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Tattoo and the Self
Jung Mee Mun, Kristy A. Janigo and Kim K. P. Johnson
Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 2012 30: 134 originally published online 6 June 2012
DOI: 10.1177/0887302X12449200
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Tattoo and the Self
Clothing and Textiles
Research Journal
30(2) 134-148
ª The Author(s) 2012
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DOI: 10.1177/0887302X12449200
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Jung Mee Mun1, Kristy A. Janigo1, and
Kim K. P. Johnson1
Abstract
There has been an increase in the numbers of women getting tattoos. The purpose of this study was
to better understand tattooed women focusing on how having a tattoo influenced both self perceptions and subsequent behaviors. Our study was guided by three research questions: (1) What
meaning do women assign to their tattoos and to what extent were these meanings dynamic? (2)
What changes in self perception did women attribute to their being tattooed? (3) What changes in
behavior did women attribute to their being tattooed? In-depth interviews of thirty tattooed women
served as our data. Tattoos held several meanings for participants including connection to self, life
events, relationships, and spirituality. Tattoos were closely related to some aspect of the self (82%).
For some participants the meaning changed over time (61%). The act of obtaining tattoos resulted in
a change in how participants viewed themselves and their behavior.
Keywords
meaning, perception, self, self-presentation, tattoo
The past 30 years in Western culture have been labeled a ‘‘tattoo renaissance’’ (Atkinson, 2003;
Kang & Jones, 2007; Kosut, 2006) with increases not only in the number of individuals getting tattoos but also in television shows featuring tattoo artists (e.g., LA Ink, Tattoo Highway) and tattooed
individuals (e.g., Inked) as well as in the availability of temporary tattoos for both adults and children. According to a Pew Research Center study (2007), 36% of individuals from 18 to 25 years and
40% of those between the ages of 26 and 40 have a permanent tattoo. Tattooing has shifted from a
predominantly male practice to a female-dominated one, as the number of women getting tattooed
has surpassed that of men (Horne, Knox, Zusman, & Zusman, 2007; Laumann & Derick, 2006). In
addition, women are earning a living as tattoo artists (Eason & Hodges, 2011).
The majority of extant tattoo research has focused on the art of tattooing throughout history,
health risks associated with the practice, and interpersonal variables relating to tattoo possession
(Atkinson, 2001, 2003; Lin, 2002; Stuppy, Armstrong, & Casals-Ariet, 1998; Sweetman, 1999).
Although much has been written in the scholarly and public press about the rising rates of tattooing
and the growing rate of women getting tattoos (Horne et al., 2007), our understanding of how tattoos,
as an enduring form of dress, influence self-perceptions and behavioral changes is still limited.
1
University of Minnesota, St. Paul, MN, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jung Mee Mun, University of Minnesota, 240 McNeal Hall, 1985 Buford Ave, St. Paul, MN 55108, USA
Email: [email protected]
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Therefore, we utilized a phenomenological research approach to capture the relationships young
women formed between their tattoos and their construction of self. This research approach provided
an in-depth description of the life experiences of women with tattoos. We examined the evolving
meaning of women’s tattoos and how having a tattoo influenced both self-perceptions and subsequent behaviors. Our study was guided by three broad research questions: (1) what meaning do
women assign to their tattoos and to what extent were these meanings dynamic? (2) what changes
in self-perception did women attribute to their being tattooed? and (3) what changes in behavior relative to dressing the body did women attribute to their being tattooed?
Literature Review
Theoretical Framework
Goffman’s (1959) discussion of the concept of self-presentation guided our inquiry. Selfpresentation can be described as involving an actor’s shaping of his or her behavior to create a
desired impression in others (Jones & Pittman, 1982). Goffman noted the importance of selfpresentation and how everyday details about people’s behavior allowed others to make inferences
about the motivations that underlie those behaviors. Individuals are thought to purposively control
their behavior to represent desired attributes and try to shape the way that others see them (Goffman,
1959). If individuals are interested in managing their self-presentations using dress, they need to
know the dress cues that others’ use and the meanings of those dress cues that form the basis of others’ inferences as well as have an understanding of the person perception process.
