Clinical Infectious Diseases SUPPLEMENT ARTICLE A Qualitative Study Investigating Experiences, Perceptions, and Healthcare System Performance in Relation to the Surveillance of Typhoid Fever in Madagascar Alfred Pach,1 Michelle Warren,2 Irene Chang,1,3 Justin Im,1,3 Chelsea Nichols,1 Christian G. Meyer,4 Gi Deok Pak,1 Ursula Panzner,1 Se Eun Park,1 Vera von Kalckreuth,1 Stephen Baker,5 Henintsoa Rabezanahary,6 Jean Philibert Rakotondrainiarivelo,6 Tiana Mirana Raminosoa,6 Raphaël Rakotozandrindrainy,6 and Florian Marks1 1 International Vaccine Institute, Seoul, Korea; 2University of Minnesota, Minneapolis; 3London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, United Kingdom; 4Institute of Tropical Medicine, Eberhard-Karls University Tübingen, Germany; 5Hospital for Tropical Diseases, Wellcome Trust Major Overseas Programme, Oxford University Clinical Research Unit, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam; and 6 University of Antananarivo, Madagascar Background. The burden of typhoid fever (TF) in sub-Saharan Africa is largely unknown but is increasingly thought to be high, given that water and sanitary conditions remain unimproved in many countries. To address this gap in information, the Typhoid Fever Surveillance in Africa Program (TSAP) founded a surveillance system for TF in 10 African countries. This study was a component of the TSAP surveillance project in Madagascar. Methods. The study entailed a qualitative assessment of patients’ experiences and perceptions of services for febrile symptoms at the studies’ rural and urban sentinel public health clinics. The study examined influences on the use of these facilities, alternative sources of care, and providers’ descriptions of medical consultations and challenges in providing services. Data were collected through semistructured and open-ended individual interviews and a focus group with patients, caregivers, and medical personnel. Results. Thirty-three patients and 12 healthcare providers participated in the data collection across the 2 healthcare facilities. The quality of services, cost, and travel distance were key factors that enabled access to and use of these clinics. Divergent healthcareseeking patterns were related to variability in the care utilized, socioeconomic status, and potential distance from the facilities. These factors influenced delivery of care, patient access, and the health facilities’ capacity to identify cases of febrile illness such as TF. Conclusions. This approach provided an in-depth investigation and understanding of healthcare-seeking behavior at the study facilities, and factors that facilitated or acted as barriers to their use. Our findings demonstrate the relevance of these public health clinics as sites for the surveillance of TF in their role as central healthcare sources for families and communities within these rural and urban areas of Madagascar. Keywords. typhoid fever; surveillance; healthcare utilization; illness experience. Globally, it is estimated that there are 21.7 million new cases and 217 000 deaths associated with typhoid fever (TF) per year [1]. TF is a systemic infection caused by the bacterium Salmonella enterica serovar Typhi, which is transmitted via the oral–fecal route. As a food- and water-borne infection, Salmonella Typhi causes a considerable disease burden in low-income countries that lack safe water and adequate sanitation and hygiene standards [2]. The majority of our knowledge regarding TF epidemiology arises from high-burden locations in Asia [3]. The burden of TF in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is largely unknown, but anecdotally is thought to be high, given that water and sanitary conditions remain largely unimproved in SSA many countries. In 2004, Crump and colleagues estimated a moderate incidence of TF in SSA [4]; however, several more Correspondence: A. Pach, International Vaccine Institute, c/o 105 New England Ave, T6 Summit, NJ 07901 ([email protected]). Clinical Infectious Diseases® 2016;62(S1):S69–75 © The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press for the Infectious Diseases Society of America. All rights reserved. For permissions, e-mail [email protected]. DOI: 10.1093/cid/civ892 recent population-based studies have indicated a higher incidence of the disease than earlier thought. During longitudinal surveillance, S. Typhi was isolated from 6.4% of blood cultures in an urban Kenyan surveillance site, resulting in an adjusted incidence rate of 2243 per 100 000 among children aged 2–4 years. Seventy-five percent of those S. Typhi isolates in that study were multidrug resistant [5]. Furthermore, recent data from Pemba Island in Zanzibar estimated an adjusted incidence rate of 110 per 100 000 cases of TF among all age groups [6]. To address the gap in information on TF across SSA, the Typhoid Fever Surveillance in Africa Program (TSAP), established by the International Vaccine Institute (IVI), founded a laboratory infrastructure and surveillance system for TF and invasive nontyphoidal Salmonella infections in 10 African countries. This study was a component of the TSAP surveillance project in Madagascar