2 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop Contents 1 Background4 2. Mungo and Zanci – the twin nodes of the Pastoral Heritage Loop 5 2.1 Significance of the twin nodes for interpretation planning 5 2.2 The two nodes and the role of Zanci 6 2.3 The Zanci Woolshed node7 2.4 The three key functions of the Zanci Woolshed node 8 2.5 The Zanci challenges9 2.6 The pivotal role of ‘place’10 2.7 Defining Mungo’s place in the landscape 11 2.8 Creating the Zanci Woolshed node 13 2.9 The Zanci Homestead site15 2.10 Mungo Woolshed / Pastoral Heritage Loop gateway node 16 2.11 The Mungo Woolshed Precinct17 2.12 The Mungo Woolshed interior18 3. Trackside interpretive nodes19 3.1 The role of trackside interpretive signage 19 4. Interpretive inventory / budget estimates 20 4.1 Zanci Woolshed Node20 4.2 Generic costing proviso20 4.3 Zanci Homestead Node21 4.4 Mungo Woolshed/ Pastoral Heritage Loop gateway Node 21 4.5 2 trackside interterpretive nodes on initial Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop section from Mungo Woolshed to Zanci Woolshed, 21 Appendix 1. Strategic planning considerations 22 App 1.1 Important planning documents – The CMP 22 App 1.2 Important planning documents – Historical Study of Women and Outback Landscapes 23 App 1.3 Important planning documents Shared Landscapes 24 App 1.4 The Mungo challenge24 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 3 1. Background Establishment of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop In 2010 as part of the project to establish an expanded suite of interpretive facilities for the Mungo Visitor Centre precinct, a new recreational package was established for Mungo that explicitly linked together the Mungo and Zanci homesteads. The Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop is a way of presenting the connected quality of these two precincts via either a scenic drive / cycle option or else a half day walk option. To create the walk option a new track was defined along existing access routes from the back of the Foreshore Track across to Zanci Homestead. The loop incorporates Mungo’s most prominent European cultural asset – the Mungo Woolshed. Significantly the issue of the woolshed interpretation was not specifically addressed as part of the 2010 interpretation project works around the visitor centre. These works were however mindful of the need to link the woolshed in as part of the overall visitor experience in this key precinct. The works proposed here in relation to the woolshed and also the overall heritage loop which relies on the visitor centre precinct as its trackhead hence need to be seen as Stage 2 works of this precinct interpretive refit. 4 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 2. 2.1 Mungo and Zanci – the twin nodes of the Pastoral Heritage Loop Significance of the twin nodes for A significant feature of the pastoral heritage loop is the way in which it has an interpretation planning inner core which is the walking loop and an outer core comprising the drive / cycle option. These two essentially disparate pathways have two nodes in common – the start / finish at the Mungo Woolshed precinct and the outer node at the Zanci Homestead. To understand the significance of this it is worth addressing briefly the role nodes need to play in the interpretation of landscapes in Mungo. Mungo is already well advanced in its use of nodes to function as interpretive focal points across the landscape. The boardwalks at Red Top Lookout and the Walls Lookout are the two prominent examples of this. When one considers just why such infrastructure is so inherently appealing as a visitor experience it is apparent that they immediately offer a sense of arrival in a special place, a place that has been valued, conserved and sensitively and actively responded to in an interpretive context. They commonly also offer visitors places of repose where they can congregate as a group – be it an interpretive group, or a family – and share their experiences as these unfold. These places of repose then have a double importance as they function as natural interpretive epicentres where people can take in information in a place set amongst, yet disjunct from, its immediate surrounds. The importance of this is readily appreciated from the difference between signage contexts in the park where signage is placed amidst a setting that defines an area as a visitor node (in the case of Mungo Lookout and Vigars Well, below left) in comparison to the much less effective presence it has when simply inserted amidst the landscape it is interpreting (as in the case of the Zanci sign right). As a generic approach, we believe interpretation benefits by defining areas of intervention where it specifically sets itself apart from the element it is interpreting so as to view it from a detached point of reference. This was clearly evident in the creation of the meeting place where the interpretive media in the form of signage were clearly separated from the footsteps and located in their own viewing context from either the constructed lunette or the entry area to the precinct (below). Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 5 2.2 The two nodes and the role of There are two key nodes that need to be established for the Pastoral Heritage Zanci Loop – the Zanci Precinct and the Mungo Woolshed Precinct. Each node must have its own unique character and role to play in the pastoral loop experience. The Mungo Woolshed entry precinct must operate as both a dual trackhead integrating people’s experience of both the woolshed and the start of the Pastoral Heritage walk option that commences out along the same path as the Foreshore Track. This woolshed node is also a stand alone feature that will be explored by virtually all visitors to the site, many of whom are not experiencing it as part of the pastoral loop experience. Indeed by the time a visitor actually embarks on the heritage loop it is very likely that they will have already visited the Mungo Woolshed and so head straight out on the walk or cycle / drive to Zanci. With this in mind, it is apparent that the Zanci Precinct node is really the pivotal intervention upon which the success of the pastoral loop will rest. The loop was established with the clear intention of providing a strong half day walk option in the immediate proximity of the visitor centre precinct. This walk is a significant undertaking and it is very important that when visitors arrive at the turn back / outer end of the loop at Zanci they get a clear sense of why they’ve made the effort. Here it is vital that a node experience be created to reinforce that sense of “Yes - I’m here, this was worth the effort, this is a special place that I want to spend some time exploring and getting to understand.” Facilities created as part of the Zanci node’s establishment must also ensure some covered areas are available for people to rest and picnic should they wish to do so. With this need in mind, the first approach to establish the Zanci node is not so much to think about creating a new construction on the site but rather to examine existing structures at Zanci that could undergo adaptive reuse to fulfil this function. Here two possible options exist. One is the stables building, the other is the Zanci Woolshed. Of these the stables is not seen as suitable owing both to its location to the north east of the precinct in such a place as it would be hard to establish it as a natural part of the walkers visitor flow onto the site which will approach from the south west. In addition it is too small to function as a major node facility in its own right. The Zanci Woolshed by comparison has none of these problems. It has the size and location to allow it to be successfully adapted to a new functional role in the life of the Pastoral Heritage Loop. Such an adaptive reuse is in fact very much in keeping with the tradition of both Zanci as a whole and the woolshed itself. 6 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 2.3 The Zanci Woolshed node The Zanci Woolshed was built around 1947 to replace the make do woolshed initially erected at Zanci in its establishment phase in the 1920s. The construction of the new shed was timed to improve the property’s productivity as wool prices began to surge in the wake of the Second World War leading into the boom period for wool in the 1950s. As the Mungo Conservation Management and Cultural Tourism Plan (CMP) notes Roy Vigar, Don Stirrat and Jack Hope built Zanci Woolshed c1947 as the second woolshed at Zanci Station. They cut the posts themselves, but reused part of the (now demolished) separate Mungo Woolshed section, including Oregon beams that supported the overhead gear and slotted floor gratings. The building was apparently added to some time afterwards, and later still, a corrugated iron freestanding shed was added to the southern end of the building for wool bale storage. The freestanding shed was relocated to Mungo Station as the NPWS Maintenance Shed c1986. A sheep dip shed and well (now demolished) was located in the eastern side of the associated yards, northeast of the woolshed. The overhead gear was possibly taken later to Mungo Woolshed. Zanci Woolshed is of high significance as one of the only buildings remaining within the Zanci Station Complex and as an intact woolshed of the second phase of development at Zanci Station. The building reflects the economical and efficient reuse of fabric throughout Mungo National Park. It is important for its association with the historical development and working practices of Zanci Station and the reuse of material from Mungo Woolshed indicates the level of operational integration between the two stations and their families. From the above material it is apparent that adaptively reusing the Zanci Woolshed to allow it to function as a visitor node offering rest, shelter and support for a significant interpretive presence that changes the current ambient character of the building is largely in keeping with the adaptive reuse practices that gain recognition in the building’s statement of significance. This represents a major opportunity for the creation of the Zanci node. The woolshed has a strong visual presence and is sufficiently close to the main homestead area to function as a detached vantage point from which to view and assess the overall precinct. It is also in a strategic position so as to allow minor track modifications to occur in order to ensure walkers use the woolshed node as the gateway to the overall Zanci precinct. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 7 2.4 The three key functions of the There are three key outcomes required of the adaptive reuse of the Zanci Zanci Woolshed node Woolshed as an interpretive node. The first is to provide a place of rest and repose where people can gain shelter and have an extended break mid way along their half day walk. The second is to provide a vantage point from which to take in the overall Zanci Precinct and to understand its significance prior to entering the precinct. The third is to provide a place along the overall pastoral heritage loop where the overall context, or foundation of the cultural significance of Mungo’s pastoral heritage can be conveyed to visitors. This last requirement is by far the most challenging aspect of the three needs of this node. It requires a controlled setting and overall interpretive canvas be laid out in a way that is significantly different to that which can be provided by interpretation signs located either at Zanci or elsewhere along the pastoral loop. The reason for this is that interpretive signs are by