Livesley and Bromley (1973) in their work with adolescents outlined a process of person perception. Their process begins with cue selection. Selected cues could consist of gestures, body language, facial expressions, or articles of dress. Perceivers select cues that are the most salient to
them. They then use the cues to formulate judgments or to make interpretative inferences about
the observed individuals presenting those cues. Next, perceivers can assign additional attributes
about the observed individual based on his or her initial interpretative inferences. This is called
making extended inferences. The additional inferences can be made about the person or about
other people associated with the person (e.g., family members). The perceiver then uses this
inferred information to shape their subsequent behaviors relative to the observed individual. It has
been repeatedly demonstrated that people engage in a person perception process, that it impacts
their behavior toward others, that a variety of dress cues are used as the basis for their perceptions,
and that a variety of information is inferred (see Damhorst, 1990; Johnson, Yoo, Kim, & Lennon,
2008, for a review).
Combining Goffman’s (1959) thoughts concerning self-presentation with Livesley and Bromley’s
(1973) view of the process of person perception and applying those ideas to our research suggests that
individuals may use tattoos to communicate specific known attributes about themselves (i.e., actual
self) and consequently attempt to manage others’ perceptions and behaviors. They might also use tattoos to communicate self-attributes that they do not yet possess but desire to possess (i.e., ideal self) in
the future. For example, a young man might be an avid rider of Harley Davidson motorcycles. The
attributes that have been linked to this brand include valuing personal freedom, masculinity, and possessing an outlaw mystique (Schouten & McAlexander, 1995). The young man has ridden a Harley
Davidson motorcycle exclusively and views this brand’s attributes as consistent with his own. The cue
that might symbolize these attributes (e.g., masculinity, freedom) is the Harley Davidson brand logo.
Thus, he may decide to get a brand logo tattoo to communicate to others both his personal attributes
and his commitment to Harley Davidson motorcycles. The brand tattoo, in this case, is selected
because it reflects an array of attributes and the person wants those attributes to be inferred about him
because they are perceived as aspects of his actual self. A young woman might also get a Harley
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Davidson logo tattoo because she aspires to be a Harley rider and aspires to the traits linked to this
brand. In this instance, the tattoo could be said to communicate an attribute of her ideal self, that
is, what she wants to be.
To be successful in using dress in self-presentations, one needs to know what self-attributes one
wants to communicate to others and what dress cues communicate those attributes. In both the previous examples, the individuals desired a specific tattoo because the tattoo had a prior agreed upon
meaning, that meaning was relatively stable, and the individuals wanted that meaning to be inferred
about them. Not all possible tattoos have shared meanings and even if they did, like other aspects of
dress, these meanings may change over time (Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992). Therefore, questions
remain including: how does a tattoo that is obtained without a predetermined meaning become
meaningful for its wearer? How does the meaning of tattoos change over time? Do some tattoos
remain meaningless for their wearers?
Related Research
Researchers interested in tattoos have focused their attention on several topics including tattoos
as an indication of sociocultural deviance (Aizenman & Jensen, 2007; Atkinson, 2003; Grumet,
1983; Stuppy et al., 1998), how tattoos influenced perceptions of others (Armstrong, 1991;
Armstrong, Owen, Roberts, & Koch, 2002; Durkin & Houghton, 2000; Forbes, 2001; Hawkes,
Senn, & Thorn, 2004), tattooing as a means for women to create personal significance (Hardin,
1999), and relationships between tattoos and the self (Featherstone, 1999; Firmin, Tse, Foster, &
Angelini, 2008; Giddens, 1991; Preti et al., 2006; Sweetman, 1999). Researchers interested in
tattoos as markers of deviance documented that people with tattoos engaged in criminal behavior,
drug use, substance abuse, promiscuous sex, disordered eating, and exhibited antisocial or psychopathic personalities, and suicidal tendencies (Carroll, Riffenburgh, Roberts, & Myhre, 2002;
Manuel & Sheehan, 2007; Perez-Cotapos & Cossio, 2006; Preti et al., 2006; Roberts & Ryan,
2002). This connection between tattoos and antisocial behaviors has led some authors to suggest
to medical practitioners that heightened awareness is needed when treating a patient with a tattoo
because the presence of a tattoo may be an indicator of psychological issues (Brown, Perlmutter,
& McDermott, 2000).
Sanders (1988) posited that getting a tattoo meant accepting a voluntary social stigma and dissociating oneself from mainstream society. Researchers interested in how people with tattoos are perceived have generally found that tattoos are stigmas. For example, Durkin and Houghton (2000) did
an experiment to examine how children attributed positive, negative, or neutral characteristics to
individuals with tattoos. They presented a series of line drawings of three men who either had or did
not have tattoos and asked 340 children and adolescents between the ages of 6 and 16 to identify
which drawing best fit a positive (proactive), negative (delinquent), or neutral description. They
found that children associated tattooed individuals with delinquent behavior and regarded them
unfavorably.
