CHAPTER – II
Emergence of Electoral Politics in French India under the Third Republic
France is a colonial power for whom imperial and colonial policy seemed both
natural and justifiable. The doctrines of the French Revolution implied that France
had enshrined the rights of men. Her altruistic purpose was therefore to extend these
rights to all her colonies. Thus the “Mission civilisatrice” was born. The higher plan
of this mission was to “assimilate” the colonies (both culturally and politically) to the
French way of life, or where it is not possible in more primitive communities to
“associate” them so that the difference between la France métropole and la France
d’outer mer may be more of a geographical nature than a fundamental difference.
Under the Third Republic, the idea of gradual “assimilation” to métropole France was
regarded as the true goal of its colonial administration. The policy of assimilation,
rested on the assumption that all men are free and equal, and that the overseas
possessions ought to be integral, self-governing parts of France.1 One of the important
steps taken by the Third Republic was to convert the colonial subjects into French
citizens. The colonial subjects, converted into French citoyens at once, were given the
right of suffrage universel and through that several of the colonies were called to send
representatives to metropolitan France.2
1
For understanding the importance of the colonial project in constructing French cultural and national
identity, see Elizabeth Ezra. The Colonial Unconscious: Race and Culture in Inter War France.
London: Cornell University Press, 2000).
2
The privilege of sending representatives was first granted to the colonies during the French
Revolution. It was abolished by the constitution of the year VIII and was restored in 1848. In 1852 it
was again suppressed by the Second Empire, but was re-established in 1870 by the Third Republic,
which in 1875 made it a constitutional fixture. Since then decrees regulating its exercise have been
issued from time to time.
43
Political Assimilation
The Third republic’s policy of assimilation was in line with the traditional
policy of Republican France.3 French India, along with the other colonies namely
Algeria (regarded as a part of metropolitan France), Martinique, Guadeloupe,
Réunion, French Guiana, Senegal, and Cochin-China was given representation in the
French parliament in proportion to the number of its population. Accordingly French
India was endowed with a Député to the French Chambre, apart from a Sénateur to
the French Sénat.4 The representation was made on the basis of universal suffrage in
Algeria; the natives were not granted the voting right in Martinique; in Guadeloupe,
and Réunion they held the suffrage on equal terms with Frenchmen; and the same is
substantially true of Senegal. In French India and in French Guiana they had a right to
vote, but not on equal terms with the French inhabitants. In Indo-China they were
almost entirely shut out.5 Despite these dissimilarities, representation rested purely on
an arbitrary basis, without rationale or any difference in population, in area or in
wealth. Moreover the electoral methods in the colonies were very similar to those in
the métropole. For instance, same regulations were used in the compilation of voting
lists in the election of Députés and in the local election and the voting took place by
written ballot (except in Senegal). Most importantly the colonial representatives were
paid out of the national treasury, and they enjoyed in Paris the privileges and legal
immunities of the regular French members of parliament. In the Chambre they
3
Martin Deming Lewis, “One Hundred Million Frenchmen: the “Assimilation” theory in French
colonial Policy,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol.4, No.2, of 1962, pp.129-153.
4
By the Décret of 24th February 1875 and by the Décret of 7th February 1871 (Annuaire des
établissements français dans l’Inde, 1880).
5
The arrangements in each case were made by special decrees issued from time to time since 1870.
44
possessed the right to discuss and to vote upon every project along with the
metropolitan members.6
Towards local reforms a Conseil colonial was created by the Décret of 13th
June 1872. The Conseil colonial, however, was replaced by the Conseil général by
the Décret of 25th January 1879. At first the Conseil général consisted of 25 members
to be elected by the voters of two lists, one for Europeans and their descendents and
another for native Indians. Then the total number was raised to 30 in 1884 (elected by
the three lists of voters) and again it was reduced to 28 in 1899. In 1884 a new list and
reservation was created for Renonçants. In 1899 it was abolished, wherein some of
them were included in the first list of voters along with the Europeans and others with
the native Indians.7 Conseils locaux was created by the Décret of 13th June 1872 in all
the five settlements. The strength of the Conseils locaux varied from one region to
another and was in proportion to the population. At first this Conseil consisted of 34
members to be elected by two lists of voters. Then the total number of members of the
Conseil was raised to 42 in 1884, and they were to be elected by the three lists of
voters. Again it was restored to the two lists of voters in 1899. The first attempt at
organising Municipal government was made in 1791. However, it was only in 1880
that the Municipal system was properly organized in French India. By the Décret of
12th march 1880, the territory of French India was divided into ten communes. Later
on, this was increased to 17 communes in 1908. All the members to these bodies were
elected through universal manhood suffrage by the two lists of voters. A separate
reservation was maintained for Europeans in the local bodies. This reservation policy
lasted till 1945 when a new law passed by France on the 23rd August 1945, abolished
6
William Munro Bennett, “Some merits and Defects of the French colonial system,” in the American
Political Science Association, Vol. 4, Fourth Annual Meeting, 1907, pp. 48-56.
7
Annuaire des etablissements français dans l’Inde pour l’année, 1880-1936.
45
this discrimination.8 The following table shows the electoral divisions in French India
as in 1882.
Table 2.1 Electoral Divisions and Electors in French India, 1882
Karikal
Pondichéry
Division
of
communes
Population
Total
number
of voters
Number of Councillors
Municipal
Conseil
général
Conseils
locaux
12
12
12
12
6
8
Pondichéry
41440
11774
15
Oulgaret
40310
11169
9
Villenour
34736
8285
9
24459
140945
-
6801
38029
4510
4042
9
42
13
9
93113
7157
9
15709
31
6
8
26443
8246
4536
273783
4734
1961
1218
65651
9
9
9
100
3
2
2
25
6
4
4
34
Bahour
Total
Karikal
Grand’Aldée
Nédungadu
Total
Chandernagor
Mahé
Yanaon
General total
Source: Annuaire des etablissements français dans l’Inde pour l’année, 1882.
Growth of Political Elite
When French political institutions were established in French India in the later
half of the nineteenth century, the existing social and political structure ranged widely
from some simple, some highly stratified and centralized political systems, where the
distinction between “Notables” and “Commoners” was clearly recognized. One of the
results of electoral politics introduced in French India was the rise, in the late
nineteenth century, of political elite. The French introduced new political institutions
in India within which social action would henceforth take place. This meant the
establishment of a modern political system, which proved conducive to growth of
political elite. These elite were the products of the colonial era, which aspired for
8
Journal officiel des etablissements français dans l’Inde, 1945, pp. 473-74.
46
political leadership and dreamed of playing a major role in the affairs of French India.
These elite consisted of religious men, caste leaders, missionaries, mercenaries,
merchants, land lords, lawyers, administrators, civil servants and educated,
representing all spheres of society. They came from different social, economic and
political background and rose above the masses by placing themselves in the rank of
colonial society. They exploited ignorant mass voters and manipulated the newly
established institutions to serve their purpose. Ajit Neogy describes them as “Satraps”
(political bosses), who were not bothered about any political ideology but swore
allegiance to Republican France and gave slogans such as Vive la France, Vive la
Republique française and Vive l’Inde française.9 Their rise and fall always depended
on the amount of support they extended to the French administration.
The political elite in French India can be categorized into two (i) “French
elite,” (ii) “Indian elite”. The “French elite” consisted of missionaries, colonial
administrators, business men and the settlers. Most of the “French elite” were not
ready to collaborate with the native Indian society. They feared that the European
political system was unknown to Indian society and ultimately universal suffrage
would give hegemony to the native Indians. They lived in a separate quarter of the
town. Some of them were liberals who fought for the emancipation of depressed class
people in India, while a few even collaborated with Indian society through marriage
alliance.
The “Indian elite”, slow to develop and small in number, began to appear in
the late nineteenth century. There were two types of them viz., the “traditional elite”
9
Ajit K. Neogy, “Early Political Activities in two French Indian possessions,” in Revue Historique de
Pondichéry, Vol. XVII, 1991, p.2.