coordinated by the Microbiology Laboratory of Parasitology in the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Antananarivo, Madagascar. Disease surveillance at sentinel healthcare facilities (HCFs) is a pragmatic way to assess the rates and distribution of disease in any given population. Healthcare utilization surveys support estimations of the Healthcare Clinic Experience and Performance for Typhoid Fever • CID 2016:62 (Suppl 1) • S69 incidence of an illness by quantifying the use of an HCF by the population living within a defined catchment area. A more accurate measure of disease incidence can then be estimated using the number of cases presenting to the facility adjusted by the catchment population. However, healthcare surveys do not always capture the complexity and variability of household healthcare-seeking behavior in response to illnesses [7]. For example, a healthcare utilization survey for TF combining qualitative and quantitative data collection found that respondents in the closed-ended survey claimed they never used traditional forms of healing. However, in open-ended, qualitative interviews, respondents revealed the use of indigenous forms of plant and household forms of healing for enteric illnesses [8]. In some cases, patients also used alternative healthcare resources, such as purchasing medications at pharmacies. Such alternative sources of care may reduce utilization of study HCFs and affect estimates of the burden of disease [9]. The purpose of this nested TSAP study was to explore patient perceptions of the standard of care they received at 2 sentinel HCFs, their healthcare-seeking patterns, and their individual reasons for use of these facilities. Providers also described the nature of their medical consultations, the types of febrile illnesses they see, and the challenges they face in providing care for patients at these public health clinics. These factors influence delivery of care, patient access, and the health facilities’ capacity to identify cases of febrile illness such as TF. METHODS Study Sites Madagascar is an island country off the coast of East Africa. It has a population of approximately 22–23 million people in 2015. The majority of its population (ie, 70%) lives in rural settings and engages in agricultural activity [10]. This project was conducted in 2 HCFs in Madagascar: the Isotry Primary Healthcare Center CBS II (ie, Centre de Santé de Base), a public health clinic in the city of Antananarivo, and the Imeritsiatosika Primary Healthcare Center CBS II, a rural public health clinic approximately 1 hour from Antananarivo. The Isotry clinic is located in an urban environment, but draws a large proportion of its population from nearby rural farmers who come to the city on market days to sell their crops. Although economic disparities exist between rural and urban populations in Madagascar, there is a high degree of similarity in the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics between the populations of the 2 HCFs. Study Respondents Study respondents were adults (≥18 years of age) who had received medical care for a febrile disease episode affecting themselves or their children. The attending doctor solicited patients’ participation in the interview at the end of their visit. Patients who were not enrolled in the TSAP study were enrolled in this substudy to avoid possible biases that may have been induced S70 • CID 2016:62 (Suppl 1) • Pach et al through differential treatment provided to TSAP-enrolled patients, which may differ from the typical standard-of-care treatment provided at the clinics. In addition to febrile patients, administrative heads of the HCFs, physicians, nurses, and nurse midwives were also interviewed using a different data collection instrument. Thus, this study involved a purposive, facility-based sample of a life-experience group that had febrile symptoms and attended the primary care study clinics. There were also complementary key informant interviews and a focus group with the medical personnel of these facilities. Data Collection The interviews and focus group discussions were interactive and flexible, allowing for participants to accurately describe what they understood and how they felt about specific issues. Discussions were guided by a list of topics of interest. When English was not the primary language of the respondents, a trained local interviewer asked the questions and a translator summarized the content of the discussion, which allowed for follow-up questions for clarification or elaborating on an issue. The interviews and a focus group discussion were audio-recorded, and recorded notes were taken throughout the course of the discussion. A total of 33 patients were interviewed, with 16 and 17 patients interviewed at the urban and rural health care clinics, respectively. Six physicians were interviewed: 2 at the Imeritsiatosika HFC and 4 at the Isotry HCF. One nurse participated in an interview at the Imeritsiatosika HFC, and 5 nurses participated in a focus group at the Isotry HCF. The sample sizes of the patients are considered to be adequate for a focused ethnographic study of the experience of a