1
ALE – 181 foie (печень, liver, Leber, hígado, fegato)
Carte de motivations
(Libuše Čižmárová, Milena Šipková)
Liver (Gr. hepar) – a vascular glandular organ in vertebrates, the largest organ in the body;
a spongy mass of wedge-shaped lobes that has many metabolic and secretory functions. The
liver secretes bile, a digestive fluid, metabolizes proteins, carbohydrates, and fats; stores
glycogen, vitamins, and other substances; synthesizes blood-clotting factors; removes wastes
and toxic matter from the blood; regulates blood volume. The liver is reddish-brown,
multilobed, and in humans is located in the upper right part of the abdominal cavity and
weights ca. 1,5 kg.
In bygone days, the liver was considered a central organ of life and spiritual strength as well
as home of emotions; in imaginations of ancient inhabitants of Europe, the liver was the place
where positive emotions, love and passion, as well as healing forces or dark powers like envy,
ability to destroy the life-force or evil magic had their origin. Though many of these
imaginations have been preserved in the dialects throughout Europe till the present day, cf. a
lot of interesting superstitions linked with the liver in the German speaking area (see
Bächtold-Stäubli, H., Hoffmann-Krayer, E.: Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglauben,
1987), they have not found much reflection in the process of naming. It is possible to detect
them only in the Finno-Ugric area, in the continuations of the Uralic *maksa; the rest of the
European space has mainly either continuations of the IE. unmotivated *ºeq1R or *ºeq1Rt
(probably also the whole of the German speaking area and originally also the Greek and
Roman speaking area, where it was replaced by the former attribute), or continuations of the
IE. *en-t(e)ro- ,interior‘ (most of the Slavic area). In other European regions, assumedly
newer denominations were recorded which reflect more various physical attributes of the liver
then the spiritual ones.
The item 181 “liver” has been processed as a combination of the motivational and
onomasiological approach. The map is designed basically as a map of motivations,
nevertheless the individual paragraphs (indicated by simple figures) representing various
motivational groups are further divided into sub-paragraphs (indicated by multiple figures)
according to the etymology of respective denominations, i. e. in inner division of the
paragraphs, the onomasiologic approach has been applied.
2
The denominations for the liver in European languages can be grouped together into nine
main motivational groups:
1. Liver as a supposed home of feelings and spiritual movements; the denominations are
related to the secretive function of the liver
2. Denominations reflecting the position of the liver in the body
3. Denominations relating to the character or form of the organ
4. Denominations coming from the names of other organs or secretions
5. Metaphoric denominations
6. Denominations motivated by cooking preparation of animal liver
7. Something small, minute, a piece, a crumb
8. Denominations going back to probably unmotivated IE. basis *ºeq1R or *ºeq1Rt
9. Obscure denominations
Remark: Without much regard to the motivation or etymology, many denominations are accompanied by an
attribute meaning ,black’ (or, rarely, ,dark brown’), either to differentiate the liver from other organs, or only to
stress the fact that this organ is dark-coloured. Therefore, those names are not grouped together in a separate
motivational category in this paper, but classed in their respective groups according to the motivation of the
attributed noun. In the map, all such denominations are depicted with a common feature – a contrast upper
quarter of the superficial sign.
1. Liver as a supposed home of feelings and spiritual movements; the denominations are
related to the secretive function of the liver
1.1 Names that continue the Uralic *maksa; various phonological and word-formative variants
occur in Finnic, Lappish, Volgaic, and Permic languages.
1.1.1 As direct continuations, the forms containing –ks-, -kš, -s can be taken:
maksa [m'aksa] Finn. (07.0 / 1-23, 101-110, 112, 117-127, 130, 133-135, 138, 139, 141143, 145-150, 152, 154, 156-159, 161-164, 166-167, 169-170, 172-175, 177, 179-181,
183-189, 191-196, 198, 200-202, 204, 205, 209, 212-214, 217, 220, 221, 223, 225-228,
231, 233, 234), Finn. in Sweden (24.8 / 3-5, 7, 9, 17, 19, 204), Finn. in Norway (24.8 /
201-203), Finn. in Russia (28.3 / 359-363), Est. (28.3 / 301, 302)
[maksā] Liv. (F) in Latvia (28.3 /369, 370)
[maks[] MMordv. (V) in Russia (28.5 / 554-556, 558-567)
makša [makva] Kar. (F) in Russia (28.3 / 329-352)
maks [maks] Est. (28.3 / 301, 302, 303-328), Veps (F) in Russia (28.3 / 353-358)
3
müeksee [m'y[ksī] Lapp. in Sweden (07.9 / 944, 949)
makso [makso] EMordv. (V) in Russia (28.5 / 568-577, 579-589)
mokš [mokv] Mar. (V) in Russia (28.5 / 514-526)
mus
[mus] Udm. (P) in Russia (28.5 / 501-513, 590-597), KomZyr. (P) in Russia (28.5 /
527-542), KomPerm. (P) in Russia (28.5 / 543, 545-549)
1.1.2 The original *–ks reflects as –j in Hungarian (-i in Rumanian borrowings from
Hungarian):
máj
[māj, mbj, māj`] Hungr. (11.0 / 1-14, 16, 17, 19-34, 36-40), Hungr. in Ukraine (28.5
/ 550-553), Hungr. in Serbia (29.4 / 501), Hungr. in Slovakia (26.1 / 202)
[m'aj] Mold. in Ukraine (28.6 / 601)
[māj] Hungr. in Rumania (23.0 / 101-103)
mai
[maj] Rum. (23.0 / 3, 5-15, 16, 21-23, 26, 27, 33, 35, 36, 39, 40, 44, 48, 56, 57, 59)
1.1.2.1 The name rarely occurs with an attribute meaning ,black’:
maj negru [m'aj n'egru] Mold. (28.6 / 612)
1.1.2.2 Derivative:
majka [m'AjkA] Ukr. (28.2 / 250)
1.1.3 The form connected with it is probably
myd [mýd] Nen. (Sa) in Russia (28.5 / 690-692)
and also
1.1.4 maer÷ [m'air[] Mold. (28.6 / 608)
1.1.4.1 more often occurring with an attribute meaning ,black’:
maer÷ njagr÷ [m'air[ nj'agr[] Mold. (28.6 / 606, 614, 615)
majur÷ njagr÷ [m'ajur[ nj'agr[] Mold. (28.6 / 607, 609-611, 613)
and perhaps also
1.1.5 vuoivas [v'uojvas] Lapp. in Finland (07.9 / 901-905), Lapp. in Norway (07.9 / 923-926,
928, 929), Lapp. in Sweden (07.9 / 942), Lapp. in Russia (07.9 / 981-984)
[v'uojm[s] Lapp. in Norway (07.9 / 927)
[v'ivas] Lapp. in Russia (07.9 / 985)
1.2 Motivation ‚god‘ – in the sense ,life, soul‘ can be seen in the first part of Kabardian
(Caucasian) word tx’[mŝĉIyg’'u. It is probably a compound consisting of tx’[ ‚soul‘ and
verbal stem ŝĉIyg’'u ‚be together with, accompany‘. The element m may be considered the
phonetic extension of the stem.