47
or mamoolist10 and the “modern elite”. The traditional elite liked the French culture
and French people in France but not in India. They accepted colonization to some
extent and made only one condition to France that she did not ask them to give up
their tradition. They did not welcome la mission civilisatrice with an open mind nor
did they allow themselves to pale into insignificance accepting the colonial policy of
assimilation. Often, traditional system seemed to survive best within the caste
structure, where those with high status in the traditional system could use this
advantage to acquire modern political and economic power which could sustain their
traditional prestige. The political institutions of power and the new economic
opportunities combined to produce the emergence of the “modern elite” in French
Indian society. The modern elite liked to apply western principles and ideas to their
own society. They had not only adopted the ideas of the west, its techniques, methods
of work, culture and education, but also wanted to transform Indian society into a
European one. They wanted to cut off from their existing society because it held them
in subordination over the centuries. They had an inferior opinion regarding Indian
society, but a superior opinion regarding French society. Consequently, they lost
themselves between the two. They praised France, for its colonization had brought
social, economic and political advantages to their society and they argued that prior to
the French rule, the Indian society was living in confusion, disorder and general
anarchy. However, they did not admit that colonization had brought equality and
happiness to them. Since the Third Republic favoured the assimilation of its colonies,
to metropolitan France, the elite demanded that this concept be applied to India in
spirit and in letter. It asked for equal rights with the French and eventually played a
10
Jacques Weber, “Chanemougam, ‘King of French India’ ” in Economic and Political weekly vol.
XVI, no: 6, 1991, p.1.
48
vital role in the socio-political life of French India in the first half of the twentieth
century.
Political Elite in French India
Time scale
→1848
French elite
Indian elite
Traditional elite
Modern elite
→1870
Nationalist
→1900
→1948
Mergerist
Anti-mergerist
→1954
Merger-de facto- transfer of power
→1962
de jure- transfer of power
Figure 2.1: Growth of Political Elite in French India, 1848-1962.
Some of the modern elite turned to the European way of life by losing their
language, customs, respect, and the friendship of their society. In many cases they
married French women, spoke the French language, lived with the French community
and sent their children to French schools in an attempt to bring them up on the French
model. But these “Europeanized” Indian elite were not just a negative factor as they
were anxious to play a national role which would change India’s traditional and
backward society into a modern and progressive one. An interesting fact about these
elite was their admission that colonization had brought certain advantages to their
country. Two or three decades later, this attitude was to be looked upon as anti-
49
nationalist. At the same level, they denounced the racist administrators, Governors
and high-caste elites, obstacles to progress and modern life.
Still many of the new educated came from groups that were underprivileged in
the traditional system. In many cases their new roles called for different kinds of
values. Their claim to equality with high castes and traditional elite strained their
relations with the latter. This strain seems to have been even greater among the
Christians and Muslims. If however, the urbanized, educated low castes, sometimes
Christianized, had some difficulty in locating social advantages, they have had less
difficulty in acquiring political advantages. By practicing these political values, they
increasingly stratified themselves.
Thus came into existence small modern elite, who had great prestige and were
distinct from the traditional elite, although in many cases they came from low social
status. Political membership was obtained through education, as access to education
was made available to the lower-caste in the colonial system, though not in absolute
proportion to their numbers. Education was translated into occupations, particularly
administrative positions, which in turn were the most suitable to enter politics. To this
degree, then, the modern elite were a status group in the same sense as the traditional
elite. The key difference was that the former laid claim to prestige and position in the
urban, rather than the rural as did the traditional one. Political power became available
for low castes and converted, provided they could gain control of the political
machinery and enact various kinds of legal protection for themselves.
50
Elite politics in French India (1848-1884)
The French policy of assimilation was tried out in French India before being
extended to Africa just as the British Indian Presidencies had been the testing ground
for Benthamite Utilitarianism.11The changing political atmosphere in French India in
the later half of the nineteenth century brought the different social groups into conflict
in electoral politics, one between the French and Indians, another between the
different social groups of Indian society. Political life in the colony began to centre
on these conflicts among the political elite.
The policy of assimilation, so abruptly introduced in India without preparing
the natives mentally, provoked social imbalance, caste war, communal conflict and
French India witnessed an electoral terrorism under the leadership of French Indian
‘political elite.’12 Moreover universal suffrage gave way to large scale violence,
irregularities, mockery, intimidation and rigging in the electoral politics.
Already, the same policy of assimilation was introduced by the Second
Republic.13 The idea behind it was that the colonies should be ruled by the same laws
and the same government, with the right to send the Députés to France so that they
could have a sense of belonging to the French Republic. So in 1848 France asked
French India to send two representatives to the French assembly through universal
manhood suffrage.14 Electoral arrangements were prepared in a hurry and election
was held under the direct guidance and supervision of the Governor. Lecour, a
11
See, H. Deschamps. Méthodes et doctorines coloniales de la France. Paris : Armand Colin, 1953,
p.91.
12
Electoral terrorism started in 1848 lasted until the last election held in 1951.
13
This was established after the Revolution of February 1848 in France.
14
Both the Europeans and Indians, above the age 21, had only to prove five years of residence in one of
the five settlements.
51
business man of Nantes, who had a secret alliance with the notables of Pondicherry,
was declared elected to the Constituent Assembly on 24th April 1848.
Since the Second Republic insisted on equality among their subjects both in
France and in the colonies, the pariah-Christians in Pondicherry twisted the arm of the
French administration that had not supported their demand for a church for
themselves, by resigning en masse from domestic service.15 The enthusiasm even
went more when they claimed the same right to wear sandals as was enjoyed by the
members of Vellaja community. This provoked violent reaction including the murder
of some pariahs and the burning down of pariah villages. Consequently Governor
Pujol ordered a return to the status quo anté. The pariahs who wore sandals began to
be fined.
A new Décret passed on 15th March 1849, suppressing the seat of
representation for India and subsequently the policy of assimilation was abandoned
temporarily after the installation of Second Empire in 1852 in France. From the time
of this first election, the high-castes understood that it was more profitable to make
use of universal suffrage then to fight against it.16 But as universal suffrage recognised
equality of the low-caste people they feared that the traditional order would collapse.
When, France again invited a Député from French India to the French
Chambre des Députés in 1871, two parties were formed in the vicinity of electoral
politics: (i) the Gallios-Montbrun’s “Conservative Party” which supported the
candidature of Ristelhueber and (ii) Emile Hecquet’s “Liberal Party,” which backed
Count Desbassayns de Richemont. There were altogether eight candidates in this
15
Narayani Gupta, “Pondicherry in the Nineteenth Century: A Port Without a Hinterland” in Indu
Banga .ed. Ports and their Hinterlands in India 1700-1950. Manohar, 1992, pp. 92-101.
16
Jacques Weber, “Chanemougam, King of French India” in Economic and Political weekly, vol.
XXVI, no: 6, 1991, p.292.
52
election, including an Indian by name Sandou Odear, Professor of Tamil at the
University of Paris. Both the parties had chosen their candidates with the willingness
of high-castes from Pondicherry. Desbassayns managed to get support from the
notables of Pondicherry, viz., Ponnuthambi Pillai (a liberal and the leader of Christian
community) and Shanmugam Vellayuda Mudaliar (a traditionalist and head of the
Hindus). Voters list was prepared in twelve days. There were altogether 29,620 voters
in the whole of the colony and the right of voting was restricted to only men above the
age of 21 and who fulfilled some property qualifications. A newspaper L’électeur de
l’Inde franchaise was published on this occasion to educate electors. Election was
held on 28th May 1871 under the direct guidance of the Governor. Among the
registered (62.45 %) votes Desbassayns got a majority of 13,597 votes and defeated
the rival candidates.17
The first Député election and the subsequent local body elections (Conseil
colonial and Conseils locaux)18 provoked certain emotions in the colony. Based on
the irregularities registered in the elections and unwanted incidents19 that took place,
Governor Michaux reported “Universal suffrage would prove disastrous in this
colony” and urged Paris not to continue with its assimilation.20 Contrary to this it
brought some enthusiasm to some sections of society under the stewardship of
Ponnuthambi Pillai who was ready to collaborate with the French. As a barrister and a
leader of Christian community he emerged as a well known personality of
Pondicherry.21 In 1876 he proposed his own candidate, the Paris based lawyer Jules
17
C. Poulain. Le régime politique de l’Inde française. Paris : Imprimerie de L.Marceau, 1894, p.15.
This was introduced in 1872.
19
The low-castes were forbidden entry to the polling both by the high-castes.
20
Jacques Weber, “Chanemougam, King of French India,” in Economic and Political weekly vol. XVI,
no: 6, 1991, p.293.
21
As a barrister he had gone to the court one day wearing European-style shoes. This innovation had
caused commotion among the French administration and his country men, on the one hand because his
18
53
Godin for the post of Député in consultation with Shanmugam Vellayuda Mudaliar,
and succeeded in his attempt. Jules Godin won the election on an overwhelming
majority of 18,614 votes.22 When the Décret of 24th February 1875 called upon a
Sénateur from French India, Desbassayns (former Député) was elected Sénateur of
French India on 26th March 1876.