For women, the outcomes of having a tattoo may be even more stigmatizing than they are for
men. For example, Armstrong et al. (2008) in their research with 196 men and women found that
a primary reason for women to want their tattoo/tattoos removed was negative responses from others. These tattooed women had experienced significantly more negative comments in public, workplace, and school settings than had tattooed men. That same year Resenhoeft, Villa, and Wiseman
(2008) employed an experimental design to study perceptions of women with and without tattoos.
An image of a woman with a tattoo was rated as less fashionable, athletic, attractive, caring, and
intelligent but more creative than a woman without a tattoo. In earlier research, Hawkes, Senn, and
Thorn (2004) examined attitudes of 268 undergraduate students toward women with tattoos. As they
expected, attitudes toward a woman who possessed a tattoo were negative. These researchers
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suggested that attitudes were negative because having a tattoo conflicted with the traditional,
demure, and passive gender role expected of women in Western society.
Not all researchers have found tattoos to be connected with negative perceptions. Manuel and
Sheehan (2007) found no relationship between tattoos and deviance. Men (n ¼ 46) and women
(n ¼ 164) were surveyed to examine their perceptions of tattooed students. Among seven deviant
behavioral measures, there was no significant difference between tattooed and nontattooed students.
Participants shared that tattoos had become mainstream and were no longer markers of deviance.
Similarly, Horne, Knox, Zusman, and Zusman (2007) in their investigation of 400 undergraduates
found that 60% of the men viewed women with tattoos as attractive. Similarly, 71% of the women
viewed men with tattoos as attractive.
As tattoos became prominent, some researchers explored the idea that tattoos were outward
expressions of self (Featherstone, 1999; Giddens, 1991; Kosut, 2000; Pitts, 2003; Sweetman,
1999; Tiggemann & Golder, 2006) or that they symbolized identities as components of self (Atkinson, 2003; Horne et al., 2007; Shelton & Peters, 2006). Stryker (1968) theorized that the self is an
organized structure of identities with certain identities more salient than others at any given time.
Evidence that tattoos symbolize identities comes from research by Shelton and Peters (2006) and
Atkinson (2003). Shelton and Peters found that their participants wanted their tattoos removed
because they perceived them as inconsistent with their identity or identities they wished to present
to others. Similarly, Atkinson (2003) after interviewing 27 tattoo artists and 65 clients found these
tattooed individuals either explicitly or implicitly managed expression of identities through their tattoos, thereby transforming their skin into a social billboard. In his view, tattooing was a prosocial
and rational method of communicating ‘‘normative’’ identities and emotions to others.
As people attribute the greatest sense of self to their own bodies (Prelinger, 1959), it can be
assumed that tattoos are also going to be strongly connected to the self because tattoos are permanent
additions to the skin (Shelton & Peters, 2006). Sweetman (1999) discussed tattoos as a method of
‘‘anchoring’’ one’s unique self as an individual and as an expression of individuality rather than simply a sign one was participating in a trend. Participants in Sweetman’s research shared that after getting tattooed, their self-confidence and sense of uniqueness increased because they had completed an
act of self-creation. Several of his interviewees said they chose custom designs to ensure the uniqueness of their tattoos. In subsequent research, Kosut (2000) argued that tattoos are a form of visual
communication of self. She interviewed eight tattooed men and women and found that tattoos functioned as a basic mark of self-identification and a documentary of the self.
Our view documents that the presentation of a tattoo has been linked to deviant behaviors, may
result in negative social reactions, and may also be viewed as a form of self-expression. The meaning
of tattoos and how they express and shape ideas about the selves of women is important to study not
only because tattoos tell the stories of people’s lives (Benson, 2000; Sweetman, 1999; Soyland,
1997) and offer glimpses into a person’s psyche that provide meaning beyond just decoration (Millner & Eichold, 2001) but also because much of the research about tattoo wearers has focused on
small subgroups or deviant wearers (Carroll, Riffenburgh, Roberts, & Myhre, 2002; Manuel & Sheehan, 2007; Perez-Cotapos & Cossio, 2006; Preti et al., 2006; Roberts & Ryan, 2002).