4
tx’[mŝĉIyg’'u (another record: thYmščIyg’'u) [thhamsh'[γw] Kab. (Ab) in Russia (28.8 / 801,
802)
2. Denominations reflecting the position of the liver in the body
2.1.What is inside, in one’s interior (in one’s heart)
2.1.1 Forms going back to IE. *en-t(e)ro2.1.1.1 Denominations for liver based on the motivation of ‚what is inside‘ can be traced
mainly in Slavic area. The Slavic names go back to the Proto-Slavic *(j)ętro, that continues
the IE. *en-t(e)ro- ‚inner / inside / interior‘, formed by connection of the preposition *en- ‚in‘
with the comparative formant -tro-, -tero- (compare Lat. interior ‚inner / inside / interior‘), so
the original meaning was ‚entrails‘. *(J)ętro is then the word inherited from the Protolanguage. Its composition was obscure already for the Slavs, that is why ę was preserved in it
(otherwise, the Slavic languages have throughout *on instead of the preposition and prefix
en).
Cognate to it is the O. Ind. ántara- ‚inner / inside / interior; one’s heart‘, Arm. [nder-kc pl.
‚entrails‘, Gr. έντερoν [énteron] both sg. and pl. ‚intestine; entrails‘, Proto-Slavic ablaut
variant ètrь ‚inwards, inside‘ etc.
As a cognate word is indicated also O. Pruss. instran ‚fat‘ (< *en-s-tro-) which is connected
with the O. Norse ístr n. and ístra f., Middle Low Gm. inster ‚entrails of a killed animal‘.
jetra sg.; Cr. (29.0 / 1, 2, 4), Serb. (29.0 / 16, 30, 32, 33)
jetra n. plt.; Cr. (29.0 / 6, 7)
jetra [jEtrA]; Sloven. (29.2 / 201-207), Sloven. in Italy (14.6 / 601)
[j5tre] Cr. in Austria (02.1 / 101)
[jḗtRE] Sloven. in Austria (02.1 / 102)
jětša [j'εtva] n. plt.; Lower Sorb. in Germany (21.0 / 48)
játra [j'ātra] n. plt.; Czech (26.0 / 1-9, 11, 12), Slovak (26.1 / 105)
jetrica f.; Cr. (29.0 / 28)
2.1.1.2 Back to the Proto-Slavic language goes also the Church Slavic ètroba, derived by the
suffix -oba from adj. *èterъ ‚inside / inner / interior‘, related to IE. *en-t(e)ro-, see 2.1.1.1.
The old en was in Sl. replaced by the new on, the weakening of ter in tr was influenced by the
adverb ètrъ.
wątroba [v`ntr'`ba] f.; Pol. (19 / 1-38)
otroba [otr'oba] f.; Czech (26.0 / 10)
5
vutroba [vutr'`ba] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 233, 237)
utroba f.; Cr. (29.0 / 3, 4)
2.1.1.2.1 Diminutive:
utrobica f.; Cr. (29.0 / 20)
2.1.1.2.1.1 Sporadically, the name is connected with an adj. attribute meaning ,black’:
crna utrobica f.; Serb. (29.0 / 29, 30, 31)
2.1.2 The same motivation can be found in the O¨l word [hεtrøεi] f.; (08.0 / 39)
‚inwards / entrails / vitals‘
and
2.1.3 in Gr. Cypriot word blankín, which probably goes back to Ancient Greek σπλάγχνον,
mostly in pl. σπλάγχνα ‘inward parts, esp. the heart, lungs, liver, kidneys’:
blanín [vlan'in] Gr. on Cyprus (30. 0 / 2-4),
2.1.3.1 to which also the attribute with the meaning ‚black‘ can be attached.
blanín mauron [vlan'in m'avr`n] Gr. on Cyprus (30. 0 / 1, 5)
2.2 What is at the back
2.2.1 The motivation of ‚what is at the back‘ is characteristic for the Basque language in the
territory of both Spain and France:
gibel Basq. in Spain (08.9 / 951-955), Basq. in France (08.9 / 901-904)
2.2.2 With the metathesis and the change of morphological characteristics, this word was
borrowed in the Spanish locality Vera de Bidasoa (Navarra), surrounded by Basque villages.
Standard Catalan language registers the word bigel ‚liver‘, ‚thymus of a lamb‘ which might
also be borrowed and adapted from the Basque language; it, however, was not recorded by the
research carried out for the ALE.
[biγ'elA] Sp. (06.0 / 17)
3. Denominations relating to the character or form of the organ
3.1 Hard
3.1.1. It is probable that in the O¨l dialect in France, the component dura from the original
tripa dura, literally ‚hard intestine‘, became independent and converted to masc.:
[dyr] m.; O¨l in France (08.0 / 29, 40, 55, 57, 124, 137)
6
3.1.2 The first element of a Northern dialect of Irish crúógaí may ultimately have been IE.
*ghru- meaning ‚gritty‘, (*gru-) having been substituted later with cruaidh- ‚hard‘ through
folk etymology.
gruaidhe [kr'u[j[]; Celt. in Scotland (9.3 / 222)
3.2 Heavy
Substantivized neuter of the dial. adj. to the Proto-Slavic *tęžьkъ ‚heavy‘:
cjažkoje [ts’AÝk`jA] n.; Bruss. (28.1 / 105, 106, 122, 127)
3.3 Worse, bad, unpleasant
Expression related to the Lat. pejor ‚bad‘, by shift of the meaning ‚what is uneatable‘:
[pir] f.; O¨l in France (08.0 / 111, 125, 138, 139, 150, 152, 165, 166, 179, 180, 193)
3.4 Hanging
In Catalan language, the name penjoll has been used; it comes from the Lat. pendēre ‚to hang‘
and is motivated probably by the idea of an animal organ hanging from the butcher’s hook.
penjoll [peɲdÝ`λ] m.; Cat. (06.2 / 221)
3.5 Being of sandy, gritty structure
The motivation of ‚being of sandy, gritty structure‘ was probably a source of some Gaelic
forms. They may be based on the Scottish Gaelic term grùthan, the first part of which is
related to the IE. *ghru- meaning ‚gritty‘ and the second part of which is an (nominalizing
suffix, diminutive or without meaning, to be compared to the Irish suffix -óg). The latter
occurs in many word-formative and phonological variants, exceptionally accompanied with
an attribute meaning ‚black‘ or ‚hard‘.