Meanwhile, differences arose between the Indian leaders Ponnuthambi and
Shanmugam, when the former wanted civil registration to be made compulsory for
native Christians to claim certain rights equal with the Frenchmen. France saw
Ponnuthambi Pillai’s demand as a symbolic and revolutionary gesture and understood
proved that certain Indians desired to assimilate and their expectation should not be
disappointed. Shanmugam felt that Ponnuthambi and his friends were moving too fast
towards the assimilation of French customs. He feared that it was dangerous to
Hinduism and its traditional values. This move provoked some agitation not only
among the French settlers and high-caste Christians23 but also among Muslims and
Hindus. The French elite felt that the policy of assimilation threatened their privileges
and eventually would give way to the Indian hegemony. To restrict Ponnuthambi and
his liberal attitudes, Shanmugam created an Indian Party and formed an electoral
alliance with the Créoles, Choutres (high-caste Christians), and the Catholic mission.
This Clerico-Brahmanic coalition contested each and every seat against Ponnuthambi
Pillai and Hecquet’s Liberal Party.
caste had the custom of wearing slippers and on the other, the low-caste were not permitted to wear
European-shoes. The French administration felt that his attitude threatened the social order. So
Governor censured Pillai and forbid him admittance to the courtroom. Disappointed, Pillai pleaded his
cause to the Supreme Court in Paris, through his advocate Jules Godin and won his case. This incident
which fetched him fame of glory happened in his life when he had a quarrel with the French
administration in 1872 and came out victorious (Le Progrés, 4 and 25, July 1886).
22
C. Poulain. Le régime politique de l’Inde française. Paris : Imprimerie de L.Marceau, 1894, p.15.
23
Even though they were converted to the Christianity, they still observed caste values along with
high-caste Hindus. They were not willing to mingle with low- caste Christians.
54
Jules Godin a friend of Ponnuthambi, who was holding the post of Député,
brought more assimilation into the colony. The Décret of 12th March 1880 provided
Municipal administration to French India. The Décret of 24th June 1880 granted the
civil registration to the natives as wished by the liberals. Opposing these reforms and
making use of this opportunity Shanmugam now learned to mobilize the voters and
behold candidates to him rather then to fight against the French reforms and organized
the votes of native Indians to poll massively against Ponnuthambi Pillai in the
immediate Municipal elections and won more seats to give the Clerico-Brahmanic
clique a clear majority. Commenting on this move Governor Drouhet bitterly
observed that, “universal suffrage has became an oppressive instrument in the hands
Brahmanism and today, the sprit of our institutions is subordinated to an entire social
system which is contradictory to ours.”24 Ponnuthambi shared this pessimism too and
was convinced that only a modification in the constitution could bring him back to
power and therefore conceived a two stage plan. First stage: to secure for the Indians
the right of renouncing their personal status and placing themselves under the rule of
French civil code. In this way certain Indians would become more French than others
in the colony. Second stage: to obtain the right of vote only to Indians who renounced
personnel status. To the benevolence of French Indian society, the act of Renonçiation
was passed on 21st September 1881. The process of Renonçiation enabled the
inhabitants of French India to become Renonçants by adopting the French civil code
and customs in all aspects. In addition, it was compulsory for the Renonçants to
choose a new name.25A good number, mostly from the low-castes, conscious of their
own degradation, willingly opted to become French citoyens, so as to attain equality,
24
Cited in Jacques Weber, “Chanemougam, King of French India,” in Economic and Political weekly,
vol. XXVI, No: 6, 1991, p.295.
25
Since Ponnuthambi Pillai served as a “gateway” to Renonçiation, the beneficiaries of the new law
fondly called him as Ponnuthambi Pillai La Porte (the door).
55
status and position. Attracted by the political and social advantages, many Christians,
Muslims and even a number of high-caste Hindus became Renonçants.26 But these
measures of Pillai earned him the enmity of not only the Hindus under Shanmugam
Vellayuda Mudaliar but also the French elite who feared that their privileged status
stood threatened by the emergence of a new class of citizens.
Four days after the signature of the Renonçiation decree, Shanmugam, the
champion of tradition and the rampart of caste managed to get his own Député elected
to the French Chambre des Députés. Pierre Alype, editor of the Parisian Journal
France d’outre-mer defeated the liberal candidate Jules Godin with a huge margin27
and got Jacques Hebrard elected as Sénateur in the election which was held in 1882.
Both Député and Sénateur accepted every whim of their political patron
(Shanmugam) and promised him that their respective office will prevent further
assimilation of French Indian society.
Having lost all his influence, Ponnuthambi Pillai La Porte now felt that even
though he and a section of society were culturally assimilated to the French way, they
are politically cornered by the traditional elite. He prevailed upon France to inscribe
the Renonçants on the first list of voters along with the Europeans. Keeping in mind
that this demand would crush the influence of the French population in the colonial
affairs the Supreme Colonial Council finally agreed to establish a three list of voters,
one for Europeans and their decedents, one for Renonçants and one for nonRenonçants, each list having one-third of representation in the local bodies. The
Décret of 26th February 1884, which divided electors in this fashion made the liberals
26
In 1883, they numbered 1,434 and exceeded above 2000 in 1885.
By obtaining 35,000 votes defeating Jules Godin, who received only 463 votes (C. Poulain. Le
régime politique de l’Inde Française. Paris: Imprimerie de L.Marceau, 1894, p.15).
27
56
indignant. The following table shows the electoral divisions under the three list voting
system.
Table 2.2 Numbers of Population and Electors in French India in 1884
Settlements
Population
1stlist
2rdlist
Europeans
Renonçants
and their
3rd list
General
total
Christians
Muslims
Hindus
Total
descendents
Pondichéry
139210
445
1321
1634
1137
38426
42518
42963
Karikal
93066
40
111
1868
2785
14025
18789
18829
Chandernagor
26574
45
-
5
281
4794
5080
5125
Mahé
8166
34
57
516
1534
2109
2143
Yanaon
4552
8
-
1
39
1283
1323
1331
1434
3565
4758
60062
69819
70391
Total
271568
572
2
Source: Emile Appavou. Project de reforme électorale dans L’Inde française.
The reform suited Shanmugam well. He knew that the alliance of the first and
third lists would allow him to keep in power. Accordingly the subsequent local body
elections in 1884 gave his coalition absolute majority. But the unexpected death of
Ponnuthambi Pillai La Porte in 1886 put an end to the idea of assimilation. Instead a
policy of ‘association’28 was followed in due course.
Electoral Politics in French India (1885 - 1914)
From 1885 to 1906, Shanmugam Vellayuda Mudaliar unleashed his power and
remained as the political master of the colony. After the Renonçants now he earned
the enmity of the Créoles, since he attacked the economic privileges they enjoyed
under French rule. In 1885, an alliance of the Créoles and the Renonçants or the
28
This implies respect for local tradition and custom, indirect rule and the development of education
and technology.
57
“French Party,” which was backed by the Governor Richaud, made Shanmugam and
his “Indian Party” loses the majority in the Conseil général election. Like
Ponnuthambi Pillai La Porte on a previous occasion Shanmugam saw the possibility
of recouping his power through new constitutional reform. He accordingly charged
Pierre Alype (his Député) with obtaining either a single list or proportional
representation in the local bodies. However, Alype was re-elected as Député by
getting 26,122 votes out of 36,000 votes polled, against Maurice Rouvier, who
secured only 9,738 votes in 1885. Once again he was re-elected to the French
Assembly in 1889, by securing a huge margin (25,983) against his opponent Textor
de Ravisi (829).29
From 1890, onwards French India witnessed electoral violence. This was due
to (i) conflicts between the French Party and Indian Party and (ii) caste conflicts
within the Indian Party. In 1893 Shanmugam diplomatically brought a group of
Renonçants under Louis Rassendran30 to his side. The unnatural alliance between the
Renonçants and Hindus gave the absolute majority to the Indian Party in Conseil
général. Only some Renonçants under Gnanedicome remained loyal to the French
Party, which now had two leaders Gallios-Montbrun and Henri Gaebelé. In response
to Shanmugam’s diplomacy, Henri Gaebelé, a leading industrialist in Pondicherry,
opened a crack in the Indian Party by reaching an accord with Sadasiva Naicker, the
chief of the Vannia community. These fractions witnessed a massive electoral
malpractice and a series of bloody battles within the Indian society, in which many
were wounded or killed. The fractional politics was well attributed in the Député
election held in the year 1893. When, Pierre Alype, the Indian Party candidate polled
29
30
C. Poulain. Le régime politique de l’Inde Française. Paris : Imprimerie de L.Marceau, 1894, p.15.
Since the death of La Porte he was the leader the Renonçants.
58
26,417 votes against his opponent Paul Bluysen, who secured 17,099 votes.31 This
lean margin was due to the changing alliance in the electoral politics. Meanwhile,
another fraction occurred with in the Indian Party. This time the Chettis, mostly
traders, turned hostile to Shanmugam due to his economic policies and very soon
many fractions based on the caste emerged into the limelight of electoral politics.