segment of a population (ie, clinic attendees with febrile symptoms), especially as we confirmed these findings in triangulating them with the data on the healthcare providers’ perspectives [11– 13]. The patient sample sizes also demonstrated their adequacy in achieving a redundancy and saturation of our analytical categories, which indicated a sufficiency of information and confirmation of the findings of our qualitative analysis [14]. Interview Instruments Data collection questions for healthcare providers inquired about several variables including patient intake at each of the facilities, causes of fever commonly presented, tests of febrile symptoms, how patients typically respond to fever in families, patient beliefs, the frequency of self-treatment for fever, the patient load and wait times at the hospital, working conditions at the clinic, the patient referral and record system, and the cost of medications and medical consultations. Patient interviews involved questions on transportation and time required to reach a facility, symptoms prompting visits to the HCF, steps taken to manage symptoms such as self-treatment or seeking advice from other healthcare providers, severity of the symptoms, preferred and typical choice of care for a family member with fever, length of wait to see a doctor, satisfaction with the consultation, and cost of care provided. Data Analysis The interviews and focus group discussions were transcribed and translated into English. A coding dictionary was created based on the concepts and categories of the interview guides. A team of 3 analysts reviewed 2 transcribed interviews each. The analysts then coded segments of the relevant data in the interviews and compared the results of the coding for comparative reliability and completeness of the codes. Differences in coding were discussed, and some codes were revised and others added where needed. The texts of the interviews and focus groups were then downloaded in the Ethnograph version 6 qualitative software program and the data were coded, segmented, and analyzed for thematic content according to key topics. with the medical director and 2 physicians as well as a focus group with 6 nurses. Seventeen interviews were conducted at the rural Imeritsiatosika clinic. Sixty-six percent of cases were children with a parent. Sixty-four percent of cases were female with a median age of 1.5 years; 87% of interviewees were female, with an average age of 32 years. The average number of years of education completed was 4.5 years (range, no schooling to university degree completed). The occupations of respondents included farmers, laborers, vendors, and teachers. At the Imeritsiatosika clinic, we conducted key informant interviews with the medical director and another physician, and with 1 nurse. We also conducted informal interviews with nurse assistants in the “health room” (triage center). Catchment Area Size and Distances to the HCFs Location of Facilities and Travel Time The measurements of the size of the catchment areas and the distances from the villages to the Isotry and Imeritsiatosika HCFs were calculated using Google Earth Pro. The analysis identified the coordinates of the HCFs and the boundaries of the catchment areas based on geographic information. The size of the catchment area of each HFC was then calculated with the location of the HFCs established as the study centers. The distance from each village to its respective HFC was measured as the distance of the geographic centroid of the villages to each HCF study center. The average of the distances of the villages to the HCFs was calculated to get the mean or average of the distances of the villages, along with the high and low ranges of the distances for each catchment area. Using GPS locations from clinic records, it was found that the Isotry clinic catchment area consisted of 14 villages and city sectors and spanned a radius of 2.39 km2. Patients came to the Isotry clinic within a range 0.17–1.6 km, and an average of 0.78 km away. The Imeritsiatosika clinic had a much wider catchment area, consisting of 38 villages across 181.9 km2 with a range of 0.54–8 km away, and an average distance of 4.9 km. Among patients attending the Isotry clinic, walking (71% [10/14 individuals]) was the predominant mode of travel, although some patients and parents attended the HCF by bus and car. The average travel time was 23 minutes (range, 5 minutes to 1.5 hours). The main mode of travel to the Imeritsiatosika clinic was also walking (75% [12/16 individuals]), with some traveling by car and bicycle. The average travel time was 32 minutes (range, 5 minutes to 2.5 hours). These times are consistent with the differences in size of the respective catchment areas, although there is a preponderance of people walking to both clinics, largely because of their proximity to the clinics and because of the expense of a taking a car or bus. Ethical Approval This protocol was reviewed by both the IVI Institutional Review Board and by the Human Subjects Review Committee of the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Antananarivo. All respondents completed a written informed consent