their very nature episodic whereby one can never assume people have read or experienced a previous sign. Accordingly they must be self contained and this limits their ability to cumulatively present and build a connected narrative. In a controlled space such as de facto information centre environment envisaged for the Zanci Woolshed, the potential however exists to build a integrated platform whereby the component parts of the Mungo pastoral heritage can be presented alongside each other in such a way as to assist visitors to make their own connections between them. 8 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 2.5 The Zanci challenges There are two key challenges which need to be addressed in establishing the Zanci node. One is the aesthetic / functional modification of the woolshed. The other is the strategic elements which must guide the provision of information needed to build a foundation for the pastoral heritage interpretive platform. On an aesthetic / function level, the woolshed site must immediately operate as a gateway to the precinct. It needs to stand out as a place that has been modified specifically to cater for people’s needs. This requires a section of decking be created to reach out from the southern entrance to the woolshed so as to unequivocally define it as visitor node. This deck would extend to the west of the shed also in such a way as to allow someone standing on it to look over to the homestead area and read interpretive signage relating to the Zanci precinct. Major gateway signage also needs to be installed in association with this deck / seating / signage feature. The deck should also seek to elevate people above landscape so as to give them a good vantage point to take in the setting. At a strategic level, it must noted that the challenges facing the Zanci woolshed node have become significantly more complex since the time the current pastoral heritage displays were installed in the Mungo Visitor Centre in the 1990s. These displays were produced using the prevailing approach of that time whereby the interpreters first set about determining appropriate narratives and storylines as a basis upon which to then deliver these storylines via their exhibition media. In 2003 and 2004 however two major reports produced by the NPWS Cultural Heritage Division took issue both directly and indirectly with the underlying premises and ommissions that arise under this interpretive approach. These reports were “An Historical Study of Women and Outback Landscapes” by Dr Johanna Kijas and “Shared Landscapes: archaeologies of attachment and the pastoral industry in New South Wales” by Dr Rodney Harrison. Each report in its own way argued that the “settlement–colonial expansionist model” that underpinned the interpretation of pastoral heritage created problems as the narratives of women and indigenous people were lost. As Johanna Kijas writes: Histories that retain their central focus on economics, politics and other aspects of the public domain inherently work to exclude large categories of people... The outback is imagined in different and often competing ways across time, gender, culture and location. While images of the outback as a white masculine place endure in historical interpretation and tourist promotion, they do not go unchallenged or therefore unchanged. In order to remedy this she argues in favour of: A place-centred approach allows a wider inclusion of women in their diversity and other historical actors who have shaped and been shaped by those places. This section does not attempt to explain the detail in terms of how these two reports have influenced the overall approach being suggested here. Rather these considerations have been dealt with as an appendix where they can be read if required. What can be noted here in summary is that Johanna Kijas’ focus on the role of place in providing a foundation for pastoral interpretation forms the centrepiece of the outcomes advocated here. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 9 2.6 The pivotal role of ‘place’ To better understand what this focus on the role place means for interpretation on the pastoral heritage loop an important reference is Johanna Kijas’ comment that: In making the place the central focus of historical endeavour, rather than the public domain of certain men, an enlarged vision of the richness and diversity of places can be accomplished. What then exactly does setting ‘place’ up as the central underpinning of the pastoral heritage interpretation at Mungo involve? Significantly here part of the answer lies in the CMP and the way it constructs its narrative history of the park. The CMP is of course inherently grounded and focussed on a sense of place – it is after all, all about the park. In its statement of cultural significance it recognises Mungo’s: three phases of occupation; as part of the large nineteenth-century backblock pastoral property Gol Gol; as the Mungo and Zanci pastoral station soldier settlement properties; and for almost a quarter of a century as Mungo National Park. These three phases sit within an overarching historic theme of human interaction with the environment. .. Within this theme are subthemes that underpin the significance of the place associated with the changing nature of the land tenure framework, pastoral processes, and awareness and appreciation of the natural and cultural environment. Grounded on this approach, the CMP then presents an account of the Mungo whereby the narratives of both indignenous people, pastoralists and later national park managers are interwoven around the central theme of the park across the three idenitifed phases of its recent history. It clearly demonstrates and supports Johanna Kijas’ assertion that establishing a sense of place as the focal point of the park interpretation is the appropriate basis upon which to examine and understand the narratives of the people with a cultural connection to Mungo at a given point in time. This approach clearly places Mungo as the centre stage across which the ever changing winds of climate and human activity blow, a reference point from which to stand and look out at the world that unfolds around it. This emphasis on a sense of place standing strong amidst the winds of change was emblematic of the main entry panel installed as part of the visitor centre upgrade in 2010. 