In 1898, Shanmugam found a new Député in Henrique Duluc, a radical and
the editor of the Journal La politique coloniale to act according to the changing
political situation in France. As the former expected the latter brought a new political
concession to his master by striking at the three list voting. The new Décret of 10th
September 1899 approved of only two lists of voters one for Europeans and the
assimilated32 and another for native Indians, each electing an equal proportion in the
local bodies. This resulted in a sharp decline in the number of seats won by the French
Party with the absence of the first list in several communal divisions. Because of his
service to Shanmugam, Duluc was again elected to the French assembly in 1902.
The return to politics of former Governor of French India J.B.P. Lemaire in
1906 marked the decline of Shanmugam’s political regime. In 1906 J.B.P. Lemaire
contested in the Député election against Duluc, with the support of Gaebelé. Both
candidates visited their constituency (India) for the first time in the history of electoral
politics. J.B.P. Lemaire’s visit succeeded in winning over to his side the low-caste of
Pondicherry and the Muslims of Karaikal from the so called “Indian Republican
Party” (Shanmugam’s party) which supported Duluc. Under these circumstances, the
election of 6th May 1906 took place in the form of a caste war between upper-castes
31
C. Poulain. Le régime politique de l’Inde Française. Paris : Imprimerie de L.Marceau, Paris, 1894,
p.15.
32
The assimilated were those Renonçants who had adhered to the French civil code for at least fifteen
years and had the fulfilling educational and administrative qualifications. Other Renonçants were
included in the second list voters.
59
and lower-castes in Pondicherry and a war of communalism between Hindus and
Muslims in Karaikal. But in the midst of all the chaos, J.B.P. Lemaire was declared
elected as Député by securing 17,011 votes against of his opponent Henrique Duluc
(14, 260).33
Losing his Député, Shanmugam lost his majority in Conseil général also. The
result of Municipal elections came as an even greater blow to him as the majority was
captured by Gaebelé’s Party. After an active political life of thirty years, Shanmugam
died in December 1908. “Chanemouganism, which resulted from the policy of
assimilation through institutions, could disappear only with abandonment of this
policy.”34
As far as the policy of assimilation was concerned the French had tried several
methods to accommodate themselves through the prevailing cultural ethos in their
Indian settlements. But the deep rooted caste distinctions and traditions in Indian
society did not permit them to be guided by the liberal principles. On the other, the
reforms of the Third Republic brought different kinds of agitations in the colony.
Firstly, conflicts between French liberalism and Indian traditionalism and racial
differences between Europeans and native Indians had thrust elites into the forefront
of politics. Secondly, caste war emerged to determine the balance of power in the
society. Thirdly, the different caste peoples put forward their claims to equal rights
through politics. This was well evidenced in the next two decades of French Indian
political life.
33
Francis Cyril Antony, ed. Gazetteer of India: Union Territory of Pondicherry. Vol.I, Pondicherry,
1982, p. 237.
34
Weber, Jacques “Chanemougam, King of French India” in Economic and Political weekly, vol. XVI,
no: 6, 1991, p.301.
60
After Shanmugam Vellayuda Mudaliar, power shifted to his contemporary
Pierre Gaston, a French man who formed the “Radical Party” to challenge the
hegemony of Gaebelé and his “Clerical Party”. In the Député election which was held
on 24th April 1910 Pierre Gaston proposed his candidate Paul Bluysen, 35 with the
support of high-caste leaders Sadasiva Naicker, Nallur Sadasiva Chettiar, Coutiah
Dourassamy Pillai and others, against the Clerical Party candidate J.B.P. Lemaire who
was supported by Gaebelé, Cornet, Vallabadasou, Gnanedicome, Gnanou Diagou and
others. The later was a combination of Renonçants, Christians, Muslims and
Europeans. Because of large scale violence occurred during his previous tenure, J.B.P.
Lemaire (17,453 votes) lost his seat to Bluysen (20,580 votes). Like in the past this
election also witnessed violence and irregularities in the electoral process. The British
Indian press at Calcutta observed, “The reports from Pondicherry speak of ballotboxes forcibly carried off from the booths, armed bands patrolling outlying districts to
terrorize recalcitrant voters, moderate centres “held up”, villages raided, and men,
women, and children assaulted.”36 People from British Indian territories of
Pallamcottah, Trichinopoly, Madurai and Tinnevelly, had been brought here to vote
for Paul Bluysen. 37
However in the next Député election which was held on 26th April 1914,38
Paul Bluysen switched over to the side of Gaebelé and continued to be elected as
Député until 1924. From 1908 to 1928 the Clerical Party otherwise known as the
35
The editor of the Journal des debats opined that “universal suffrage in India is a tumour that calls for
the surgeon’s knife”. (Home Department, 1910, No: 6, 5).
36
File No: 190, Home Department, 1910, N.A.I, New Delhi.
37
The 19th and 20th century documents, N.A.I, Puducherry.
38
In that election Paul Bluysen secured 33,155 votes against J.B.P. Lemaire, who secured only 5,628
votes (Sukhabhaviridhini, 5 May 1914).
61
Gaebelé Party unleashed its power by manipulating votes according to the situation in
French India as it was done by Shanmugam Vellayuda Mudaliar in the past.
French India under the Impact of Indian Nationalism
From the beginning of the twentieth century a new political consciousness
arose in French India especially after the partition of Bengal (1905), the launching of
Swadeshi39 and Boycott movements and the out break of revolutionary terrorism in
British India. The French settlements in India served as a convenient place of refugee
for political conspirators and Indian nationalists.40 The most important among them
were Subramania Bharathi, Aurobindo Ghosh, and V.V.S. Iyer, the last one being
considered the “most dangerous agitator.”41
Seditious literature banned in British India, like Gaelic American, Indian
Sociologist, New York Call, Evening Post from different cites like London, Paris, and
New York and Egyptian, Pan Islamic papers, The Moayyad and Luna had been mailed
to Pondicherry and Chandernagore through post and smuggled later on into British
Indian territories for distribution. Besides the importation of seditious literature
through post, it was reported that arms were brought into British India via
Pondicherry from Paris. 42 According to the British intelligence report Chandernagore
was a source of arms for the Bengali revolutionaries. It was said that “Every middle
class Bengali home in Chandernagore has got at least a gun and a revolver”.43
39
Production of home manufacture and boycott of foreign goods.
File No: 44-52, Ministry of External Affaires, Confidential, 1909, N.A.I, New Delhi.
41
The Madras Times, 12 November 1910.
42
File No: 40, Political-B, July 1908 & F.No: 44-52, Home Department, Political 1909, N.A.I, New
Delhi.
43
File No: 20, Home Department, 1909, N.A.I, New Delhi.
40
62
Unable to face the repression of the British India government, the press of the
revolutionary newspaper ‘The India,’ in which the famous poet and journalist
Subramania Bharathi worked, had to shift office from Madras and it continued to be
printed from Pondicherry.44 A secret society called “India Office”45 came to exist in
the house at 58, Rue de mission étrangères, Pondicherry from where The India was
printed and revolutionary leaders kept in touch with the centres of agitation in Europe
and America, especially with Tirumalaichary in London, Shyamji Krishna Varma and
Madame Cama in Paris,46 who had regularly sent seditious literature to the India
Office members.
The influence of anti-British activities in French India resulted in the spread of
social and political consciousness there. There was a strong anti-European feeling
among the natives of French India. Journals like Soujanaranjany, Vijaya, Balabarati,
Darma, Suryodayam and Swadesamitran published from Pondicherry, Nyayabhimani,
issued from Karaikal and Swadin Bharat an anti-British journal printed in
Chandernagore regularly preached an anti- European tone.47
The intense spread of revolutionary movement had its impact on French India
also. One of the first outward indications that the revolutionaries of Calcutta had a
Chandernagore connection was the unsuccessful attempt made at the end of 1908 to
assassinate Tardival, Mayor of Chandernagore, by throwing a bomb at the window of
his house.48 The anti- European feelings brought the Swadeshis of British India and
44
File No: 44-52, Home Department, 1909, N.A.I, New Delhi (worked its tone was considered to be
violent than that of any other papers in the Madras presidency).
45
The most important members of the society were V. V. S. Iyer, C. Subramania Bharathi, Srinivasa
chari, S. Nagasami Iyer, K.R. Appadurai Iyer, G. S. Dikshit @ S.Gurusami Iyer and Madasami Pillai.
46
File No: 44-52, Home Department, 1909, N.A.I, New Delhi.
47
File No: 44-52, Home Department, 1909, N.A.I, New Delhi.