prior to an interview. All information was confidential. All personal identifying information was removed from the data files and audio recordings were discarded after transcription. RESULTS Demography of the Participants Sixteen interviews were conducted at the Isotry clinic in Antananarivo. Patients aged >18 years were interviewed directly, whereas the parents of patients aged <18 years were interviewed about their children’s illness. Fifty percent of the cases assessed were children with a parent. Seventy-five percent of cases were female, and the median age was 18.9 years; 91% of interviewees were female with an average age of 30 years (range, 18–55 years). The mean educational attainment of interviewees was 8 years of school (range, 2 years of primary education to 2 years of university education). Occupations included housewives, secretaries, students, vendors, and laborers. At the Isotry clinic, we also conducted key informant, individual interviews Healthcare Procedures When patients came to either HCF, they first went to the nurses’ station where a nurse recorded their temperature, blood pressure, and weight. Babies and children were measured to assess potential malnutrition through measurements of their age, height, weight, and the circumference of their arms. Patients had to bring a small carnet, which is a small notebook to record their vital signs and to share their medical history with the doctor. Following the initial triage, the nurse placed the patient in the queue to see a doctor ,with a typical wait of 5–30 minutes for a consultation. Doctors examined patients and recommended blood tests or rapid tests for malaria, human immunodeficiency virus, or tuberculosis and, more recently, TF, and referred patients with serious illnesses to a hospital. Before the TSAP project improved the clinics’ laboratory facilities to be able to conduct blood tests for TF, physicians had to assess the disease based on clinical symptoms, which was complicated by a range of other common, febrile illnesses. Healthcare Clinic Experience and Performance for Typhoid Fever • CID 2016:62 (Suppl 1) • S71 Healthcare Facility Experience Experiences and perceptions of the care provided at both clinics differed among patients, and identified reasons for the use or nonuse of these HCFs by people in the catchment areas. Longevity and Familiarity in the Use of the Facilities Caregivers and patients from both Isotry and Imeritsiatosika generally stated that patients typically have utilized these facilities for a long time and have sought care for a variety of health issues. In speaking of the Imeritsiatosika clinic, one young, female patient said, “I have come here from the very beginning, even to have my teeth taken out as a child.” Similarly, a mother of a child at the Isotry clinic recalled that “my parents brought me here as a child. I came here with my mother when I was pregnant and I still come here when my child is sick.” Thus, familiarity and regularity in the use of these clinics were mentioned as issues important to respondents. described her 12-year-old child’s symptoms: “He had a high temperature” and when asked “what’s the matter?” he said, ‘I have a sore throat, pain in the chest, and the flu.’ He also had a temperature and when the temperature didn’t stop we came here.” Patient visits at the Imeritsiatosika HCF also often involved compounded symptoms. Another mother with an 18month-old boy described her child’s symptoms: “Yesterday after 7:30 PM after dinner he sneezed, coughed, and vomited all the food he took. Then he couldn’t breathe so well. He had a high temperature last night and with that symptom we came here.” These examples suggest that the severity of symptoms experienced can have an impact on a patient’s decision to seek healthcare. Patterns of Healthcare Use Respondents described variations in patterns of healthcare utilization related to the perceived severity of the symptoms, practices of self-care, and the use of other HCFs. Features of the Quality of Care Received Respondents also described the quality of the care they received. One recurrent theme was that the doctors provide medicines that have cured them and that the consultations and medical tests increased their confidence in the effectiveness of the care they received. At Isotry, a mother remarked, “My first child got cured here and that’s why I come back.” As another example of confidence in the care provided, a young mother at Isotry mentioned, “According to us, we find it safer for children and adults . . . doctors weigh, take the temperature and size of the child, and that makes parents like coming here.” Patients at the Imeritsiatosika clinic also appreciated the quality of the care provided. In addition, patients and parents said that they experienced a caring and hospitable attitude on the part of the physicians. A male patient at the Isotry clinic remarked, “Not only are the doctors hospitable, but they respect the patients, too. This is a state health facility where they take care of patients, with enough time for the consultation.” Moreover, patients and caregivers found that the queue was generally not long, making