared, though, that
its draft report (No fuel for apartheid, June 1989) was left to gather dust in a drawer at the ICFTU
Africa Desk; see e.g. letter SRB to K. Sandegren (LO Norway), 9 October 1990; ibid., inventory
number 610
20 In November 1983 FNV staff member, etc.: see accompanying letter to ‘Information kit for Dick de
Graaf (FNV) as a basis for discussions in ICFTU, 22st [sic] meeting of Co-ordinating Committee on
South Africa, Brussels, 3-4 November 1983’; and handwritten notes by SRB staff member Janwillem
Rouweler on conversation with Dick de Graaf, 13 November 1983; in: SRB archives, inventory
number 608
20 FNV was able to base its contribution: Agenda Item 5: Oil, Transport and Science, i) Possible Trade
Union Actions towards an Oil Embargo against South Africa, paper presented by the Netherlands
Trade Union Confederation FNV, 20 January 1984; in: IISH, ICFTU Archives, inventory number
Ac248, cover 3
20 The ICFTU will work for agreement: ‘Updated ICFTU Programme of Action in Support of the
Independent Black Trade Union Movement in South Africa’, in: International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions, Trade Unions Against Apartheid: Proceedings of a Symposium to Evaluate the ICFTU
Programme of Action in Support of the Independent Black Trade Union Movement in South Africa,
Düsseldorf 19-20 January 1984), page 74; in: SRB archives, inventory number 608; typescript
version in: IISH, ICFTU Archives, inventory number Ac248, cover 3
21 Only the most forceful and clear signals: Statement by Jan van Greunsven, member of the
Executive Board of the Netherlands Trade Union Confederation FNV, to the International
Conference of Trade Unions on Sanctions and Other Actions against the Apartheid Regime in South
Africa organised by the Workers’ Group of the Convening Body of the ILO on June 10-11, 1983 in
Geneva, pp. 1-3; in: SRB archives, inventory number 621
21 Oscar de Vries Reilingh: see page 11 of this brochure
21 European Trade Union Confederation: see e.g. Draft Resolution on South Africa adopted by the
Executive Committee of the European Trade Union Confederation in its session on 14th-15th April,
1983, labeled ‘FNV Proposal’; in: SRB archives, inventory number 607
21 6000 copies of a pamphlet, NVV Industriebond/ICEF, NVV/NKV union committee at Shell
laboratory, and declaration of union members at Shell-Pernis refinery: Komitee Zuidelijk
Afrika and Werkgroep Kairos, Verslag eerste fase olieactie (maart-juni 1979), section ‘6. Vakbeweging, personeel van Shell’, page 4; in: SRB archives, inventory number 510
21 Individual members, after contacts had been forged: personal recollection of the author; see also
Hengeveld and Rodenburg (eds), op cit. [see page 19], chapter ‘Monitoring invisible trade’, e.g. pp.
115, 123
21 ITF inspectors in Rotterdam: see SRB archives, inventory numbers 614-615
21-22 The ITF itself, however: ‘Verslag conferentie Londen-zeelieden/dokwerkersbonden, 30-31 okt.
’85’, internal report by SRB staff member Jaap Rodenburg, 5 November 1985, page 2; in: SRB
archives, inventory number 631
22 In 1985 neither the FNV Vervoersbond nor the FWZ: draft article for Amandla, January 1986, by
Jaap Rodenburg; in: SRB archives, inventory number 633
22 I cannot run faster: internal note on conversation with Kees Marges on 3 December 1985, by SRB
staff member Jaap Rodenburg; in: SRB archives, inventory number 633
22 and worse, this whole MUAA campaign: internal note on visit to FWZ president C.J. Roodenburg on
10 December 1985, by SRB staff member Jaap Rodenburg, page 1; in: SRB archives, inventory
number 633
22 You can imagine that: letter of Kees Marges, Vervoersbond FNV, to Mayor and Aldermen of Rotterdam, 11 August 1988; in: SRB archives, inventory number 686