48
It was resolved that the Mayor of Chandernagore should be taught a lesson by the followers of Charu
Chandra Roy Professor of Dupliex College at Chandernagore of Manicktolla group. (File No: 28-29,
Home Department, May 1912, N.A.I, New Delhi).
63
the Comité Radical-Socialist of French India (with Matribhumi as its mouthpiece)
closer to each other. Both the parties preached socialism in a subdued manner. This
was evidenced from the Député election held in 1910. One of the pamphlets which
circulated about May 1910 remarked:
It is a known fact that our success in the recent election of the Deputy is due to
our “Swadesis” of British India. Therefore, we should gain an upper hand over
the French European party in French India and try to root them out as soon as
possible just as our brethren in British India are working with a desire to see
that the British do not govern them… Truly, we should have been defeated by
these whites, had it not been for the help we received from people from
Palamcottah, Trichinopoly, Madura and Tinnevelly and who worked for our
cause with about 3,000 at Karaikal, 1,000 at Odayanarakkarai village and 100
at Vambakeerapalayam. All these outsiders being the real sons of our Bharata
Mata worked and helped us without caring for their lives in the least and won
success for us. We should be grateful to them for ever…We should help them
in their need.49
The “Radical Society” at Chandernagore led by Bonomali Pal, Bholanath Das,
Sadhucharan Mukharjee and Satish Sur, they had never been able to tolerate the
tutelage of Pondicherry and started an agitation demanding an equal number of
representatives in Chandernagore Municipal board. They also demanded in the
Conseil général at Pondicherry that the revenue of Chandernagore should be spent on
Chandernagore, since Chandernagore contributed a major share in the colonial budget
next to Pondicherry.50
While offering political asylum to the Indian nationalists the French
administration at the same time was forced to reckon with the British. The British
press went on accusing France as responsible for terrorism in British India to the
extent that the “anarchist’s agitation in India which causes intense concern to the
49
19th and 20th Century Documents, N.A.I, Puducherry Branch.
Georges Tailleur. Chandernagor ou le lit de Dupleix. Le Premier maillon de la chaine, Frontiganan,
1979, p.24.
50
64
British Government, is probably direct from Paris”.51 Britain appealed to France “in
India, where French interests are largely inseparable from those of England, it is time
that French possessions ceased being the shelter of the discontented in BritishIndia.”52 England even proposed to France the exchange of territories in
Chandernagore for British Indian territories around Pondicherry, but this idea was
rejected by the French.53
However the outbreak of World War I had brought England and France closer
together and as a member of the Entente Cordiale the French India administration had
to take strong measures against the anti- British propaganda. Accordingly the Décret
of 22nd August 1914 suppressed the freedom of press. An Ordinance 22nd September
of the same year banned all publications coming from foreign countries into French
Indian settlements54 and a strict vigilance was mounted on the Indian nationalists
residing in French India.
The activities of the Indian nationalists had brought about the spread of
nationalist sentiments in French India, giving rise to a new consciousness in the minds
of French Indian people. Nationalism in French India, although Indian generated or
inspired, was unique in character. It was the Indian tradition that had thwarted the
assimilation policy of the French and had furnished the bonds of religion, caste,
language, common historical tradition of India, which, together with shared
experiences, provided the mortar with which nationalism was built in French India.
The nationalist upsurge was essentially generated by the political and social changes
introduced in the traditional way of life under the impact of colonial policy of
51
The Morning Post, 14 January 1909.
The Madras Times, 10 September 1910.
53
The Madras Times, 10 September 1910.
54
File No: 45, Home Department, 1915, N.A.I, New Delhi.
52
65
assimilation brought into the territories primarily by the French. The problems
emerging under this impact, such as dissatisfaction with the existing political and
social order and the introduction of new and conflicting values, proved conducive to
the growth of nationalism.
With the spread of nationalism in French India, a nationalist elite emerged,
with ambition and aspirations for political leadership. The nationalists were proud,
self-conscious, cherishing anti-French feelings, discontented, and contemplating of
playing a major role in the affairs of their country. During the first decades of the
twentieth century, these elite were weak and small and so had to face countless
handicaps due to the repressive measures of the administration. In the beginning they
were to differentiate between democratic France and tyrannical France. They
appealed to the former against the latter. They started a campaign against
misadministration and prejudice, accusing their fellow citizens, of racism, tyranny and
undemocratic (i.e., un-French) practices. They asked for equal political rights with the
French, parliamentary representation for Indians, representation for Indians in all
assemblies, equal distribution of taxes, equal benefits from the budget, equality in
education, and equality of opportunities. The nationalists called upon the people to
preserve their national customs and to open their eyes, for it was time to be prepared
for responsibility. The struggle between the nationalist elite and the French
administration had a vital impact on politics in the settlements.
Emergence of Labour
France came out of World War I (1914-1919) not as a powerful country. Her
economy was weak and her politics was unstable. This had its impact on French India.
The administrators of French India had brief tenures in office. Between 1919 and
66
1939 there were no less than fourteen Governors. The result was that the French
administration languished and no vigorous policy could be taken. Moreover the trend
of politics in French India did not permit the governors to work independently. If a
Governor or an administrator had declined to toe the heels of the Député or Sénateur
they had to face transfer and quit the place.
The War had tremendous repercussions on people in French India. Abnormal
political and economic conditions caused an insistent demand for better conditions.
There was popular demand for (i) transformation of corrupt civil servants and justice
in all the departments; (ii) electoral reforms, particularly the abolition of the existing
two-list electoral system; (iii) equal distribution of electoral seats in the local
assemblies; ( out of the 12 seats in the Conseil général, native members elected only 6
members representing a population of 1,85,840 (in 1922) and 6 seats were reserved
for 560 Europeans); (iv) the introduction of universal suffrage for men and women
with only one list; (v) cutting down the share of budget spent for officials salaries
(the total amount of the budget in 1922 was 2,690,400 rupees of which the salary of
government servants amounted to 1,43,1,645 rupees, representing more than 53% of
the budget55); (vi) removal of tax burden (during the war period all the taxes were
raised high and new taxes was introduced, land tax was increased by 10%, home tax
was tripled and new taxes like income tax, service tax and tool tax were introduced);
and (vii) demand for removal of customs barrier. Trade both inland and overseas
came to a standstill leading to sharp increase in price values of food grains and
starvation. The paper currency lost its value due to shortage of metal coins.
55
Le Patriote, 19 December 1922.
67
During the post war period the French administration had to face the problem
of challenge against its authority as the growth of Indian nationalism affected the
native population of French India. The French administrators followed the draconian
methods of suppression and oppression to stamp out the seeds of Indian nationalism
from the soil of French Indian settlements. Thus the ideological basis of the Indian
nationalism was taking deep roots even in the early twentieth century.
It is a unique factor that mass mobilization in the French settlements was
achieved not through a nationalist struggle but through labour unrest. The labour force
in the textile mills in Pondicherry had a substantial population and was experienced
enough to form the basis of mass movement against the mill management and French
colonial rule. Though sporadic incidents of labour unrest were witnessed even by the
turn of the 1880’s in the three textile mills of Pondicherry, organized form of protest
came into existence only in the 1930s.56
Among all the working section of French India like textile workers, handloom
weavers, household workers, seashore labourers, toddy toppers and others, the textile
workers were the first to organize their struggle against exploitation of the mill
owners in Pondicherry and achieved the first workers amelioration by the Décret of
6th April 1937. 57 There were three textile mills in Pondicherry and employing about
8000 labourers. There were about 7000 traditional handlooms at Pondicherry. Most of
the mill workers at that time belonged to the deprived castes. Due to their rural back
ground, illiteracy and little bargaining power, they were employed as forced, bonded,
and child labourers. The mill workers had to work 12 hours per day and compulsorily
24 days in a month. They had to work all the days including Sunday, there was no
56
S. Geetha, “The Role of Tamil Journals in the French India Labour Movement of 1930s,”
Proceedings of the 26th Annual session of the S.I.H.C, Bangalore, 2006, pp. 644-652.
57
“French India Thozilalar Satta Thittangal,” 1937.
68
security of job, and their wages were relatively very low.58 As such they lived under
constant threat of dismissal if they agitated against the mill management. Moreover,
during this period their attempt to improve their conditions rarely met with success.
Whenever workers started an agitation the mill management put it down with the help
of local police and French administration.