10 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 2.7 Defining Mungo’s place in the If there is one essence above all others that defines Mungo’s place in the landscape landscape, it is its location at the bottom end of the lake network that once comprised the main channel of Lachlan River. There is something inherently visually strong in a drainage system that ends in a natural full stop as Mungo does. All of the energy of this image flows down to the end of the line – Lake Mungo. This motif is one that can be used creatively to build the strong identity needed to ground a place like Mungo inexorably in the minds of visitors to the park. One way it can do this is by dropping this motif into historical images such as maps to position Mungo as centre stage of stage of historical evolution a given map must inevitably portray - that frozen moment in time when the map stood as representation of the world as people then understood it to be. These map / illustrative devices provide a very strong resource that can be used to build the foundation referred to above upon which a more diverse narrative of Mungo across the three stages of it recent development can be presented. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 11 12 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 2.8 Creating the Zanci Woolshed node Plan of the woolshed interpretation node. Note especially how all the free hanging large panels are aligned parallel to the main walls so as to maintain clear visual lines of sight straight down to the back of the woolshed such as to invite people into it and not partition it up. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 13 2.8 Creating the Zanci Woolshed The sketch on the previous page details the location of the components node (cont’d) required to create the Zanci Woolshed node. These commence with a major site entry sign located to people’s right as they move up onto the landing at the rear of the shed. Here on the landing two interpretation signs 1600*5500mm would run around the south east corner and tell the story of Zanci Hoestaed in the context of the view across the lakebed. Zanci Woolshed Moving from the boardwalk into the woolshed people would encounter an entry precinct with bench seating where they could sit in the shade. Around them they would have the first three internal interpretive precincts in the shed that focussed on the back block Gol Gol phase of Mungo. Large panels in portrait format 2200mm high by 1300 wide mm would be suspended to display the maps as detailed in the previous section. Other panels in landscape format 2800*1300mm would be attached to the walls as shown. Maps would fill the panels with only very minor text by way of a caption. Some graphic background to the map would also be provided to ground them in the Mungo “wave across the landscape” motif. Centrepiece of this area would be a 26 page double sided (ie. 13 separate pages plus cover) large approx A2 sized “book” (600*420mm) permanently mounted to a 1200mm high bench where people could stand and leaf through it. The pages of the book would be 2mm aluminium di bond with rounded corners. The book would rely strongly on historical imagery to tell the story of Mungo across the black blocks period as expounded in the CMP. This account is excellent as it weaves the indigenous narrative clearly into the overall fabric and does not follow any pre-structured settlement / colonial expansionist storyline. As previously mentioned, its sole focus is on Mungo as a place. As people move beyond this entry precinct, into the Soldier settlement precinct their movement will activate a motion sensor that kicks in a soundscape that presents individual narratives / accounts of life at Mungo in the soldier settlement phase. This will be a long loop piece that like the video in the visitor centre means that people will be unlikely to ever encounter the same material twice during their time in the woolshed. It will be broken into around 3 minute segments that will stop at the conclusion of each. People will hence need to keep moving around this space in order for the loop to keep going. Children are likely to work this out and can interact with it appropriately. This also means that people have the option to site quietly at the front of the building and have their lunch in peace should they wish to do so. This precinct will also have a 25 page book telling the soldier settlement phase narrative. Beyond this the final section will focus on the last three decades since national parks entered the west with the declaration of Kinchega NP and Mootwingee HS in 1967. This also will have its own book. A fourth panel in this back section will also focus on the woolshed itself and convey essential information about its operations. 