23 In the early 1970s the SOSV: see Van Dam, “Een stukje ellende in uw eigen wereldje”, op. cit.
23 Beneficiaries at the time: see e.g. Stichting Ontwikkelingssamenwerking Vakbeweging, Steun aan
vakbondsactiviteiten in ontwikkelingslanden: Aktiviteitenpakket 1975 (s.l., s.d.), and idem, Steun aan
vakbondsactiviteiten in ontwikkelingslanden: Aktiviteitenpakket 1976 (Utrecht, September 1975); in:
ISSH, Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1970s’ (DOK 1.3)
23 NVV Industriebond, which in 1975 raised: see Van Kesteren and Monasso, op. cit., pp. 34-35, with
references
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 9
23 After the formation of the FNV in 1976: see, among many examples, ‘De gelden van de FNV voor
de Zuid-Afrikaanse vakbeweging’, IZ-Bulletin [FNV], August 1990, page 8; in: ISSH, Niza collection
‘Trade unions 1990s’ (DOK 1.3); or the explanation given by Wouter van der Schaaf in a note to
members of the Comité Vakbondsvrouwen tegen Apartheid, 9 January 1986 (Federatiebestuur FNV,
Circular No. 57); in: IISH, Archief FNV Vrouwensekretariaat, inventory number 20
23 In 1982 the FNV set up: Van Dam, ‘“Een stukje ellende in uw eigen wereldje”’, op. cit., page 250
23 its name a legacy of the NKV solidarity fund: ibid.
23 SACTU remained a beneficiary: see e.g. Rapportage FNV-projecten van vóór 1980; in: ‘Wij en Zij’
archives, inventory number 170
23 Its affiliation to WFTU: see e.g. letter Piet Jeuken, Advisor International Department FNV, to John
Gaetsewe, General Secretary SACTU, of 3 September 1979 (‘Your request to be supported … in 1980
has also been received. Before dealing with this request we are looking forward, in accordance with
our discussion in Geneva, to SACTU’s formal reply to our letter of 13th October 1978 … with regard
to the international affiliation of SACTU’), and letter Gaetsewe to Jeuken of 19 August 1981 (reproduced in Voortgangsrapportage FNV-projectenprogramma 1979, Amsterdam July 1981, and
Rapportage FNV-projecten van vóór 1980, respectively); in: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory number
170. – Low-level contacts continued, as when in 1986 an FNV delegation visited Zambia (‘In Lusaka
the opportunity could be taken to also visit the SACTU offices … As we know, cooperation with
SACTU is impossible, but an exchange of information is still feasible’; from: Willy Wagenmans,
‘Werkbezoek aan vakorganisaties in Afrika 1986’, 13 November 1985, page 4; in: IISH, Archief FNV
Vrouwensekretariaat, inventory number 20)
23 The formation of FOSATU opened up, etc.: see Tor Sellström, Sweden and National Liberation in
Southern Africa, Volume II: Solidarity and Assistance 1970-1994 (Uppsala, 2002) [download at
liberationafrica.se/publications], esp. pp. 453 (note 6), 465 (note 5) and 468, and Vesla Vetlesen,
‘Trade Union Support to the Struggle Against Apartheid: The Role of the Norwegian Confederation
of Trade Unions’, in: Tore Linné Eriksen (ed.), Norway and National Liberation in Southern Africa
(Uppsala, 2000) [download at liberationafrica.se/publications]
23 They similarly relied: see e.g. Roger Southall, Imperialism or Solidarity? International Labour and
South African Trade Unions (Rondebosch, 1995), page 181 [IISH 2009/2433]
23 Table FNV South African trade union support projects: 1979 Voortgangsrapportage FNVprojectenprogramma 1979, Amsterdam July 1981; in: ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory number 170;
1980 Rapportage FNV Projectenprogramma 1980; ibid.; 1981 Rapportage FNV Projectenprogramma 1981; ibid.; 1986 Jaarverslag 1986 Stichting “Wij en Zij”, pp. 25-27; in: ISSH, Niza
collection ‘Trade unions 1980s’ (DOK 1.3); 1991 Jaarverslag 1991 Stichting “‘Wij en Zij”, pp. 55-60;
in: ISSH, Niza collection ‘Trade unions 1990s’ (DOK 1.3); 1992 Jaarverslag 1992 Stichting “Wij en
Zij”, pp. 64-68; ibid.