3.5.1 grùthan [kr'ūan] Celt. in Scotland (9.3 / 219)
[kr'ū%n] Celt. in Scotland (9.3 / 218, 220)
[kr'ū[n] Celt. in Scotland (9.3 / 223)
[k[r'ūwan] Celt. in Scotland (9.3 / 221)
3.5.2 ae
[ēi] Irish (12.0 / 6)
an ae [nē] Irish (12.0 / 7) – (preceded by definite article an)
aodha ['īw[] Irish (12.0 / 5) (possible pl. form)
aeadh ['0iū] Irish (12.0 / 4) (possible pl. form)
aenna ['ēn[, 'ē[n[] Irish (12.0 / 9) (pl. form)
7
3.5.2.1 Pl. form preceded by pl. article na and followed by pl. adj. ‚black‘:
na haenna dubha [n[ h'ē[n[ d'ū] Irish (12.0 / 8)
3.5.3 crúógaí [khr'ū`g] Irish (12.0 / 1) (ae prefixed with adj. cruaidh ‚hard‘)
3.5.4 The basic term ae in Modern Irish derives from O. Irish óa which is also preserved in
Scottish Gaelic adha:
adha ['a'a] Celt. in Scotland (09.3 / 217)
3.5.5 Of the same origin are probably Welsh afu and iau, as well as Bret. avu.
iau [jai] Welsh(09.1 / 101, 106)
afu ['avi] Welsh (09.1 / 107, 108, 114)
avu ['Āvy] Bret. (08.7 / 704)
[εy] Bret. (08.7 / 702)
4. Denominations coming from the names of other organs or secretions
4.1 Muscle
The Albanian name for ‚liver‘ mushkëri with the variant mushkni has been derived from the
word mushk ‚shoulder‘ going back to the Lat. musculus ‚muscle‘:
mushkni [muvk'n´] Alb. (01.0 / 1, 2)
4.1.1 The name occurs also accompanied by the attribute meaning ,black’:
mushknī e zēz [muvk'ni e zez] Alb. in Yugoslavia (29.3 / 301, 302)
mushkn$j e zēz [muvk'n%j ε zez] Alb. in Yugoslavia (29.3 / 303)
4.2 Heart
In Italian and French, the derivatives of the Lat. cor ‚heart‘ appear:
4.2.1 The expressions consisting of the root cor + the suffix –ata:
[k#r'd1] It. (14.0 / 32)
[k`r'ē] f.; O¨l in France, [k`r'a] f.; FrPr. in France (08.0 / 106, 121, 134, 147, 158)
4.2.1.1 These expressions are sometimes accompanied with an attribute meaning ‚black‘:
[kur'ad n'ira] f.; It. (14.0 / 28)
4.2.2 The root cor + the double suffix -ata + -ella give the forms:
[korad'εla] f.; It. (14.0 / 63, 88)
[kurad'εl1] f.; It. (14.0 / 33)
8
4.2.2.1 In Serbian and Croatian, the modification with an attribute črna ‚black‘ occurs
sporadically :
črna korodela f.; Cr. (29.0 / 3)
4.3 Lungs
4.3.1 The Rumanian word plămîn is considered to go back, via the Vulgar Latin Acc.
*plumonem, to Lat. pulmō, -onis ‘lung’. Less probable is the derivation from Ancient Greek
πλεύµων or from Modern Greek πλεµόνι. In Rumanian and Moldavian, plămîni negri ‘liver’
is opposed to plămîni albi ‘lungs’.
pl2m£n-negru [plSm'¨n n'egru] Rum. (23.0 / 17, 18)
pl÷myj negru [pl[m'¿j n'egru] Mold. (28.6 / 602, 605)
pl÷mn negru [pl[m'¿n n'egru] Mold. (28.6 / 604)
pl÷mye njagr÷ [pl[m'¿je nj'agr[] Mold. (28.6 / 603)
4.4 Kidneys
Sporadically in Slovak, the name for liver is a result of transfer of meaning from the name for
kidneys (oblička / hoblička, that to adj. oblý, Proto-Slavic. *obьlъ ‚rounded‘; in the form
hoblička with prothetic h-).
hoblička ['oblit∫ka]f.; Slovak (26.1 / 102)
4.5 Spleen
4.5.1 In Albanian, variants of the standard name mëlçi ‚lungs, liver‘ were recorded, in the
meaning ‚liver‘ usually accompanied by the attribute e zezë ‚black‘ (on the contrary to the
attribute e bardhë ‚white‘, which is attached to the lexeme if it means ‚lungs‘). The word
mëlçi, borrowed form It. (milza), meant originally ‚spleen as the organ‘. (The transfer of
meaning was made easier by the fact that inner organs were held to be the home of spiritual /
psychical processes.)
[m[l'tvi (e zez[)] Alb. (01.0 / 6, 9)
[mul'tvi (e zez[)] Alb. (01.0 / 7, 8)
[m[l'v§ (e zez[)] Alb. (01.0 / 10)
[m[l'tv´ (e zez[)] Alb. (01.0 / 4)
[mul'tv´ (e zez[)] Alb. (01.0 / 3, 5)
9
4.5.1.1 This lexem may be related to the name used to denote the liver by Albanians in Italy:
[m'ûrveA] Alb. in Italy (14.7 / 702)
4.5.2 The same motivation can be found in the Albanian word for liver shpunētk which
comes from shpretka – shpënetka ‚spleen‘ borrowed from Lat. splēnēticum ‚related to spleen‘.
[vpun'etk] Alb. in Yugoslavia (29.3 / 303)
4.6 Intestine
In O¨l dialect in France, the name [trip d'yr] appears, consisting of the components tripe
‚intestine‘ (of obscure origin: either to the Lat. *trippa ‚intestine‘, or to the African triper,
treper ‚tread‘, or even to the Arab. tarb or therb ‚fold on the peritoneum‘) and dure ‚hard‘.
[trip d'yr] f.; O¨l in France (08.0 / 9)
4.7 Bile
4.7.1 Only rarely, names of the liver taken from the bile (Lat. fel) by transfer of meaning and
adaptation appear in France:
[fjεr] m.; FrPr. in France (08.0 / 173, 187, 191)
4.7.2 To this root, the suffix –ata (‚in which the bile is contained‘) was attached; further
development led to the forms
[f'εra] f.; FrPr. in France, [f`r'`d`] f.; Occ. in France (08.0 / 170, 190, 203)
5. Metaphoric denominations
5.1 In Ingrian, the compound leiβä-liha occurs, the first part of which may be a borrowing
from the Germ. (*hlaiba- ‚bread‘), the second part is the Finnish (Finnic) word liha ‚meat‘,
thus probably ‚meat reminiscent of (the loaf of) bread‘.
leiβä-liha [l'eiÒæliha] Ingr. (F) in Russia (28.3 / 365, 366)
5.2 In O¨l, FrPr. in France, a variant of the word panne ‚a lobe of the liver‘ (from Lat. penna
‚wing‘), i.e. ,something big, flat, reminding the wing’, occurs:
[pœn], [pan] f.; O¨l in France, FrPr. in France (08.0 / 119, 159, 120)
6. Denominations motivated by kitchen preparation of animal liver
In some languages, the liver gets its name from the cooking preparation of animal liver; the
names were then transferred to human liver. The expressions are motivated either by
10
preparation of the liver by direct influence of heat in a closed space (in an oven) – baking, or
by thermal treatment in hot oil – frying.