Method
We used purposive sampling methods to recruit participants. After receiving approval for use of
human subjects in research from our university review board, participants (29%) were recruited
because they were personally acquainted with one of the researchers. These individuals were contacted via e-mail and asked if they were willing to participate. Additional participants (71%) were
recruited by posting signs around a Midwestern university requesting participation in the research. In
these postings, the nature of the research was disclosed and volunteers were asked to contact the
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researchers via e-mail or telephone. The posting indicated researchers were interested in interviewing women over the age of 18 with at least one tattoo. No compensation was offered to participants
outside of the chance to voice their opinions about their tattoo experience.
Individuals were asked to participate in a one-on-one interview comprised of open-ended questions. Interviews took place in a location where it was safe and convenient for researchers and participants such as coffee shops, the university library, or cafeterias. Interviews ranged in length from
25 to 45 min; most lasted about 40 min. The researchers also asked permission to photograph participants’ tattoos. All the interviews were recorded using an audio device. Field notes were also written immediately after each interview noting, among other things, nonverbal expressions (e.g., body
language, tone of voice) of participants.
Data Analysis
Interviews were transcribed by the researchers. Each transcript was read and reviewed 2–3 times to
ensure in-depth understanding of responses. After transcription, data were analyzed using components of phenomenological analysis (Creswell, 2007; Moustakas, 1994). We followed a horizonalization process outlined by Moustakas (1994), wherein every statement is given equal value. We first
went through the data and highlighted significant statements, sentences, or quotes that provided
insights into participants’ lived tattoo experience. Statements irrelevant to the topic were removed
(Moustakas, 1994). Next, clusters of meaning from these significant statements were identified and
grouped into themes (Creswell, 2007). Significant core statements from each theme were extracted.
Finally, researchers created an interpretive description of each theme to capture the essence of
women’s tattoo experience identified therein.
Our key research goal was to better understand tattoo wearers’ experiences with tattooing especially focusing on uncovering relationships between tattoos and ideas about the self. Thus, throughout the analysis we attempted to avoid imposing a priori definitions and understandings on the data.
We endeavored to remain open to the unexpected. Throughout the research, we actively worked to
control our own biases through checking each other’s work, designing open, nonjudgmental interview questions, and presenting findings using the participants’ own words.
Findings
Participant Characteristics
A total of 30 women between the ages of 18 and 38 shared their experiences. Over half of the participants had multiple tattoos (57%) ranging from two to eight. Participants (90%) defined themselves as Caucasian and were undergraduates (70%). More than half obtained their first tattoo
prior to turning 18 (10%) or on their 18th birthday (67%).1 They often had their tattoos planned out
in advance and eagerly awaited their birthday. Most participants spent as long as 5 years forming
ideas about their tattoo and its meaning before they obtained them. The length of time participants
had tattoos ranged from 3 months to 20 years (m ¼ 5 years). Participants were mostly satisfied with
their tattoos and planned to get additional tattoos in the future (87%). One participant, Diane2,
obtained six tattoos within 6 months. She got her first tattoo on her 18th birthday and continued
to purchase tattoos whenever she could afford them.
Tattoo designs were black ink only (55%) for many participants’, although some tattoos were
done in multiple and vibrant colors. Small tattoos (between one and four inches in diameter) were
slightly more common (53%) than large tattoos (more than four inches in diameter). Participants’
tattoos covered a wide array of designs. Common designs included flowers, stars, hearts, and initials.
Some tattoos were religious or mystical symbols; whereas others were evidence of personal interests
such as cartoon characters and rock band symbols. Participants generally favored placing their
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tattoos on areas of the body that could be easily covered with clothing such as ankles (18%), backs
(17%), and hips (14%). Some participants selected placement specifically to control exactly when
their tattoos were visible to others (45%).
Meaning/Meanings of Tattoo
The process of obtaining tattoos and the meanings behind them were multilayered and complex.
Meanings are internal responses people hold for external stimuli (Shimp, 2010, p. 129). For this
research, we considered meaning as the subjective thoughts and feelings participant’s associated
with their tattoos. When participants were asked about the meaning of their tattoo/tattoos, some participants assigned multiple meanings to their tattoos and others assigned a single meaning. Five
themes emerged from participant’s responses and were labeled connection to self, life event,
relationship, spiritual, and no assigned or recognized meaning.
Connection to self. Sanders (1988) suggested that tattoos serve as a form of self-expression because
the implicit and explicit meanings of tattoos become a part of an individual. Consistent with his idea,
we found many participants used tattoos as a medium to express their personal values. For example,
Diane described her third and fourth tattoos as a reminder of her values including having pride and
respect for being a female. To reflect these values, her tattoos were of two females shaped into a
heart located on her left and right chest.