it easy to see a doctor. At Imeritsiatosika, patients mentioned that it took from 2 to 30 minutes to see a doctor, although it could be longer depending on the day. One mother’s comment at the clinic captured this attitude: “It was quite easy to see a doctor. We had to wait 15 minutes in the queue, but it was okay . . . we had enough time to talk [to the doctor]. I am satisfied.” These comments from these patients suggest that time to wait for a doctor is an important factor in their experience of using HCFs. Reasons for Use of Healthcare Facilities Illness Help-Seeking People utilized the Isotry and Imeritsiatosika public health facilities as their main source of healthcare especially when symptoms became painful, prolonged, or involved multiple complaints. For instance, one mother at the Isotry clinic S72 • CID 2016:62 (Suppl 1) • Pach et al Alternative Sources of Healthcare A number of caregivers and patients claimed to come to the health clinics immediately when there was a fever or other illness. Yet, many individuals also described initially utilizing natural home remedies (eg, lemon and hot water) or medications from local pharmacies to decrease symptoms before bringing a child to see a doctor. One mother of a 12-year-old boy described her efforts: “The temperature did not go down after giving him paracetamol, and so I brought him to the doctor.” A few individuals mentioned purchasing more potent medications at pharmacies, including Efferalgen (codeine phosphate), Nivaquine (chloroquine sulfate), amoxicillin, and other antibiotics. As one women patient at the Isotry clinic stated, “I bought amoxi [amoxicillin] and paracetamol because I had a sore throat. I took 2 amoxi in the morning and 2 at night, the same with the paracetamol . . . and I got better.” Two other respondents who had used antimicrobials during febrile disease episodes also mentioned that they did not need to come to the health clinics after they took the medication. Healthcare providers at both clinics corroborated the comments of patients. A physician at the Isotry clinic remarked that although patients use herbs and other forms of traditional healing, they most commonly purchase medications at local pharmacies, including antibiotics, and “do automedication at home and come here when not cured.” This physician pointed out that this practice can lead to inadequate or incorrect use of antibiotics and delays in proper treatment, which creates risks for complications in cases of TF. Respondents did not consider going to a hospital as the first option for primary healthcare visits. A doctor at the Isotry clinic stated that patients have to pay for medication and tests at the hospital, and often have to leave a family member there for days, which can be difficult emotionally and financially for families. As she said, “It is impossible for poor people to go to the hospital because it is expensive for those in a difficult [financial] situation; they have to pay for the medicines and for the tests.” Another source of alternative care was the use of private clinics. Use of these clinics necessitated having adequate financial resources to afford these facilities, and often a desire for a more extended consultation with a physician. One mother at the Imeritsiatosika clinic described a situation that led her to visit a private clinic. She stated that “if you don’t have money you go here [Imeritsiatosika clinic], while you can go to the private doctor when the money is enough. We are used to going here. But at the beginning of an illness one time we gave our child paracetamol and nivaquine but he did not improve so we brought him to the private clinic.” Another parent described the private clinics as providing more thorough and immediate care. She related experiences in which she determined the need to go to a private clinic: “You see there are so many patients here and it takes a long time, and you can’t wait any longer because your child is ill . . . just the medications and consultations are expensive.” Healthcare Cost and Barriers to Care Some patients complained that they often only received the same minor medications whenever they came to the public health clinics; access to other medications was an incentive for visiting a private clinic. One of the most important reasons mentioned for coming to the public health clinics was the low cost of the medicines they provide and that the consultations were free. Cost was spontaneously mentioned as a reason for utilizing the Isotry and Imeritsiatosika facilities by approximately one-third of the respondents (6/16 and 6/17 people, respectively). When asked why they chose this HCF, one mother of a patient at Imeritsiatosika said, “In the first place it is a money problem, so that the medicines here are quite affordable.” This patient considered this clinic within her means. Another mother with her ill child at the Imeritsiatosika clinic stated that “it is near to where I live, easy to see a doctor here, and the medication cost is cheaper.” Cost of the medications and transportation were key factors in determining patient access to the Imeritsiatosika clinic. Patients also considered the