The worldwide economic depression in 1930s affected the textile productions
in French India by (i) the imposition of customs barriers (ii) cut-throat competition;
and (iii) decline of overseas market for textile products leading to decline in the
demand for cotton cloths from Pondicherry. 59 For the above reasons the mill
managements took measures to reduce their cost of production. This was done
through retrenchment of workers and through reduction of their wages. The mill
workers organized a series of strikes and block outs and put forward their legitimate
demands (i) eight hours work; (ii) right to collective bargaining; (iii) increase in
wages; and (iv) holidays and right to form workers unions.60
The changing socio-political atmosphere clearly affected the course of the
labour movement in Pondicherry. The workers were attracted by an individual leader,
a group of leaders or by social organizations like French India Youth Association and
Harijan Seva Sangh. In September 1931, a French India Labour Conference was held
at Odiyansalai maidan in Pondicherry. It was arranged at the initiative of Selvaraju
Chettiar and by his followers. Leaders from Tamilnadu like P. Subburayan and
Kanaga Sankara Kannappan addressed the conference. This conference was the first
58
Sukhabhaviridhini, 23 November 1920.
Sudandiram, 9 December 1939.
60
V. Subbiah. Saga of Freedom of French India: Testament of my life. Madras: New Century Book
House, 1990, p.81.
59
69
labour conference in the history of French India.61 Since the French administration did
not come forward to solve the workers problem, the members instigated the workers
to form secret unions to fight for their rights.62 These committees began to function
indirectly and took important decisions regarding their struggle against the
management to improve their conditions in mill.
Meanwhile, in June 1936, Front Populaire headed by Leon Blum, consisting
of Communists and Socialists formed a coalition government in France. This pro
(left) Communist government in France aroused great expectations among the
workers of the mills in French India. In this hope they went on ‘stay in-strike’ again
on 25th and 26th July 1936. Consequently, the situation became tense. The Governor,
Léon Solomiac (1934-1936) sent the French police to control the situation. A worker
of the Rodier Mill was killed in the violence. The police then moved to the Savanna
Mill, were the situation had become tense due to spreading of the news that a worker
had been killed in the Rodier Mill. In order to control the situation the Governor gave
shooting order to the police. It resulted in the killing of twelve workers and some
workers were severely injured. 63 In order to meet the situation and to meet the
increasing militancy of the labour movement, the third company of the eleventh
regiment of Infanterie Coloniale of French force was brought to Pondicherry. It
stayed on upto 1939.64
The tragedy of 1936 was reported to France. France ordered an immediate
enquiry and took action. The French India Governor, Léon Solomiac was called back
61
Puduvai Murasu, 14 September 1931.
V. Subbiah. Sudandiram pon vizha malar: 1934-1984. Pondicherry, 1984, p.7.
63
V. Subbiah. Saga of Freedom of French India: Testament of my life. Madras: New Century Book
House, 1990, pp.81-83.
64
Francis Cyril Antony, ed. Gazetteer of India: Union Territory of Pondicherry. Vol.II, Pondicherry,
1982, p.1015.
62
70
to France. Justin Godart, Sénateur representing French India, came to Pondicherry as
a special delegate of workers in French India. He submitted a report to the
government of France. On the basis of his recommendations, the coalition
government of France introduced a worker’s law by the Décret of 6th April 1937.65
The law reduced the working hour into 8 hours, abolished child labour, granted
weekly holidays, women workers were made eligible to take 8 weeks of maternity
leave and most importantly the law recognized the formation of worker unions in
industrial organizations. 66 Thus the workers movement in French India marched one
step ahead of similar movements in Asia so for as working hours was concerned. The
victory achieved by the textile workers, had inspired other sections of the working
class to form their own associations. The intensification of labour movement had its
impact on politics in French India.
Nationalist trend of politics
Upto1928 the politics of French India was in the hands of Henry Gaebelé who
was running the administration as his family business. His three sons Albert, Fnitz
and Robert were respectively the Presidents of the Chambre de commerce, the
Chambre de agricole and of the Conseil général. An opposition to their power politics
was formed by Sellane Naicker (a nationalist and the leader of the Vannia caste) along
with Joseph David, Thomas Aroul and others. They formed a “Popular Party”
otherwise known as “Franco-Hindu Party” in 1922. The members of this opposition
group were often described as subversive elements, as sympathizers of the India
Congress, Communists and as anti-French by the Gaebelé Party.67
65
“French India Thozilalar Satta Thittangal,” 1937.
“French India Thozilalar Satta Thittangal,” 1937.
67
Francis Cyril Antony, ed. Gazetteer of India: Union Territory of Pondicherry. Vol.I, Pondicherry,
1982, p. 242.
66
71
The Franco-Hindu Party defeated the pro-French Gaebelé Party in 1928. In the
election which was held in 1928, J. Coponat the Franco-Hindu Party candidate was
declared as Député elected by a majority of more than 38,000 votes defeating the
opposition Gabriel Angoulvant.68 In the same year, Eugene Le Moignic who also had
the support of Sellane was elected as Sénateur. The Franco-Hindu Party also
registered landslide victory in the Conseil général, Conseils locaux and Municipal
elections. As the natives were fed up with Gaebelé’s regime that played a despicable
role in conjunction with the French Governors, they welcomed the Franco-Hindu
Party with a lot of expectations. When the inflation touched an all time high index in
the 1930s the French government enhanced the salary structure of the officials in
France. 69 When, the local French administrators also demanded similar salary in
French India, fully aware that any such increase would result in additional tax burden
for the local population, the Franco-Hindu Party passed a bill in the assembly cutting
the salaries of European officials and reducing the tax burden of the locals70. During
this time again an unsuccessful attempt was made to unite the two-list voters into one
single list.
The French officials, angered by Sellane’s reforms against them created
internal dissentions within the party. It resulted in the split of the party in 1934. One
fraction was under Sellane and the other was under David. The former took the
support of Gaebelé Party as part of a political manoeuvre and lost in the local
assembly election, held on 21st October 1934.71 Sellane Naicker was thrown to the
background and his supporters were harassed. On the one hand the labour movement
68
Sri Soudjanarandjani, 26 April 1928.
Sukhabhaviridhini, 1 November 1934.
70
Procès-verbaux établissements français dans L’Inde Conseil général, 1933.
71
Sukhabhaviridhini, 1 November 1934.
69
72
provided the common base for a mass movement in Pondicherry. On the other side
Sellane organized agitations against the imperialist behaviour of the French in India.
The fraction headed by Joseph David known as “David’s Party” held sway for
about ten years from 1934 to 1944. This party failed to gain the support of both the
agriculturists and labourers. In order to strengthen its position it had to depend on the
support of civil servants who in turn were benefiting through corruption and
smugglings. With the connivance of the French authorities, the merchants who
supported the French administration were able to import diamond and luxurious
goods free of duty from foreign countries and smuggled them across the border to
British India.
The smuggling of dutiable goods into British India from the French Indian
settlements, and in particular from Pondicherry and Karaikal became one of the
lucrative trades. The chief contraband consisted of silk, sugar, saccharine, silk thread,
watches and matches. It is reported that the loss of revenue for British India was
estimated at about 70 lakhs of rupees per annum. The reduction of the French duty on
diamonds from 5% to 2½% (10% in British India) was a direct encouragement of
smuggling. Smuggling was mainly carried through (i) the means of the French packet
post, (ii) through the misuse of the free pass system and (iii) though carriers passing
into British India across the land and sea frontiers. It is not an exaggeration to say
30% of the French Indian population was directly or indirectly involved in
smuggling. 72
In the twentieth century French India saw the growth of a number of
associations. In French India, every association consisting of more than twenty
72
File No: 309-X/1937, Serial Nos. 1-13, Ministry of External Affairs, NAI, New Delhi.
73
members must be formally authorized by the Governor on the condition that they
would not discuss any political matters. In 1934 there were 141 registered
associations numbering 2,86,410 population of the settlements. Every 232 persons
were attached with any one of the associations.73
Since the caste system was the determining feature of the population in French
India, associations like Société progressive de l’Inde française, Société progressiste
des Renonçants Valangaimougattars, Réveil social, La jeunesse Républicaine,
Relevement social, Solidarité des dames de l’Inde française, Gramapunaruttaranam,
Vanniya kula kshatriyas sangam, Kammalar sangam, etc., provide solidarity to the
castes and caste based politics. 74
In line with nationalist tendencies associations were organized to carry out
much needed social reforms. In 1931, E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, the leader of the
Self-Respect Movement in the neighbouring Madras Presidency visited Pondicherry.
His radical ideas on social reforms found followers in Bharathi Dasan and Noël.
Bharathi Dasan propagated the need for a change in the social structure through his
poems. Noël wrote a series of articles in his journal Puduvai Murasu condemning the
church and clergy for upholding caste distinctions in churches. V. Subbiah and his
band of youth organized a Youth League in the year 1931, along with the Student’s
Associations of Colonial College and Calve College. They organized a strike for the
introduction of compulsory primary education in French and in the mother tongue of
the area concerned. Mahatma Gandhi organized a separate organization called
Harijana Seva Sangh as a part of the Sathyagraha movement in order to obliterate
social oppression and remove untouchability in British India. The Youth League
73
74
Annuaire des etablissements français dans l’Inde pour l’année, 1935, pp. 454-458.