14 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop The Zanci Homestead site Zanci Homestead site is both an important part of the Zanci experience for walkers who have explored the woolshed node, as well as being an entry node for people entering the site from the west via the drive / cycle option or else as the final stop on the Mungo Track. Accordingly it needs a major gateway sign to reflect this prominence as well as upgraded interpretation. On the site of the existing interpretation panel an entry decking feature in the order of 16 sq m should be installed to convey interpretation Zanci Homestead 2.9 signage from a detached vantage point installation. Two lectern signs 1600mm*550mm are envisaged here. The existing view from the anticipated location of this decking is shown below. Approximate location of New Deck to be installed Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 15 2.10 Mungo Woolshed / Pastoral Heritage Loop gateway node The second major node needing to be created to establish the Pastoral Heritage Loop is the Mungo Woolshed / Pastoral Heritage Loop gateway node. This must function as the overall pastoral heritage gateway with the shared Foreshore Track / Pastoral Heritage track taking off from its northern edge and the woolshed path Pastoral Heritage Walk / Nature Trail from its south eastern corner providing an ‘out and back ‘ return experience. Aesthetically it is important that this node is both an integrated part of the meeting place outdoor ensemble while at the same time having its own identity. To this end, some material elements like the concrete benches used around the elders meeting area need to be included here. Wide interpretive signage as used on the lunette could be spaced between the seats so as to create a strong border to the precinct. As has been already noted, many people using this precinct will be solely there to access the Mungo Woolshed and it is important that landscaping reinforce the validity of completeness of that experience. Similarly once people have already visited the woolshed, they are unlikely to visit it again when they do the actual pastoral loop. Hence all these options must be catered for in the area’s design. We believe the current visitor flow to the woolshed is a major impediment to people entering the precinct with a sense of expectation and awareness of the value and regard with which the site is held. To this end we see the creation of a single gateway node that effectively functions as the eastern counterweight to the meeting place and links the sites as integrated elements of the one experience. The crucial point about this approach is that following on from the preceding section’s observations, it establishes a detached vantage point from which to gain and appreciation and overview of the woolshed before actually entering the precinct. To create this a minor modification of the existing visitor flow pattern into the site direct from the carpark is needed with this intervention being supported by carpark perimeter fencing in key areas. The suggested landscape resolution to all the issues discussed here is shown below. Woolshed Entry Node / Pastoral Heritage Loop Gateway 16 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 2.11 The Mungo Woolshed Precinct Upon people entering the Mungo Woolshed precinct, it is valuable that they stop for an additional orientation perspective. Focussing a major initial effort on communicating with people prior to them entering the woolshed helps place the overall landscape context of the shed at the forefront of their experience of the site. To this end a small deck / landing could be established at the nexus between the top yard and the ramp leading into the shed. The idea here is not only to provide an additional detached reference venue where signage can be effectively installed, but also to encourage people to walk down onto the deck and beyond into the yards as the first part of their connection with the actual compound. The visitor experience of the yards should be from within them looking out, not walking around them looking in. Returning to the compound entry intersection a wheelchair accessible (assisted) boardwalk would rise to another landing with the opportunity for further signage before switching back on the second rise up to the woolshed entry. The creation of a landing at this point provides a wonderful point of detachment from which to both appreciate the surrounding landscape as well as the interior of the woolshed. This would probably (?) best be left free from signage. This effort to maximise elevated vantage points as part interpretive experience is a welcome extension of the same approach adopted at the meeting place and of course envisaged for the park gateway facility. It is also an integral part of the Zanci node where the deck rises to a slightly elevated position over the surrounding landscape. By reaching out for and creating such elevated experiences wherever possible the underlying integrity of the park’s overall interpretive experience is enhanced. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 17 2.12 The Mungo Woolshed interior Developing an appropriate interpretive response to the interior of the Mungo Woolshed needs to take account of several factors. The first of these is the statement of significance for the site as defined in the CMP. This is as follows: Mungo Woolshed is of exceptional significance as one of the earliest buildings remaining on the site and as an intact, late nineteenth century, large-scale woolshed of drop-log, cypress pine construction of considerable aesthetic value. It is important for its association with the historical development and working practices of Gol Gol Station and later, Mungo Station. The building was in continual use as a woolshed until NPWS acquired the property in 1979. It is a landmark feature in the landscape and is largely intact to its original form and construction. Significantly the CMP also notes elsewhere in its report several other highly significant factors about the woolshed that seem to have been inadvertently left out of this statement of significance. These additional factors are also of importance to consider in the site’s interpretation. This is especially important in the case of the Mungo Woolshed as it is easy to define it in a