cost of the medications at Isotry clinic to be affordable for them. As one female patient remarked, “I like this center because the medicine is good, and cheaper compared to other centers, and the doctors take care of patients.” The free consultations and inexpensive medications provided at the clinics were critical for those attending them. A doctor at the Isotry clinic observed that most people coming to this health facility “don’t have any money.” While the use of private clinics may draw individuals and caregivers away from the use of public health clinics, a lack of funds can act as a barrier to accessing any health facility. One female patient at the Isotry clinic described this situation: “If a child is ill, but there is no money, you go nowhere, you suffer.” An older female patient at the Isotry clinic described the impact of socioeconomic circumstances for her family. “They should have seen a doctor earlier this week, but couldn’t come because no money.” A nurse confirmed that some families with no money feel that it is impossible to come to a clinic and receive care despite perceived need. She observed that “patients don’t come here because they are afraid they’ll have to pay for medications and most people who come to the clinic don’t have money.” The government of Madagascar has a social program to provide medicines for free for the very poor and elderly. If one’s income is above the cutoff or fluctuates, they may not qualify for the program. This is an incentive for the very poor to utilize these health facilities. As a doctor at Isotry remarked, “there is a social program for people if they are poor, medication is reserved for them . . . they don’t have to pay for it.” Physicians at both clinics referred patients to hospitals with complicated episodes of TF that did not respond to treatment. A physician at the Isotry clinic described this situation, saying that “when a fever continues for 7 to 8 days or the individual comes back after treatment . . . I send them to the hospital.” However, for some poor patients who are fearful of the costs at the hospital, which they cannot afford, they avoid going to the hospital even in cases of serious illness; as a physician at the Imeritsiatosika clinic described, they try to “treat [the illness] at home.” Overview of Healthcare-Seeking Behavior The nurses and doctors at the Isotry and Imeritsiatosika health clinics all agreed that there is a growing number of people coming to these clinics with severe symptoms after other remedies had failed to cure them. The head doctor at the Isotry clinic remarked at length on this widespread problem: “Our real problem is that there are antibiotics in the stores, and now there is ibuprofen which people do take. They only come here when their children and family do not get better. So patients are often exhausted and have temperatures which they cannot reduce, so that’s why they say that they have been ill for 2 or 3 days before coming here.” This behavior represents a serious problem for surveillance at the clinics. Accounting for varying patterns of healthcare utilization and barriers to the use of these clinics is a challenge in conducting effective surveillance. Another physician at Imeritsiatosika also observed that if a child’s fever is prolonged, serious, and not responding to treatment at home, it can increase the potential for complications. DISCUSSION These accounts of healthcare-seeking behaviors of patients and healthcare providers demonstrate factors that have implications for conducting surveillance on febrile illness. Healthcare utilization surveys are necessary tools for adjusting estimations of the incidence of disease via passive surveillance at clinics. However, this study suggests that there are selective factors related to both the clinics and patient behaviors that can facilitate or limit use of these clinics by certain subpopulations. Yet, several features Healthcare Clinic Experience and Performance for Typhoid Fever • CID 2016:62 (Suppl 1) • S73 of these clinics make them critical sites for the surveillance of enteric fever in Madagascar. A number of patients said that they had utilized these clinics throughout their life and continued to access them for their children, especially for prolonged or serious symptoms such as those that characterize TF. The majority of respondents attributed the regular use of these HCFs to the high-quality care that they received at these clinics. They appreciated the recording of vital signs at each visit, which added to the information available to physicians, and were very satisfied with their consultations and the wait time to see a doctor. It is important to note that a majority of patients walked to the clinics from nearby communities, although this may limit patients from distant communities or those who are very sick from attending these HCFs. Both patients and healthcare providers observed that patients generally sought care for themselves or their children when fever was severe, prolonged, or complicated with other symptoms and often attempted to self-treat prior to making a visit to the clinic. Consequently, patients with mild and perhaps