Annuaire des etablissements français dans l’Inde pour l’année, 1935, pp. 454-458.
74
founded and led by V. Subbiah and others took up the issue of untouchability and
stared a Harijana Seva Sangh in French India in Pondicherry on 6th December 1933.75
A branch was started in Karaikal with Arangasamy Naicker as President. Harijana
Seva Sangh popularized charka, kadhi, organized reading rooms and extended its
helping hand to the labour movement. Mahatma Gandhi visited Pondicherry and
Karaikal in 1934 and Jawaharlal Nehru visited Pondicherry in October 1936. Their
presence infused a sprit of nationalism among the populations. Thus the seeds of
opposition to the French administration were sown and the persistent demands for
liberal rights and privileges yielded rich dividends in the 1930s.
The economic redress and liberal sanctions achieved by the labour movement
gave a fillip to the nationalists to form their political party. The foundation of
Mahajana Sabha at Pondicherry in 1937 by Marie Xavrey, Dorairaj and R. L.
Purushothama Reddiar, was followed by a similar branch at Karaikal by Arangasamy
Naicker, Savary Pillai, Vion de Pazanear and Leon Saint Jean and in Mahe by I. K.
Kumaran. Various associations like, Labour unions, Student associations, Youth
associations, Merchants associations, Peasants associations and Women’s associations
were brought under the ideologies of the Indian National Congress and Communists.
The Mahajana Sabha grew up very soon to challenge the position of David’s
Party in politics. The Mahajana Sabha Party wanted to do away with the powers of
the Governor under the Ordonnance Organique (1840), to remove the existing two
list voter system and to ensure the conduct of free and fair elections. It put up its
candidates against David’s Party in elections for the Conseil général, Conseils locaux
75
The actual founder of the Harijana Seva Sangh at Pondicherry was Savarinathan and the active
members were V. Subbiah, L.J.X. Durai samy, R.L.Purushothama Reddiar, K. Sivaprahasam and
others (Mani Iyer, V. S.,
Lecture on freedom movement in Pondicherry in Saturday, the 23rd
September 1972, 5.30 P.M.) and V. Subbiah. Saga of Freedom of French India: Testament of my life.
Madras: New Century Book House, 1990, pp. 27-33
75
and Municipalities, which were held in 1937. With the manoeuvre of Governor
Horace Crocicchia and by the undemocratic means David’s Party registered success
in the elections. Nevertheless, the Mahajana Sabha gained in Karaikal while David’s
Party came out successful in Pondicherry. The contradictory electoral results and the
rivalry between the two parties left the settlements in the grip of violence. Having lost
faith in French administration the labour force led by the leaders of Mahajana Sabha
formed a front against the French administration, captured many Municipalities in
Pondicherry and violated all the municipal rules with regard to civil registration of
births and deaths. The village Panchayats worked as local courts deciding civil and
criminal cases in order to avoid French courts.76
French India passed through a period of violence and political gangsterism.
Joseph David, the President of Conseil général, had a major responsibility for creating
such a lawless situation. He was alleged to have made free use of the police force and
the administrative machinery to suppress all remnants of opposition. David and Aroul
of Karaikal had unleashed a reign of terror respectively in Pondicherry and Karaikal
by establishing a sort of personal rule.
In January 1937, a dastardly attempt was made on the life of David. He was
fired upon and wounded. It reached its culmination when, on 16th December 1938 one
of David’s men, Selvarajalu Chettiar, a Contractor, Stevedore, Dubash and the leader
of Mukkuvar (fishermen) caste was assassinated by a dismissed mill worker. The
murder of Selvarajalu Chettiar, transformed the political violence into caste war in
Ariancoupam (an area of highly concentrated population of fishermen), Modeliarpet
(labour population area) and at Pondicherry (which was controlled by David’s
76
V. Subbiah. Saga of Freedom of French India: Testament of my life. Madras: New Century Book
House, 1990, pp.166-67.
76
henchmen). Clashes between the political parties, burning of houses, assaults on
opponents and civic restlessness increased, with the mobilisation of women with
basket of stones, men to throw stones and small boys to shout abuse, encouragement
and direction. A large number of people had to quit French India and take shelter in
adjoining British Indian territories. In Karaikal too clashes took place and a few
persons were murdered in Mahe. 77
Peace was restored in French India after the arrival of Governor Louis Bonvin
on 26th September 1938. His first task was to restore political peace in French India.
Bonvin was of a different type from his predecessors. He refused to be in any one’s
pocket and expressed a complete indifference to local politics. Municipal elections
were abandoned by the Arrête passed on 18th February 1938 and replaced by
Municipal commissions appointed by the Governor for five years. 78
A Arrête
promulgated on 4th February 1939 reorganised the local military force, the Cipahis de
l’Inde. The police force was increased to the ratio of 1:500 of population. 79 V.
Subbiah, the labour leader had been arrested by the British Indian police at Madras
and interned in the Vellore jail on 11th January 1939. The French had made no
arrangement to save him because according to official opinion, if V. Subbiah was
released, he would be murdered, and the political temperature would then again rise to
a boiling point.80 On 1st May 1939, a demonstration of 5,000 labourers was held
demanding the release of V. Subbiah. In June 1939, he was released and he returned
to Pondicherry in 1940. Bonvin’s ban on the Communist organization of September
1939 was also withdrawn.81 There was a constant trouble in the central jail at
77
File No: 159-X (secret), Local report, Ministry of External Affairs, 1939; N.A.I, New Delhi.
Journal officiel des etablissements français dans l’Inde, 1938, pp.122, 306-7, 324-325 and 452-456.
79
L’Inde Francaise Dans la Guerre. Pondichéry : Imprimeire du Gouvernement.
80
F.No: 159-X (secret), Local report, Ministry of External Affairs, 1939; N.A.I, New Delhi.
81
Journal officiel des etablissements français dans l’Inde, 1939, pp.974-75.
78
77
Pondicherry. The political prisoners in the jail went on hunger-strike for their release.
They were all released on certain conditions and promises. The local press which was
hurling its thunderbolts against the French administration was muzzled and fettered
with restrictions. The period of World War II saw the decline of the David’s Party and
its regime practically came to an end after the death of Joseph David in 1944.
Time scale
Political regime in French India
1848
Introduction of electoral politics
1870
Hecquet's 'Liberal Party'
1872-1885
Ponnuthambi 'Laporte' (Renonçants )
1886-1908
Shanmugam Vellayuda Mudaliar
1908-1922
Henri Gaebelé
1922-1928
Popular Party (Sellane Naicker+Joseph David)
1929-1930
Franco- Hindu Party (Sellane Naicker +Joseph David+ Aroul)
1930-1945
Joseph David Party
1945-1947
National Democratic Front ( Mahajana Sabha + Communist Party+Congress)
1947-1952
Edouard Goubert ( French India Socialist Party)
1952-1954
Merger Politics
1954
de facto -transfer of power
Figure 2.2: Political Regime in French India, 1848-1954.
World War II which broke out in 1939 had its impact on French India. During
the war period (1939-44) French India passed through a time of political turmoil and
78
economic difficulties. If there was renewed nationalism among the population on the
one hand, on the other many people rallied for France and professed loyalty to the
French cause. Emergency decrees were passed. France was occupied by Nazi
Germany and vanquished France had to accept the treaty of Armistice of 25th June
1940. The pro-German Vichy government was established in France. But French
India refused to accept the Armistice and to recognize the Vichy government and its
laws regarding India. Bonvin, the French India Governor had instructed the
administrators in all the settlements to follow a policy of caution and co-operation
with the British India government.82 French India was forced to depend in every
respect on British India.
There was fear among the population that the British
government of India would forbid the import of necessaries into French India and
even would demand the settlements being incorporated into the neighbouring British
districts.83
The economy of French India was weak. Due to the stoppage of financial
support from metropolitan France, its budget had to depend on receipts from salt and
opium and revenue from alcohol and tobacco which constituted 45% of the total
receipts. In order to meet out the financial difficulties and the cost of the War, the
French administration imposed new taxes. Land tax and income tax increased by 100
percent, a tax on occupied buildings was introduced; stamp duty was increased and
bills of lading were taxed. The expense of budget was reduced and other
developmental works were stopped. Trade activities came to a standstill. The textile
mills in Pondicherry closed indefinitely due to the high price of cotton and shortage of
coal supply. Fund was collected to compensate deplorable conditions of labour.
82
Ajit K. Neogy. Decolonization of French India, Liberation Movement and Indo-French Relations
1947-1954. Pondichéry: institut Française de Pondichéry, 1997, p.9.