foreground context whereby it exploded into life for several weeks a year during shearing time. Aside from the brief times however when the shearing teams were in to either shear the sheep (usually in spring) or else to crutch them, the Mungo Woolshed was largely silent apart from such maintenance or upgrade work as may be required, or special occasions such as when dances were held in the woolshed or it was used as a local electoral polling station. As Colleen Barnes notes in the Mungo CMP appendices: For one day in 1937 and 1938 they held the Mungo Races on a flat at Joulni.. After the races it was back to the Mungo Woolshed for a dance. The reasons for dances at the Mungo Woolshed ranged from 21st birthdays to anniversaries and a charity fundraiser for Marilyn Scadding as Country Queen. The centenary of the woolshed was held in 1972 and people came from everywhere ... it still gets talked about today. Clearly while the workaday provenance of Mungo Woolshed was to harvest the woolclip up to the time of the NPWS taking over the property in 1979, its offseason role as a community centre and consequent significance in the lives of many people both from Mungo and also the surrounding properties make it easy to understand why the woolshed has acquired much of its iconic significance. Clearly the Mungo Woolshed was a somewhat atypical of the average pastoral woolshed in terms of its broader role as a shared community asset.. Nor was this the only atypical quality the woolshed represents. As the CMP explains Venda said that Albert was really keen on keeping the woolshed. People would say why don’t you knock it down and built a nice modern steel shed, but he liked history and that sort of thing. Clearly the woolshed stands as it does today due to it being an early example of active heritage conservation in a rural setting. Collectively the above issues posit a cautionary approach to the Mungo Woolshed, especially in relation to its adaptive reuse as an interpretive facility such as is proposed here for the Zanci Woolshed. This report recommends that no investment / modifications to the interior of the woolshed take place at this time as part of the overall establishment of the Pastoral Heritage Loop and that guided tours be seen as the pre-emininet interpretive device to connect visitors with the significance of the site. 18 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 3. Trackside interpretive nodes 3.1 The role of trackside interpretive As discussed previously in Section 2.1, we do not think signage works to best effect when simply inserted into the landscape. Rather it needs to define its own signage area of intervention that clearly establishes a context which encourages people to “step aside” from their walk and take time out to engage with what is being said. The only setting where we are comfortable with signage being”dropped in” along the way is in settings like boardwalks such as at the Walls Lookout. Here however, the overall boardwalk is in fact a contained interpretive setting and so conforms to the preferred model. Another example may well come in the case of the proposed Bush Tucker garden, where signage would appropriately be installed along the various track edges. When visitors are out in the expanses of the Mungo landscapes travelling along either the Foreshore Track / Pastoral Heritage Loop shared track section, or beyond to the Zanci Precinct, trackside interpretation must be used very judiciously and very carefully. As previously mentioned, we view the work done at Vigars Well as an important example of how interpretive interventions should occur at Mungo. Basically you identify an important site for interpretive intervention and back it with appropriate infrastructure. This does not necessarily mean a boardwalk however. It could be as relatively simple as a trackside hard surfaced area supported by seating. The idea here is to break into the “corridor” of the track experience to create a small node along the way that invites people to stop and take a break and view the landscape from a new perspective. The essence of this approach is to avoid sporadic trackside signage intervention by concentrating on communicating with visitors at just one or two meaningful signage nodes along the way. Accordingly under this approach, the existing interpretive signage installed along the Foreshore Walk would need to be removed. In its place a trackside node would be created at the top of the Foreshore Walk where the shade of the cypress pines is encountered. Two lectern signs 1600*550mm would be installed here with the dual aim of conveying many of the messages currently portrayed in the Foreshore Track signage while also linking it strongly to the Pastoral Heritage Loop experience. This site was for example a popular area for picnics in the post war period when the widespread use of cars meant people could travel easily between properties and socialise via both tennis and / or picnic gatherings. Further along the track past the junction where the Foreshore Walk loops back to the Mungo Woolshed gateway, another major trackside node should be Track node 2 established at the prominent vantage point looking out over the lake. This area would also have seating, but use just the one wide format sign to present its messages. Track node 1 In this way two major trackside nodes would be established first one third and then two thirds along the track to Zanci, thereby reinforcing people’s sense of being on an valued experience that had been carefully established and presented. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 19 Appendix 1. Strategic planning considerations App 1.1 Important planning documents – The CMP There are three documents with particular importance to the planning of interpretation in relation to the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop. One is the Mungo Conservation Management and Cultural Tourism Plan (CMP) produced by Godden Mackay Logan in 2003. One of the major elements in the CMP with direct relevance to the interpretation of the Pastoral Heritage Loop is the statement of heritage significance. One of the core duties of interpretation is to effectively communicate this significance to visitors and as such it provides a vital point of reference. The historic heritage resources and values of Mungo National Park, located within the Willandra Lakes Region World Heritage Property, are of considerable significance for the State of New South Wales. These resources, concentrated around the former Mungo and Zanci pastoral station complexes, but also found throughout Mungo National Park, are from three phases of occupation; as part of the large nineteenth-century back-block pastoral property Gol Gol; as the Mungo and Zanci pastoral station soldier settlement properties; and for almost a quarter of a century as Mungo National Park. These three phases sit within an overarching historic theme of human interaction with the environment. In this, the historic heritage complements the wellknown deep history of Aboriginal interaction with the environment evidenced at Mungo, and part of the citation for the Willandra Lakes Region World Heritage Area listing. Within this theme are subthemes that underpin the significance of the place associated with the changing nature of the land tenure framework, pastoral processes, and awareness and appreciation of the natural and cultural environment. Conservation Policy The conservation, management and interpretation of the historic heritage resources and values in Mungo National Park recognise the State significance of this resource. Concentrated around former pastoral station complexes, but distributed throughout the Park, these resources will be managed in a whole of landscape approach where the pastoral and recent NPWS land uses are interpreted as the most recent layers of human interaction with the environment; a key theme of the Willandra Lakes Region. 20 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop App 1.2 Important planning documents – Historical Study of Women and Outback Landscapes The second document of importance is An Historical Study of Women and Outback Landscapes produced for the Cultural Heritage Division of NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service by Johanna Kijas in 2003. This report is an historical study of women and outback landscapes in western New South Wales. It focuses on the south-western NSW region with two case studies of Western Parks: Willandra and Mungo National Parks. As the sections below extracted form the report explain, the report identified the concept of place as one through which to develop inclusive histories and interpretation. It found that women in their diversity remain marginalised and often excluded across the mainstream historical discourse that informs the historical interpretation and popular conceptions of outback parks and that this was particularly apparent in the pastoral history. It argued that an alternative framework for researching and interpreting histories of outback parks is needed in providing more inclusive interpretations. Histories that retain their central focus on economics, politics and other aspects of the public domain inherently work to exclude large categories of people. A place-centred approach allows a wider inclusion of women in their diversity and other historical actors who have shaped and been shaped by those places. The outback is imagined in different and often competing ways across time, gender, culture and location. While images of the outback as a white masculine place endure in historical interpretation and tourist promotion, they do not go unchallenged or therefore unchanged. The report argues the case for identifying the concept of place as one through which to develop inclusive histories and interpretation. Place centred histories can allow for much greater inclusion of women and other people than those dominant historical practices which focus their research to public events, economics, politics and other aspects of the overtly public sphere which has excluded large sections of society. The concept of place is where the social, the material and the spatial are inseparably intertwined, known only through our historical and culturally specific understandings. Rather than being fixed or naturally occurring entities - the location of bounded and homogenous communities, or merely the stage on which historical events unfolded - places are historically contingent, constantly contested, interrogated and reinterpreted in our material and imagined worlds. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 21 App 1.3 Important planning documents Shared Landscapes The third document of importance is the book published by the NSW Dept of Environment and Conservation in 2004 “Shared landscapes: archaeologies of attachment and the pastoral industry in New South Wales” by Rodney Harrison. As the preface written for the then Minister for the Environment Bob Debus explains: There have been demonstrable shifts in our understandings and representations of what it means to be ‘Australian’ and to feel a sense of ‘belonging’ to the Australian landscape. Such shifts may also be distinguished in nationalist and pastoral histories. Contested by Aboriginal people’s historical experience and settler Australians’ voiced experiences of everyday life, understandings of our history and heritage have altered. Shared Landscapes is timely and connects with these vital debates. With a focus on local social relationships, rather than the ‘great’ themes of settler-colonial expansion, this book goes to the core of our contemporary