6.1 Baking
6.1.1 According to the process of ‚baking‘, the liver has got its name mainly in East-Slavic
languages (from Russian, the name of liver was transferred into Volgaic languages ErzyaMordvin and Moksha-Mordvin, into the Permic language of Komi-Permyak, and into Ingrian
and Votic, Finnic languages spoken in Russia); the name derived from the root *pek- (to pekè, pek-ti) occurs also in Slovak. (Another explanation may go back to Ancient Greek: the
expression χόλον πέσσειν ‘to digest the bile’ was used in Homer in the metaphorical sense
‘nurse, brood over one’s wrath’, where another function of the (human) liver is expressed by
the same IE. verb *pekw-).
6.1.1.1 Sg. forms:
pečen’ [petven’] MMordv. (V) in Russia (28.5 / 557), EMordv. (V) in Russia (28.5 / 573,
574)
[p’etv’[n’] f.; KomPerm. (P) in Russia (28.5 / 544, 545, 548, 549)
peĉen’ [p’'etv’[n’] f.; Russ. (28.0 / 1-31, 33-41, 43, 45-49, 51-59, 60, 65, 66, 70, 72-76,
78)
pečan’ [p’'εtvAn’] f.; Bruss. (28.1 / 101-104, 106-110, 112-114, 116-118, 121-125)
pečin’
[p'εtv’in’] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 206, 211, 221, 225, 230, 242, 244, 245, 249)
pečenja [petv'εn’A] f.; Bruss. (28.1 / 119, 120)
pyčenja [pytv'εn’A] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 201)
važna(ja) pičenja [vaÝn'A(jA) pitv'εn’A] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 205)
6.1.1.1.1 Diminutives:
pečenka [pεtvεŋka] f.; Slovak in Hungary (11.0 / 18)
pečinka [pεtv’'inkA] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 202, 203, 204, 207-215, 217-232, 234-236, 238, 240,
241, 242, 243, 244, 245-248, 249, 251, 253, 255-257, 259-262, 264-268)
pečienka
[p'etvieŋka] f.; Slovak (26.1 / 101, 103, 104, 106-112)
pečonka
[petv'onka] f.; Ukr. in Slovakia (26.1 / 201)
pētšonka
[p'ētvonka] Ingr. (F) In Russia (28.3 / 364), [p'ētvoŋka] Vot. (F) in Russia (28.3
/ 367, 368)
pečënka
[petvonka] EMordv. (V) in Russia (28.5 / 578)
11
peĉonka
[p’itv’'`nk[] f.; Russ. (28.0 / 3, 12, 14, 18, 19, 29, 30, 32, 36, 40, 44, 46-48, 51,
55-57, 61-65, 66, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73, 75, 77)
pjačonka
[p’Atv'`nkA] f.; Bruss. (28.1 / 110, 111, 115, 116, 118, 125, 126, 127, 128,
129)
ščonka
[vtv'`nkA] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 202)
6.1.1.1.1.1 with an adj. attribute meaning ,black’:
čorna pyčinka [tv'`rnA pitv’'inkA] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 253, 254)
6.1.1.1.1.2 with an adj. attribute meaning ,heavy’:
tjaška pečunka [t’Avk'A petv'uŋka] f.; Ukr. (28.2 / 253)
6.1.1.2 Pl. forms – diminutives:
pyčinky
[pitv’ink'y] f.; pl. Ukr. (28.2 / 239, 263)
6.1.1.2.1 with an adj. attribute meaning ,black’:
čorni pyčinky [tv'orn’i pitviŋk'¿] f. pl.; Ukr. (28.2 / 252)
6.1.1.2.2 with an adj. attribute meaning ,heavy’:
tjaški pyčinky [t’Avk’'i pitv’ink’'ε] f. pl.; Ukr. (28.2 / 216)
6.1.2 The same motivation and origin can be traced in the dial. denomination in Lithuanian
where a metathesis happened: the root *pek- (see pek-è, pek-ti), borrowed from Proto-Slavic,
changed to kep- (kep!, kPpti).
k´penys [k’'ε:.p’εn’īs] f. pl.; Lith. (28.4 / 415, 417, 419, 422, 423, 427, 432, 434, 439)
k´penos [k’'ε:.p’εnōs] f. pl.; Lith. (28.4 / 401-405, 407, 409-414, 416, 418, 421)
k´panos [k’'ε:.p’Anōs] f. pl.; Lith. (28.4 / 415)
k´pens [k’'ε:.p’εns] f. pl.; Lith. (28.4 / 417, 433)
6.1.3 In Spanish the same motivation is found in the word asadura. It is related to asar ‚to
bake, to fry‘ (from Lat. assāre), asado ‚baked‘.
asadura [AsAδ'urA] f.; Sp. (06.0 / 118)
[AθAδ'urA] f.; Sp. (06.0 / 125)
6.1.3.1 As it also can have the meaning ‚offal, lungs‘, it is sometimes being specified by the
adjective negra ‚black‘.
asaura negra [AθA'urA n'eγrA] f.; Sp. (06.0 / 129)
6.2 Frying
6.2.1 According to the process of ‚frying‘, the liver has been denoted in Italy, France, and
Wales. These names refer to the Lat. frīgere ‚to fry‘:
[frit'ura] f.; It. and FrPr. in Italy (14.0 / 47, 402)
12
[frit'yra] f.; It. (14.0 / 28)
fressure [frεs'yr] f.; O¨l in France (08.0 / 79, 64, 135)
6.2.1.1 The names may be specified by an adj. attribute meaning ‚black‘:
[frit'ura n'egra] f.; It. (14.0 / 41)
[fr'itu n'iru] m.; It. (14.0 / 87)
6.2.2 Compounds with the second element casse ‚frying pan‘ can be ranked to this group as
well:
[frikas'e] f.; FrPr. in France (08.0 / 203, 229, 244)
[frikas'a] f.; It. and Occ. in Italy (14.0 / 44, 45, 403-405)
[frkas'ā] f.; Friul. Lad. in Italy (14.0 / 11), It. (14.0 / 24)
[frekaj'o], [farkaj'a] f.; FrPr. in France (08.0 / 204)
(fry [frai] Welsh 09.1 / 109 – only animal liver)
6.3 The names retraceable to the Gr. συκωτóς [sikot'os] ‚resembling the fig‘ which originally
meant either ‚animal liver filled or garnished with figs‘ (and subsequently processed) or ‚liver
of an animal fed with figs‘ („eigentlich wohl Schweinsleber oder Gänseleber, die durch
Mästung mit Feigen einen besonders feinen Geschmack erhielt“ - Rohlfs 1971). The original
adjective was attached to the IE. name for liver iecur (Lat. form). The noun fell off later, the
adjective was substantivized and replaced the original IE. name. These denominations were
recorded in Greek and in adapted forms, they occur in the whole area of Romance languages.