83
File No: 159-X (secret), Ministry of External Affairs, 1939; N.A.I, New Delhi.
79
Besides all these difficulties, the French officials and the French families in India
remained undisturbed by taxation, reduction of salary and high cost of living or any
war efforts.84
The free France movement, centred spearheaded by Général Charles de
Gaulle in Algiers, attracted people from French India to join the force. Fund was
collected for the Resistance movement by means of donations, lotteries, theatrical
shows and displays. As part of the movement an anti-Fascist movement called
Combat was organized in French occupied colonies. In French India the Combat was
organized in February 1944 by Emmanuel Adicéam, a French Indian and a retired
French official from Algiers, Lambert Saravane, professor at the Colonial College in
Pondicherry and Arsane Prigent, a Frenchman and an active member of the strong
Communist oriented labour union of France called Confédération générale du travail
( C.G.T).
The Communist Party of French India which was founded in September 1942
by V. Subbiah extended its support to the Combat and V. Subbiah became its
President. This party began to propagate anti-Fascist ideas to save Communist Russia
and France from the control of Hitler’s Germany. Women, teachers, doctors, students,
merchants, Congressist, Communists, judges and magistrates became members of the
Combat.85 Despite the majority of the French officials in the Combat, a considerable
French population swore allegiance to the Vichy government.86 The free France
movement in India was weak and it never developed into a strong platform for
84
File No: 18/18/40-poll (1), Local report, Home Department, 1940, N.A.I, New Delhi.
L’Inde Française Dans la Guerre. Pondichéry: Imprimerie du Gouvernement.
86
V. S. Mani Iyer, Lecture on Freedom Movement in Pondicherry in Saturday, the 23rd September
1972, 5.30 P.M.
85
80
rallying the French citizens of French India around de Gaulle.87 However the Combat
movement gave fillip to the French India Communist Party to bounce back into the
main current of French Indian politics.
Politics and Society in French India: An over view
An analysis of electoral politics in French India reveals that Indians lacked
political representation, only after 1870 population in the colony was given the right
to vote in local and national elections. French India divided into communes (like in
the métropole) had representation in the local bodies and in the French national
assemblies as well. Since Europeans and natives constituted separate electoral
colleges, European settlers held control of the ballot box and made decisions about
native affairs. Europeans in the colony, even though they were few in number,
monopolized power in local assemblies, municipalities and national assemblies.
France gave native people little legal or political benefit from their rule. The natives
did not have any significant institutionalized role in the colony. French authorities
easily rejected or ignored resolutions and decrees of officially established local
assemblies.
Of the colonial population of 68 millions, French Indian settlements, with a
population of almost 3,00,000 had an electorate of 57,000, elected a Député to the
pre-war French Chambre des Députés (618) and a Sénateur to the French Sénat (320).
However, the colonial representation to the French parliament was largely a
meaningless façade, since the candidates were selected in France and a handful of
natives could not have any significant influence on decisions of the French
parliament. The political party in power in the locality elected a Député and a
87
V. S. Mani Iyer,
1972, 5.30 P.M.
Lecture on Freedom Movement in Pondicherry in Saturday, the 23rd September
81
Sénateur who safeguarded their interests in France and protected them against all
possibilities of the local officials attempting to check their abuses. 88 As long as the
French Indian political elite provided enough money to spend for their candidates in
elections, accepting this bonus those candidates remained aloof from and indifferent
to local politics. Representative institutions, so abruptly introduced in India, provoked
social imbalance, caste war, communal conflict and French India witnessed an
electoral terrorism under the leadership of French Indian political elite. 89 No healthy
democratic tradition flourished, French India saw a kind of personality based politics
dominated by men like Ponnuthambi Pillai, Shanmugam Vellayuda Mudaliar, Henry
Gaebelé and Joseph David.
However resistance directed against the enfranchisement of native Indians
belonging to the lower rungs in the social hierarchy and a general resentment at
foreign yoke often lay just below the surface of acquiescence and obedience. From the
end of the nineteenth century onwards, however, a tendency of association became a
predominant feature of French colonial policy, largely due to the influence of great
colonial administrators such as Gallieni and Lyautey.90 It meant essentially a form of
partnership in which the colonial population could be accorded some right to selfadministration, or participation in government, within the existing framework of
colonial bureaucracy, which left responsibility in French hands. In administrative
terms it meant government by a Governor, responsible to the Government in France,
assisted by advisory councils on which natives were represented. It was an association
characterized by French domination, both political and economic.
88
Martin Deming Lewis, “One Hundred Million Frenchmen: the “Assimilation” theory in French
colonial Policy,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol.4, No.2, of 1962, pp.129-153.
89
Since electoral politics first introduced in 1848 until the last election held in 1951.
90
Colonial Administrators and Socialists, who strongly opposed all colonial experiments of France,
developed the policy of “Association” in the place of the traditional “Assimilation” policy in the early
20th Century.
82
During the interwar period the French colonial policy underwent some
transformation. The policy of association was abandoned and the effort was made to
transform overseas possessions into colonies of France. This major change could be
attributed to the rallying of Socialists to colonialism. However, the Socialists were
split between different tendencies, each holding definite views on colonization,
colonial nationalism and the very notion of a “civilizing mission”91. The S.F.I.O.
(Section française de l’Internationale ouvrière) was therefore induced to carry on a
policy of assimilation. Leon Blum, the leader of the Socialist Party, stated in 1925:
“We recognize the right and even the duty of superior races to draw unto them those
which have not arrived at the same level of culture.”92 The Socialist Party remained
on the whole faithful to the assimilative principle. Henceforth the post-First World
War colonial policy involved the modernization process, and the removal of the
abuses of colonialism. The goals of Socialist colonial policy were increased selfgovernment, economic development, gradual enfranchisement of natives, a check on
mistreatment of natives, restrictions on exploitative business activity and promotion
of education, health care and other benefits for non-European population.
The policy makers hoped their undertakings would bring prosperity to
metropolitan France and its overseas population. Quite to the contrary a new kind of
nationalism and anti- colonialism emerged under the impact of the First World War
and its consequences. Anti-colonialism had seethed in the minds of Indians since the
early years of the twentieth century under the symbolic leadership of Indian
nationalists. Limited western education, disunity and distance from European currents
91
Manuela Semidei, “Les Socialistes Français et le Problème colonial entre les deux guerres (19191939),” Revue Française de Science Politique, Vol.18, No.6, 1968, pp.1115-1154.
92
Cited in, Robert Aldrich. Greater France: A History of French Overseas Expansion. Basingstoke:
Macmillan, 1996, p.115.
83
hindered the creation of nationalist movements. Protesters, often drawn from the
ranks of students; lawyers and educated elite, adopted the nomenclature of Indian
nationalist movement. But in the interwar years the French administration could
effectively contain their actions through harassment, arrests and the outlawing of
political parties.
The mid-1930s brought economic depression to France and the colonies.
French India suffered from the high price of essential commodities and other primary
products. The colonial budget went bankrupt. Indebted merchants lost their properties
and savings. Many colonial development projects were indefinitely fielded away
before being implemented. In 1936, the Popular Front, a coalition of Socialists and
Radicals with support from Communists, won the election in France under the
leadership of Leon Blum. Blum’s government intended great reforms for the empire
and colonies. This government had more success in promoting economic
development, especially in expanding agricultural production and managed to pass the
first labour legislation designed to protect native rights.
Inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the French Communist
Party (Parti communiste français, PCF), the Communists in French India took the
lead in the anti-colonialist struggle. Their agitation took the form of labour
movements in the 1930s. The party organized a series of strikes in Pondicherry;
demonstrations against French suppression of labour problems and drew more
population to participate against the French administration over the next few years,
Communists frequently and loudly denounced European colonialism. Public meetings
and the Communist Party became focal points for anti-colonialism. Not all opposition
to colonialism came from the Communists. Dissidents within the Indian society,
84
which for a long time suffered from French colonial reforms, were easily a match for
anti- colonialism.
The year 1939 saw France capitulating to Hitler’s expansionism through
German annexation of the Sudetenland. Germany, Italy and Japan coveted French
possessions and were gathering the strength which might allow them to attack the
empire. The French colonies remained fragile. The first principle of French colonial
policy at the end of the 1940s was to safeguard the empire. This meant preserving
colonies from natives’ anti- colonialism, nationalism, insurrection and independence,
and defending the empire from foreign attack and conquest.
The French spent the next two decades (post-war period) consolidating their
hold, trying to develop colonial economies, implant French settlers and win support
from Franchised native elite. The French state had provided the legislation,
appropriated the money, designed the development plans and adopted the ideology
which made conquest and maintenance of empire possible.
85