historical psyche and the significance of the pastoral heritage managed as part of the New South Wales reserve system. While some pastoral heritage places, like the great woolsheds of Kinchega and Mungo national parks, have iconic value for all Australians, much pastoral heritage is more modest: the tumble-down remains of windmills and shearers’ huts, the rusted trough beside a former travelling stock route, or the tin cans and broken glass associated with a drovers’ campsite. Shared Landscapes reveals the felt significance to local communities of such humble remains, and their integral role in reconciling the histories of Aboriginal and settler Australians. In so doing it unravels the exclusively ‘black’ or ‘white’ interpretation of historic heritage, and persuasively argues for a shared, cross-cultural history and heritage of the pastoral industry in New South Wales. Developing new approaches to understanding and analysing the landscape is critical to the Department of Environment and Conservation’s aim to integrate the management of natural and cultural landscapes for long-term ecological, social and economic sustainability. By mapping the landscape biographies of ordinary Australians, and examining the heritage of the pastoral industry at various spatial scales, Shared Landscapes takes significant steps towards showing us how this is to be done. Clearly given these policy priorities accorded to this book at its time of publication in 2004, allied to the department’s 2003 Women and outback landscapes report and the CMP, the intent and outcomes predicated in these documents are ones that need to inform the provision of interpretation along the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop. App 1.4 The Mungo challenge The issues thrown up by the challenge of understanding pastoral heritage in the context of a shared landscape that fully embraces the significance of both the feminine and indigenous perspectives are ones that need some discussion at the outset of this report. In particular the Women in the Outback report highlighted the omissions that can occur when one allows interpretation to be dictated strongly by both the “settlement–colonial expansionist model” and the available material readily at hand for interpretation. 22 Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop App 1.4 The Mungo challenge (cont’d) The peril of going immediately with strongest and most inherently engaging interpretive narrative can often mean perpetrating the very channelled and limited perspectives these two reports in particular are determined to redress. This does not mean we shy away from using engaging media, simply that we take great care in choosing the overall context within which they are presented. Derivative from Jahanna Kijas’ work is the observation for example that early photographic records invariably capture white masculine figures engaged in the physical routines of station life. Excessive reliance on this inherently engaging media can therefore immediately limit the scope to present a balanced cross cultural, cross gender approach. This is because indigenous station hands are almost entirely lacking from the images available and more balanced pictures of the full gamut of European family life on a station only start to emerge from the 1930s onwards as domestic snapshot cameras became more widely used. Similarly the power of using direct narratives and extracts from historical records such as letters and books must be very cautious in terms of the underlying stereotypes that may be perpetrated in the selection process. The question must be asked for example that should stories be used at all in settings where it is not possible to present a true cross sectional, representative sample, either due to the constraints of the interpretive opportunities and / or the fact that a broad cross section of resources may not exist to draw from. As Johanna Kijas noted: Therefore there are no single, coherent stories to tell of local places such as National Parks properties and their encompassing landscapes. In a progressive sense of place making, history is an inevitably fluid project which has no one truth in its telling, but is deeply implicated in the production and politics of that place-making. While this opens up National Parks histories to complex, competing and hence often uncomfortable renderings of past and present attachments to those places, it provides a framework for broad inclusion of stories that are otherwise hidden or buried. Dominant nationalist and historical narratives are one significant strand of influence in the ways people understand and construct their stories of place. Outback places hold particular resonance in these discourses in claiming authentic Australian identity and culture. Women often disappear in these stories both as individual subjects, and also under supposed universal histories. In our reading of the above comments, there is one line that we see as particularly relevant to the challenge of interpreting Mungo’s pastoral heritage. That is for national park histories to “provide a framework for the inclusion of stories that are otherwise hidden or buried”. Our extrapolation of this in relation to the Mungo context is to identify that the first duty of interpretation here is not to define and impose a storyline on the interpretive setting, but rather to prepare a canvas – an overall understanding or context – upon which all stories can potentially be heard with equal relevance. In so far as interpretation does then venture further to build upon this base so as to begin to engage with actual storylines it must then do so mindful of the stereotypes that may be unwittingly perpetrated in the process. Interpretation of the Mungo Pastoral Heritage Loop 23
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