6.3.1 The Greek form, directly continuing the original adjective:
συκωτι [sik'oti] Gr. (10.0 / 2, 6, 8, 9, 11-14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21-23, 27, 29-36, 38, 39, 41-43,
45-52, 54, 55, 57, 58, 61-77), Gr. in France (10.0 / 511), Gr. in Italy (10.0 / 502)
6.3.2 Romance forms based on Lat. ficatum:
Variants that directly continue the primary form fīcātum [fik'ato] were recorded
predominantly in North Italy, Sardinia, North-East Spain and Rumania:
[fig'ato] m.; GalloRom. in France (08.0 /259)
[fi'γau] Sard. (14.0 / 144, 149-155)
[iγ'Aδo] Sp. (06.0 / 41-44, 58-63, 64, 65-67, 84-87)
fikat
[fik'at] Rum. (23.0 /1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 16-20, 24, 25, 28-32, 34, 37-46, 48-63, 66, 68-75,
77), Rum. in Serbia (29.4 / 401)
[fik'ate] Rum. (23.0 / 47, 64, 65, 67, 76)
[fi'at] m.; Friul.Lad. in Italy (14.0 / 1, 3-5, 11, 19)
figa
[fig'A] m.; It. (14.0 / 2, 9, 10, 15, 16, 25-27, 33-35, 42, 43), Cr. (29.4 / 601)
13
6.3.3 In the primary form fīcātum [fik'ato] following changes occured:
- Change of quantity in the initial syllable: fī > fi [fe]
- Shift of accent from the second syllable of the word to the first one.
- Metathesis c – t > t – c
- Change of the unusual ending for a common one by assimilation a – i > i - i (-'atum
and -'acum > -'itum and -'icum)
These changes resulted in a number of secondary forms:
6.3.3.1 Forms that continue the starred reconstructed form *ficātum [fek'ato] with the change
fī > fi [fe] occur in the North-West of Spain:
[feγ'Aδo] Sp. (06.0 / 4, 23, 47, 48)
[feγ'Aδu] Sp. (06.0 / 5-8)
6.3.3.2 Forms that continue the starred reconstructed form *fīcatum [f'ikato] with the accent
shifted to the first syllable occur mainly in Spain, Portugal and Sardinia:
[f'ikato] m.; Gr. in Italy (10.0 / 501)
[f'ikatu] m.; It. (14.0 / 119-121, 123-135, 137-139, 141, 142), GalloIt. in Sicily
(14.0 / 201, 203)
[f'ikatu, f'iγadu] m.; Sard. (14.0 / 143, 146, 147)
[f'igatu] m.; It. (14.0 / 54, 57), Occ. in Italy (14.0 / 407)
['iγAδo] Sp. (06.0 / 9-13, 17, 28-36, 39, 40, 41-44, 49-57, 58-61, 64, 69-83, 85, 8899, 101-103, 105-114, 115-117, 119-124, 126, 128)
[φ'ihAδå] Sp. (06.0 / 1, 2, 18, 20, 21, 22, 25, 46)
[φ'iγAδå] Sp. (06.0 / 3, 21, 24, 26, 27)
[φ'ixAδo] Sp. (06.0 / 19)
[f'iδAγo] Sp. (06.0 / 26)
[l'iγAδo] Sp. (06.0 / 100, 104, 127, 129, 130)
fígado [f'ig1du] m.; Port. (20.0 / 1-49, 51-54)
[f'ikata] f.; Sard. (14.0 / 148)
6.3.3.2.1 Derivatives:
- of *fīcatum + -ella:
[f[kat'iela] f.; FrPr. in Italy (08.0 / 406)
- of *fīcatum + -etum:
[fyga'etu] It. (14.0 / 25)
14
6.3.3.3 Shift of accent and modification of the initial syllable (forms that continue the
presumed form *ficatum [f'ekato]) resulted in the Italian standard form fegato and variants
recorded in Switzerland and Corsica:
fegato [f'egato] It. (14.0 / 2, 6-8, 10, 12-16, 18, 20-23, 26, 27, 29-31, 33-62, 63, 64-79, 81),
Friul.Lad. in Italy (14.0 / 1, 3-5, 19), It. in Switzerland (14.0 / 301, 303)
[f'ekato] m.; It. (14.0 / 80, 83, 84, 86, 89, 91-95, 98, 100-104, 107-115, 117, 118),
Gm. in Italy (14.8 / 805)
[f'egAtΩ] Gm. in Italy (14.8 / 805)
[v'εkatu] Cors. (08.5 / 501)
[v'ekatu] Cors. (08.5 / 507)
[v'εgadu] Cors. (08.5 / 502-504)
[v'εjadu] Cors. (08.5 / 505)
[v'εtu] Cors. (08.5 / 506)
fegit Serb. in Italy (29.0 / 602)
6.3.3.3.1 This group also comprises French, O¨l, Franco-Provençal, and Gallo-Italian forms:
foie
[fi, f'ie] O¨l in France (08.0 / 4)
[fwa] m.; Fr., O¨l in Belgium (03.1 / 101, 102, 108, 109)
[fwa] m. GalloRom. in France, [fwa, fwε, f`j] O¨l in France, [fwe] FrPr. in France
(08.0 / 2, 3, 5-8, 10-15, 17-23, 25, 27, 28, 30-36, 41-48, 52-54, 56, 58-63, 67-78, 82-95,
97-105, 107-110, 112-118, 120, 122, 123, 126-133, 135, 136, 140-146, 148, 149, 151,
153, 155-158, 164, 174)
[fwe] GalloRom. in Great Britain (08.0 / 292, 293)
[fēj] Fr., O¨l in Belgium (03.1 / 103)
[fw'a] Bret. (08.7 / 703)
[fw'Ā] Bret. (08.7 / 704)
[fw'ā] Bret. (08.7 / 705)
[fet] Fr., O¨l in Belgium (03.1 / 103, 105, 107)
[fwεt] Fr., O¨l in Belgium (03.1 / 103, 104)
[ft] Fr., O¨l in Belgium (03.1 / 106)
6.3.3.4 Variant that continues the presumed form *fītacum [f'itako], in which the accent and
quantity change and at the same time metathesis appears, is the North Italian word, mentioned
here as a secondary response:
[f'idak] m.; It. (14.0 / 30, 39)
15
6.3.3.5 Form going back to fitacum > [f'etako] m., in which change of accent, modification of
the first syllable, and metathesis appear, is very rare:
[f'etako] m.; It. (14.0 / 90, 99)
6.3.3.6 Forms going back to fiticum > [f'et[ko] m., in which change of accent, modification of
both the first and the second syllable, and metathesis appear, are more frequent:
[f'et[ko] m.; It. (14.0 / 82, 85, 96, 97, 105, 106, 116), Alb. in Italy (14.7 / 701)