NB. The amounts for 1991 and 1992 are presented in the wrong order. 1991: 20 projects = almost
2.5 mln guilders, 1992: 16 projects = just over 2.0 mln guilders.
24 The FNV also supported CUSA: examples in ‘Wij en Zij’ archives, inventory number 172; see also
Wouter van der Schaaf, ‘De FNV en de strijd tegen apartheid: Een recente geschiedenis’, in: Carry
van Lakerveld (ed.), Nederland tegen Apartheid, page 138
24 channelled through the ICFTU Coordinating Committee: ‘the TUC and NVV (later FNV) were the
first to pledge financial assistance [to this committee (1974)]’; Rebecca Anne Gumbrell-McCormick,
‘South Africa: the Fight for Freedom’, in: Anthony Carew et al. / Marcel van der Linden (ed.), The
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, op .cit., pp. 401, 411; or idem, ‘The ICFTU in
Action: The Campaign for Women's Equality and the Struggle against Apartheid’, chapter 5 of The
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions: Structure, Ideology and Capacity to Act (thesis
University of Warwick, June 2001), pp. 179, 191-192 [download at go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/56529];
Vetlesen, op. cit., page 342
24 The ICFTU donors’ group supported efforts towards seeking unity: see e.g. Sellström, op. cit.,
page 465; Vetlesen, op. cit., page 342; Van der Schaaf, ‘De FNV en de strijd tegen apartheid’, op. cit.,
pp. 138-139. [Addition 2015:] Willy Wagenmans (see pp. 25-26), Houten, in an email of 21 May
2015 to the author, confirmed that both the ICFTU Coordinating Committee and the donors’ group
were committed to promoting unity, while at the same time they realised that the primary
responsibility lay with the South African unions themselves
24 The reason given by COSATU, etc.: Vetlesen, op. cit., page 343
24 They were prepared to work with us: Jeremy Baskin, Striking Back: A History of COSATU (London
and New York, 1991), page 107, as quoted in: Sellström, op. cit., page 471
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 10
24-25 The FNV and its Nordic colleagues succeeded, etc.: Vetlesen, op. cit., pp. 343-344; Sellström,
op. cit., pp. 470-471; see also anonymous scribbling-pad [containing notes written by Willy
Wagenmans, as he confirmed in an email to the author, 21 May 2015], in: IISH, Archief FNV, FNVCommissiearchief 1986, inventory number 27. According to Wagenmans, ‘We in the FNV have
always believed that our and the Nordics’ cooperation with Cosatu could contribute to a better
relationship with the ICFTU. We have always made it clear to Cosatu that we would coordinate
within the Coordinating Committee the support we provided to them and highlighted the
importance of the IFCTU, the ITSs and ICFTU affiliates to the development of the South African
trade union movement … Our collaboration effectively contributed to a normalisation of relations,
but I never felt duty-bound at the time, taking it for granted that we operated this way as loyal and
committed members of the ICFTU’ (email to the author, 21 May 2015).
24 Table Beneficiaries of FNV South African support projects: see table on page 23. NB. The classification into various categories is necessarily somewhat arbitrary: e.g. ‘legal and relief aid’ projects
were classified separately as such, but funds to support unions were sometimes earmarked for legal
and humanitarian aid as well.
The figures for CUSA/NACTU should read: 1979 – 1981 – 1986 23 1992 16
25 The important thing is: email to the author, 8 October 2014
25 COSATU joined the ICFTU: see e.g. Vetlesen, op. cit., page 338
25 Financially, the support accounted: quotes from Van der Schaaf, ‘De FNV en de strijd tegen
apartheid’, op. cit., pp. 139-140
25-26 This gave us the opportunity, etc.: Willy Wagenmans, interviewed in 2013 by Anne Graumans;
see Plakboek PvdA, ‘Vakbondssteun tijdens apartheidsregime’, 18 October 2013, on
pvda.nl/berichten/2013/10/Vakbondssteun+tijdens+apartheidsregime (accessed August 2014)
Chronicle 1980-1994 ‘Solidarity all over the place’
The review of Dutch trade union solidarity on pages 27-34 is based on a variety of published sources;
references given below are to literal quotes only.