moderate cases of febrile illness may not present as regularly to these clinics as do those with more serious conditions. Moreover, adult men accounted for a small proportion of fever cases seen at the Isotry and Imeritsiatosika clinics. One nurse observed that men rarely come to the HCF unless they are very ill. This might be because of the opening hours that overlap with the workday. Differential health-seeking behaviors between sexes and age groups may bias incidence estimates based on sentinel surveillance, as well as whether disease is differentially distributed among these groups. We noted that the cost of treatment at these HCFs encouraged or discouraged attendance depending on the respondent’s socioeconomic status. Some respondents who did not have government-subsidized healthcare registration due to being above the income cutoff designation described instances when their financial status prevented them from visiting the clinic despite a perceived need for care, whereas those with lower incomes were able to receive free treatment. Respondents with a higher socioeconomic status also reported using private clinics if they felt that the public health clinic could not meet their needs. Therefore, the poor and wealthy may be diverted from the surveillance sites during episodes of febrile illness, though the causes and avenues of diversion differ. Research on healthcare utilization in general, and for TF specifically, shows that satisfaction with healthcare services, cost, and distance to health facilities are key factors in determining their use [15–17]. A method to address loss of cases to other facilities in surveillance at sentinel sites has been to provide incentives to private clinics to record enteric illnesses and provide these data to study investigators [18]. Another approach may be to reach distant and marginal populations and increase utilization of HCFs by complementing attendance with a mobile phone component to the passive surveillance, in which households are incentivized S74 • CID 2016:62 (Suppl 1) • Pach et al to call a clinic in the case of fever. When indicated, a paramedic could be dispatched to the home of the patient to take blood samples for laboratory assessments and case identification, thus augmenting passive surveillance [19–20]. There were both limitations and strengths to this study. This study involved a small and purposive sample of patients, nurses, and doctors that came to and were present at these HCFs during a 6-week period, which limits overall study generalizability. In addition, data collection involved qualitative interviews and focus groups, which did not measure the frequency or distribution of responses in a representative sample of the whole population of the catchment areas. However, the study gathered information from an adequate sample of respondents for an in-depth appraisal of febrile patient and caregiver perceptions of and experience with the Imeritsiatosika and Isotry clinics that demonstrated general agreement on their experiences and rationale for the use of these facilities among patient respondents, which was corroborated in interviews with healthcare providers. CONCLUSIONS This qualitative study of 2 sentinel public health clinic surveillance sites in Madagascar provides an in-depth perspective on healthcare-seeking behaviors and experiences related to important contextual and patient-centered experiences. This information is useful for augmenting health utilization survey research and disease surveillance efforts. It was critical to account for the use and experience of these key health facilities, as well as variation in their use, in relation to the perceived quality of the services, the rationale for the use of alternative sources of care, and the geographic and socioeconomic factors that influenced responses to cases of febrile symptoms. This study demonstrates the importance of these 2 clinics as sites for the surveillance of enteric fever in their role as central healthcare sources for families and communities from this area of Madagascar. Notes Acknowledgments. The authors thank the patients and families of those who participated in this study for their cooperation, which made this work possible. We also express our gratitude to the staff at the Isotry and Imeritsiatosika clinics for providing important information and for their assistance in organizing patients and caregivers for interviews. Financial support. This research was funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation (grant number OPPGH5231), and this publication was made possible through a grant from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation (OPP1129380). Supplement sponsorship. This article appears as part of the supplement “Typhoid Fever Surveillance in Africa Program (TSAP),” sponsored by the International Vaccine Institute. Potential conflicts of interest. All authors: No reported conflicts. All authors have submitted the ICMJE Form for Disclosure of Potential Conflicts of Interest. Conflicts that the editors consider relevant to the content of the manuscript have been disclosed. 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