[f'Ēt[ku] Alb. in Italy (14.7 / 701)
[f'εdÝÃ] FrPr. in Switzerland (25.2 / 201-203, 205)
[f'ēzo] FrPr. in Switzerland (25.2 / 204)
[f'dj] FrPr. in Switzerland (25.2 / 206)
fetge [f'etÝe] Sp. 06.0 / 45, 68)
[f'etye] Cat. (06.2 / 201, 202, 217, 218)
[f'ety[] Cat. (06.2 / 211, 213)
[f'edze, f'eÝu, hedje] FrPr. and Occ. in France (08.0 / 154, 160-163, 167-169, 171,
172, 175-178, 181-186, 187, 188, 189, 192, 194-202, 205-228, 230-243, 245-258, 260286)
[f'edÝe] Cat. (06.2 / 205-208, 216, 219, 220, 222), Cat. in France (08.0 / 287-291)
[f'edÝ[] Cat. (06.2 / 203, 204, 209, 210, 212, 223-225)
[f'eÝ[] Cat. (06.2 / 214, 215)
6.3.3.7 Forms going back to *fīticum [f'iteko] m. in which change of accent, modification of
the second syllable, and metathesis appear occur in Italian and Sardinian:
[f'idek] m.; It. (14.0 / 6-8, 12-14, 21-24, 29, 31, 32, 36-38, 40, 48)
[f'idik] m.; It. in Switzerland (14.0 / 301-303)
[f'idiγu] m.; Sard.(14.0 / 145)
7. Something small, minute, a piece, a crumb
7. 1 This motivation can be retraced in the Ukr. word potruch, going back to Proto-Slavic
*
potrochъ ‚piece‘, connected with the Proto-Slavic *trochati ‚to crumble‘, see also Bulg. and
Serb. and Cr. trocha, Sloven. troha ‚piece‘, Czech, Slovak, Pol. trocha, Czech trochu, Pol.
trochę ‚a little‘. The word potruch may also have the meaning ‚entrails‘, that is why it has
been specified by adj. čornyj ‚black‘.
čornyj potruch [tv'`rn[j p'`trux] m.; Ukr. (28.2 / 258)
16
7.2 The lexem drob that has been used for entrails in Slavic languages – in Czech only for the
animal ones (pl. droby, drůbky), in the South Slavic languages also for the human ones –
relates, according to the generally accepted opinion, to Proto-Slavic verb *drobiti ,to crumble,
split up’. (Another opinion, not very convincing, is that this word results from contortion and
weakening of ètroba; Machek.)
In the meaning ‚liver‘, the ALE material records the following forms, where the noun is
always accompanied by an adj. attribute meaning ,black’:
crni drob m.; Serb. (29.0 / 27)
crn drob m.; Mac. (29.1 / 106, 107)
čeren drob [tv'εrεn dr'ɔp] m.; Bulg. (04.0 / 4, 7, 13, 18, 24, 26, 28, 30-32)
[tsr'[n dr'ɔp] m.; Bulg. (04.0 / 3, 29)
čer drob [tv'εr drɔp] m. ; Bulg. (04.0 / 5, 8, 9, 11, 12, 19)
černa drob [tsrn'A drɔp] f.; Bulg. (04.0 / 16)
8. Denominations going back to probably unmotivated IE. basis *ºeq1R or *ºeq1Rt, gen.
ºeq1-nés, which meant just ‚liver‘. In the stem, alternation r / a occurred. To this group, the
following expressions belong:
8.1 Words with the basis džiger- (òiğer) (from Turkish, there a borrowing from Persian)
8.1.1 Basic forms:
žiger [dÝig'er] Tat. in Russia (28.7 / 703)
džiger [dÝig'εr] Bulg. (04.0 / 21)
gigher [dÝij'er] Rum. (23.0 / 60)
igoer [ig'ar] Oss. in Russia (28.7 / 701, 702)
[kar'adžig’er] Turk. (27.0 / 1, 3-6)
[kar'adžier] Turk. (27.0 / 2)
8.1.1.1 Specified by an attribute meaning ‚black‘:
kara žeer [kar'a dÝæ'eræ] Gag. (T) in Moldova (28.9 / 941, 942)
čeren džiger [tv'εrεn dÝig'εr] m.; Bulg. (04.0 / 14, 23, 24, 25, 27)
[tsr'[n dÝig'εr] m.; Bulg. (04.0 / 3, 17)
čer džiger [tv'εr dÝig'εr] m.; Bulg. (04.0/ 1, 15, 20, 22)
crn džiger m.; Mac. (29.1 / 101-105)
žigir negru [dÝæigæ'er n'egru] Mold. (28.6 / 616-618)
[dzij'εri] Gr. (10.0 / 1, 4, 5, 10, 15, 18, 36, 49, 44, 45, 53, 59, 60, 78)
17
černa džiger [tsrn'A dÝig'εr] f.; Bulg. (04.0 / 16)
crna džigera f.; Serb. in Bosnia (29.0 / 14)
crna džigira f.; Cr. (29.0 / 8)
džigara crna f.; Cr. in Bosnia (29.0 / 12)
8.1.2 Diminutives:
džigarica f.; Serb. in Bosnia (29.0 / 24)
žigèrice [dÝig'εritsε] f. pl.; Cr. in Hungary (11.0 / 35)
8.1.2.1 Specified by an attribute meaning ‚black‘ or, exceptionally, ‚dark brown‘:
crna džigarica f.; Cr. (29.0 / 21), Cr. in Bosnia (29.0 / 22), Serb. in Bosnia (29.0 / 12, 23)
crna džigerica f.; Cr. (29.0 / 5, 9, 19), Serb. (29.0 / 10, 11, 13, 17, 18, 25, 26, 30, 32, 33,
Mac. (29.1 / 103)
[tv'rnA Ýig'eritsA] Cr. in Rumania (23.0 / 301)
džigerica mrka f.; Serb. (29.0 / 16)
crna džigerka f.; Serb. (29.0 / 26)
8.2 Baltic expressions of the same origin, with the stem ending in -n-:
j´knos [j'ε:.knōs] pl. Lith. (28.4 / 405, 406-408, 419, 420, 421, 422, 423-431, 434-442)
In Latvian, IE. *ºeq1R, gen. ºeq1-nés > Balt. *ºaknā- / *ºeknā- > Latv. akna / *«kna
j«knas [j'εknas] pl. Latv. (28.4 / 453, 455)
aknas ['aknas] pl. Latv. (28.4 / 451, 452, 453-455, 456-486)
aknes ['aknes] pl. Latv. (28.4 / 454)
8. 3 Germanic denomination liver / Leber (and variants) perhaps of the same origin, for their
phonological make-up generally considered obscure. Some linguists connect the expression
Leber / liver with Gr. lipos, liparos ‚fat, fatty‘. As a borrowing it can be found in Slovene
dialects in Austria, in Welsh and in other phonological variants also in Lappish.