27 may have felt frustrated: Van der Schaaf, ‘De FNV en de strijd tegen apartheid’, op. cit., page 137:
‘The determination shown over many years by those workers who stood up against their
companies’ involvement in apartheid South Africa commands our respect. They accepted the risk of
isolating themselves – also from their own colleagues (“Oh no, not him again droning on about
South Africa...”)’
27 equipment campaign (January 1980): see posters ‘Zeefdrukkoffers voor Zuid-Afrika’ for Solomon
Mahlangu Freedom College on this page and ‘NVV-jongerencontact timmert …’ on page 31
27-28 UN Sanctions Year (June 1982): an Industriebond poster produced in the Sanctions Year 1982
is shown on page 32
28 a silly instrument (June 1982): from note on conversation between FNV and Stichting Sanktiejaar,
23 August 1982, by Winnie Wassenaar; in: IISH, Archief Komitee Zuidelijk Afrika, inventory number
817. – During the meeting, reference was made to an earlier meeting between FNV and CNV and
Prime Minister Dries van Agt on 23 June 1982; according to the report, PM Van Agt spoke with the
federations in his capacity of acting Minister of Foreign Affairs
28 Dienstenbond brochure (March 1983): see illustration on page 27. The brochure was also
published in English (Banking Industry and Apartheid [in: IISH, Archief Werkgroep Kairos])
28 terrorists (October 1983): internal report by Kees Marges, Vervoersbond FNV, on the ITF 34th
Congress, Madrid, 20-28 October 1983, page 1; in: SRB archives, inventory number 611
28 picket KLM office (February 1984): see photo on page 27; the poster carried here by KLM Works
Council president Arie Korringa (with cap) and others is reproduced on page 32
28-29 Dienstenbond postcard campaign (September 1984): see postcard reproduced on page 32
29 Mr Nkosi’s release (December 1984): Rand Daily Mail, 14 December 1984; reproduced in facsimile
in: Arbeidersstrijd tegen apartheid, No. 7, February 1985, page 2 [IISH ZK 41744]
30 FNV discussion day on South Africa (May 1986): the left photo on this page shows a later FNV
discussion day in September 1989
30 Demonstration at SA embassy (August 1986): see photo on page 28
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 11
31 Our policy is not solely determined (August 1986): Amandla, vol. 10 No. 8/9, August-September
1986, page 14 [IISH ZK 40033]
31 Solidarity Week (November 1986): see poster on page 28
31 picket of railway workers (May 1987): see photo on page 29
32 such is life for a trade union leader (September 1987): ‘FNV dringt aan op volledige boycot van
regime Z-Afrika – Sanctie kan in Nederland 2300 banen kosten’, De Volkskrant, 24 September 1987
32 Hands off COSATU! (January 1988): see poster on page 28
33 will make every effort (June 1988): Vervoersbond president Ruud Vreeman at a meeting in the
union’s Schiphol office, 17 June 1988, quoted in Arbeidersstrijd tegen apartheid, No. 21, September
1988, page 4
33 SAMWU delegation (March 1990): see photo on page 30 (left)
33 Maintain sanctions! (September 1990): Jay Naidoo, quoted in: ‘Verslag FNV Zuid-Afrikadag van 29
september 1990’, Arbeidersstrijd tegen apartheid, No. 28, December 1990, page 4
34 South African trade unions have been all-important: ‘Toespraak van Johan Stekelenburg,
voorzitter van de FNV, ten behoeve van de viering van de Dag van de Arbeid, op zondag 1 mei 1994
in het Willem Dreeshuis te Amsterdam’, page 1; in: IISH, Archief Johan Stekelenburg, inventory
number 10, cover IV
34 amazed by the brutality, etc. (March 1993): from a contemporary press report
© Richard Hengeveld, Amsterdam, June 2015 – v1.0
Help the FNV Fight Apartheid! – References page 12