leber [l'ēb] f. Gm. (21.0 / 28, 29, 39, 41, 42, 44-46, 51, 58-63), Upper Sorb. in Germany
(21.0 / 49); Gm. (22.0 / 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 16, 18-21, 23, 25, 29, 37, 41, 44, 46, 48,
49, 53, 71, 78, 83, 94, 102, 109, 110, 112, 113, 115-117, 119, 124, 125, 128, 131-133,
135), Gm. in Belgium (22.0 / 211)
[l'ēβ] f. Gm. (02.0 / 1-13, 18-22, 24, 26, 27, 31)
[l'εb[r[] f.; Gm. (22.0 / 38, 49, 51, 127)
[l'εḅ[r[] f.; Gm. (02.0 / 14, 40)
[l'ēḅ[r[] f.; Gm. (02.0 / 17)
18
[l'ε[ḅ[r[] f.; Gm. (02.0 / 15)
[l'εbrΩ] f.; Gm. in Italy (14.8 / 804)
[l'eiβ] f.; Gm. (02.0 / 28-30, 32-39, 41-44, 46-48)
[l'ā[r[] f.; Gm. in France (08.8 / 809)
lebere Gm. in Swiss (25.1 / 101-110)
lebern [l'ēb[n] f.; Gm. (22.0 / 31, 33, 52, 96, 98, 99, 101, 118)
lebernt [l'εb[nt] f.; Gm. (22.0 / 66)
librie [l'irī] Lapp. in Norway (07.9 / 930, 933-935), Lapp. in Sweden (07.9 / 941, 945,
947, 951, 953, 954)
lirvie [l'ivī] Lapp. in Norway (07.9 / 932)
rib’r [r'irī] Lapp. in Sweden (07.9 / 943, 945, 946, 948, 949)
rig’r [r'irī] Lapp. in Sweden (07.9 / 943)
liver
[l'εv[] Engl. (09.0 / 1-24, 26-28, 30-48, 51, 53, 54, 59-66), Engl. in Wales (09.1 /
103, 110, 112, 113), Welsh (09.1 / 102, 104, 105, 109, 111, 115), Scots (G) (09.2 /
201, 202, 204, 205, 208, 210, 211, 213-215), Engl. in Ireland (12.1 / 103, 104, 107,
108, 111, 112)
[l'εvεr] Scots. (G) (09.2 / 203, 209)
[l'εv∧r] Scots. (G) (09.2 / 206, 207, 212)
[l'Ēw[r] Icel. (13.0 / 1)
liwer [l'Iv[r] Fris. in Germany (18.1 / 201-204)
liuwer [l'iw[r] Fris. in Germany (18.1 / 205)
lever [l'ēv] f.; Gm. (21.0 / 1-27, 30-38, 40, 50, 52-57; 22.0 / 1-3, 7, 10, 13, 15, 17, 22,
24, 26-28, 35, 36, 39, 40, 42, 43, 45, 47, 54-65, 67-70, 72-77, 79-82, 84-88, 90-92, 95,
100, 103, 105-108, 111, 114, 120-123, 126, 129, 130, 134, 136, 137), Gm. in
Luxembourg (15.0 / 1, 2)
[l'ev[r] Fris. in Netherlands (18.1 / 101-104)
[l'ēver, lvr] Norw. (17.0 / 1-14, 16, 18-33, 35-152)
[l'ēv[r] Du. (18.0 / 1-23), Du. in Belgium (18.0 / 201, 203-210), Du. in France (18.0
/ 801), Fris. in Netherlands (18.1 / 105)
[lēv[r, le[r, loēv[r, lÙr] Swed. (24.0 / 11, 13, 15, 18, 20-22, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30-33,
35, 37-52, 54, 56-74, 76-201)
[lv¬r, lēvεr, lªεr] Swed. in Finland (07.5 / 501-503, 505, 506, 601-602, 604, 607)
[l'ē?v[r, le1?[r] Dan. (05.0 / 1-20), Dan. in Germany (05.0 / 301)
19
[l'ēw[r] f.; Gm. in Hungary (11.0 / 15)
[l'εv[] f.; Gm. in France (08.8 / 803)
[l'εv[] f.; Gm. in France (08.8 / 804, 805)
.
[l'iεv[] f.; Gm. in. France (08.8 / 802)
[l'āv[] f.; Gm. in France (08.8 / 806, 808)
[l'av[] f.; Gm. in France (08.8 / 807)
[l'εv[r] f.; Gm. in Rumania (23.0 / 201, 202)
[l'εv[r[] f.; Gm. (21.0 / 43; 22.0 / 89)
levre [livra] Swed. in Finland (07.5 / 506)
levra [lvrɔ] Swed. in Finland (07.5 /504, 605, 607)
lever^ [l'ēv[r[] Du. in Belgium (18.0 / 202)
levern [l'v[n] Gm. (22.0 / 30, 32, 34, 50, 93, 97, 104)
9. Obscure denominations
9.1 The Maltese expression fwied seems to be obscure both from the motivational and
etymological point of view.
fwied [fwi[] Malt. (16.0 / 1)
There is a definite possibility that it could be related to *ficatum (or, more closely, to French
foie).
9.2 Obscure is also the expression [gry] and variants recorded in O¨l in France and in
Switzerland (Oïl gry, etc., perhaps a Celtic substratum, may possibly also be compared to the
Celtic word cited under 3.1.2):
[gry] f.; O¨l in France (08.0 / 38, 39, 66)
[gryj'εt], [gry'`t] f.; O¨l in France (08.0 / 16, 24, 26, 37, 49-51, 64, 65, 80, 81, 96)
[grwāt] O¨l in Switzerland (25.2 / 207)
9.3 In Rom (Tz), an obscure expression buko is used for ‚liver‘.
[būko] m.; Rom (Tz) (34.0 / 2, 4)
[b'ukko] m.; Rom (Tz) (34.0 / 1)
9.3.1 It may be specified by the attribute kalo ‚black‘.
[kalo buko] m.; Rom (Tz) (34.0 / 3, 5)
[kalu buku] m.; Rom (Tz) (34.0 / 6)
20
Numerous further names for the ‚liver‘ which have been recorded in Veps (F) and in
Caucasian languages in the area of the former Soviet Union (mainly in the area of
contemporary Russia) are motivationally and sometimes also etymologically obscure.
9.4
tamanod [t'amanod] Veps (28.3 / 355)
9.5
Ylkn [elk'[n] Kalm. (M) (28.9 / 935-937)
9.6
ŝIy [shw[] Ad. (Ab) (28.8 / 806-810)
9.7
[v'ebo] Bezht. (N) (28.8 / 828)
[Ý'ubu] Khvarsh. (N) (28.8 / 817)
[Ý'ubo] Gin. (N) (28.8 / 820)
[b'atshe] Gunz. (N) (28.8 / 827)
9.8
9.9
tIul
[thul] Avar (N) (28.8 / 824)
dulekI [dul'ekh] Darg. (N) (28.8 / 829)
[dul'ikh] Darg. (N) (28.8 / 829)
[dil'ekh] Darg. (N) (28.8 / 829)
ttilikI [til'ikh] Lak (N) (28.8 / 830)
likI
[likh] Tab. (N) (28.8 / 833),
[lekh] Ag. (N) (28.8 / 834)
[dilikh] Arch. (N) (28.8 / 831)
[likh] Lezg. (N) (28.8 / 836)
ljak’ [laekh] Lezg. (N) (28.8 / 836)
[lakh] Rut. (N) (28.8 / 835)
[rekhajλh] Karat. (N) (28.8 / 823)
[rel'eλhi] Tind. (N) (28.8 / 826)
[rel'iλh] And. (N) (28.8 / 822)
[rehiλha] Botl. (N) (28.8 / 818)
[riλh'eλhi] Akhv. (N) (28.8 / 825)
[lel'eλh] Bagval. (N) (28.8 / 819)
21
[leliλh'a] God. (N) (28.8 / 815)
[jel'aλh] Cham. (N) (28.8 / 816)
9.10
[khil'kh'am] Tsakh. (N) (28.8 / 832)
9.11
[Ý'ekhu] Tsez (N) (28.8 / 821)
9.12 doIhu [d'ogxu] Ing. (N) (28.8 / 813, 814)
[d'agxu] Ing. (N) (28.8 / 814)
[dixkh] Ing. (N) (28.8 / 813)
[dijxkh] Chech. (N) (28.8 / 811)
9.13 čIva
šIu
[tvhwa] Abaz. (Ab) (28.8 / 837, 838)
[shw[] Ad. (Ab) (28.8 / 806-810)
9.14 At present, the denomination bagyr/bayir and its variants which frequently occur in
Turkic languages in the former Soviet Union are probably also to be considered unmotivated.
This lexeme, a little bit obscure also from the etymological point of view, appears in
numerous meanings some of which form independent motivational groups in denominating
the liver in European languages and dialects (,liver‘, ‚heart‘, ,chest‘, ‚abdomen‘, ‚front part of
an object‘, ‚relative‘, ‚anger‘, ‚hostility‘, ‚sadness‘ etc., see above). Sevortjan mentions some
opinions according to which this word can have a verbal basis *bag/*beg or can be related to
Mongolian lexeme bagir ‚soft, crisp‘ (S. quotes Ramstedt), he himself, however, does not
pronounce on the motivation of this lexeme. According to Anikin, it is an ancient word the
motivation of which is very difficult to determine.
pěver [p’ev’'Er’] Chuv. (28.9 / 901-910)
bawur [baw'ur] KarBalk. (28.9 / 911, 912)
bavyr [bAv'ýr] Nogh. (28.9 / 913, 914)
bavijr [baw'∧r] Tatar (28.9 / 925-934)
bauyr [b'Avýr] Bashk. (28.9 / 915-924)
[bau'[r] Kazakh (28.9 / 943-947)
bavur [bav'ur] Karaim (28.9 / 938, 939)
[baw'ur] Kum. (28.9 / 940)
22
Literature
Alcover, A. M., De B. Moll. F., Guarner, M. S.: Diccionari Català – Valencià – Balear, vol.
138, Palma de Mallorca 1956
Anikin, A., Je.: Etimologičeskij slovar’ russkich dialektov Sibiri, Moskva 20002
Bächtold-Stäubli, H., Hoffmann-Krayer, E.: Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens,
Band 5, Berlin-New York 1987
Bălgarski etimologičen rečnik, Sofia 1962Battisti, C., Alessio, G.: Dizionario etimilogico italiano 1-5, Firenze1950-1957
Buck, C., D.: A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages,
Chicago, 1949
Buck, C., D.: Indo-European Languages. A Contribution to the History of Ideas, Chicago,
USA, 19..?
Cioranescu, A.: Diccionario etimológico rumano, Tenerife/Madrid 1966
De Mauro, T., Mancini, M.: Garzanti i grandi dizionari etimilogico, Milano 2000
Etimologičeskij slovar’ slavjanskich jazykov, ed. Trubačev, O. N., Moskva 1974Etymologický slovník jazyka staroslověnského, Praha, 1989Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Ungarischen, Band 2, Budapest, 1992-1997
Fasmer, M.: Etimologičeskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka 1-4, Moskva 1964-1973
Gamillscheg, E.: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der französischen Sprache, Heidelberg, 1969
Holub. J., Kopečný, F.: Etymologický slovník jazyka českého, Praha 1952
Karulis, K.: Latviešu etimoloăijas vārdnīca 1-2, Rīga 1992
Kluge, F.: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin-New York, 200224
Delamarre, X.: Le vocabulaire indo-européen. Lexique étymologique thématique, Paris,
1984
Linguistic atlas and survey of Irish dialects (LASID), vol. IV, Wagner, H. and Ó Baoill, C.
(eds.), Dublin 1969
23
MacBain, A.: An Etymological Dictionary of the Gaelic Language, Glasgow 1982, reprint of
19112 edition
Machek, V.: Etymologický slovník jazyka českého, Praha 19713
Meier-Lübke, W.: Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg 19725
Meyer, G.: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der albanischen Sprache, Strassburg 1891
Mladenov, S.: Etimologičeski i pravopisen rečnik na bălgarskija knižoven ezik, Sofia 1941
Orel, V.: Albanian Etymological Dictionary, Leiden-Noston-Köln, 1998
Pfeifer, W.: Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Deutschen, Berlin 1989
Puşcariu, S.: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der rumänischen Sprache, Heidelberg 1905
Puşcariu, S.: Die rumänische Sprache, Leipzig 1943
Radloff, W.: Versuch eines Wörterbuches des Türk-dialecte I-IV, ’s-Gravenhage1960
Rejzek, J.: Český etymologický slovník, Voznice 2001
Rohlfs, G.: Romanische Sprachgeographie, München, 1971
Saramandu, N.: Les désignations romanes du FOIE, L’Atlas Linguistique Roman, vol. 1,
Rome, 1996
Sevortjan, E. V.: Etimologičeskij slovar’ tjurkskich jazykov, Moskva, 1974Skok, P.: Etimologijski rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika 1-4, Zagreb 1971-1974
Tiktin, H.: Rumänisch-deutsches Wörterbuch I–III, 2. überarbeitete und ergänzte Auflage von
Miron, P., Wiesbaden 1986-1989
Toivonen, Y., H., Itkonen, E., Joki, A. J. : Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja II, Helsinki
1994
Vendryes, J.: Lexique étymologique de l’irlandais ancien, Dublin-Paris 1959-