These two are mother and daughter and it is pride and respect for being a female. I got it kind of basically
because I was sick of girls stabbing each other in the back. And it’s kind of a reminder to myself to not do
that. (Diane, age 18)
In addition to values, we found that tattoos represented favorite personal interests. Participants
selected designs that symbolized music of interest, characters from comic books, books read, art
pieces, or animals they liked. This perspective is reflected in Laura’s and Annie’s description of the
meaning of their tattoos. Laura had angel wings and song lyrics tattooed on her upper back and
Annie had Poison Ivy and Harley Quinn, comic book characters, on each of her lower legs.
[The] lyrics are from the song called ‘‘[When] The Angels Sing’’ by Social Distortion, which is a 80s and
90s band, and it’s my favorite song. (Laura, age 20)
They are, um, comic book characters, and I’m a big comic book fan. They both happen to be villains . . .
it’s kind of sad how in comic books strong women are usually portrayed as evil. But they’re both beautiful, and they both have a longstanding relationship in the series. (Annie, age 29)
Life events. Another emergent meaning of tattoos was to denote a past life event. As reflected in
Katherine’s comment, her tattoo served as a memory of her mission trip to India.
A mission trip with my church to India, the summer before senior year, I got the symbol that is my tattoo
as a pendant . . . it’s an Indian Aum, and I wore it all the time. I got it because that trip was still really
important in my mind at that point. Um, I wanted to remember it always. (Katherine, age 26)
Allen explained her two tattoos (scissors with stitch line and two buttons) as physical reminders of a
turning point in her life.
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My second tattoo was when I got accepted to college. So, it meant a lot to me because I was going from
fashion design to textiles, and I didn’t want to lose that pattern making sort of fashion sense that I had.
And, my third tattoo I got when I graduated college. Life changing events, I like to call it. (Allen, age 23)
Relationships. For some participants, their tattoos denoted a relationship with a family member or a
friend. For example, the keyhole on Annie’s inside forearm corresponded with the key her husband
had tattooed on his arm. Each was tattooed at the same time a few months after their wedding. The
comment made by Ellen best describes how her tattoo of a Celtic cross acts as a reminder, a memory
device, of her relationships with her brother and grandmother.
I assign this meaning to this symbol or this object. I take this object, and I deliberately cause a scar which
will not fade, and assignment as sort of red string on the finger memory device. It’s a way to not forget.
Um, my grandmother who I was very fond of recently died, my brother was going away to college, he’s
given me this necklace, she (grandmother) had taken us to Scotland, Celtic cross. (Ellen, age 18)
Spiritual meaning. Tattoos have been traditionally linked to sacred or religious devotion, with the
individual often seeking the protection of spiritual forces in this life and the afterlife (Sanders, 1988).
We also found that spiritual meanings or certain mythical symbols were attributed to tattoos. In this
case, participants thought their tattoo gave them emotional support, strength, and protection. Diane
had a couple of tattoos of Egyptian symbols that represented eternal life and protection. Annie also
had the same two Egyptian symbols (i.e., ankh, Eye of Horus) but the tattoos themselves were rendered very differently. For her the symbols represented insight and knowledge.
It’s an ankh, Egyptian for eternal life. It can also mean paternity or feminism . . . and life in general. It’s
for protection. One of my best friends is in the Marines and left so he wasn’t really there to watch after
me anymore. So it is protection for myself and protection for him being in the Marines. (Diane, age 18)
No assigned meaning. Some participants shared their tattoo held no meaning for them. These participants indicated that their tattoos reflected impulsive behavior. As they talked, they began to construct a meaning for their tattoos. As the following comment made by Mandy demonstrates, having a
tattoo that held no specific meaning for the participant can be very unsatisfying. Even though she
said she was satisfied with her tattoos, her comments suggested otherwise.
There isn’t any deep meaning behind it in mine. As long as it isn’t like visible, then I don’t have a problem with it. It’s that spur of the moment thing, I guess. I don’t regret it [laughs], but I know [laughs] that
is not going to be like my proud moment. I just try to like it. (Mandy, age 19)
Krystal also did not associate any specific meaning with her tattoo. Her rose tattoo on her ankle was
not planned out in advance. She mentioned that she got it because she wanted to experience getting a
tattoo and selected the same design as her college roommate who was getting tattooed at the same
time. She said she now regrets getting this tattoo because it is difficult to hide and many other people
have a tattoo like hers. Although Krystal mentioned that her tattoo held no specific meaning for her,
she may not be recognizing the meaning she has assigned to her tattoo, that is, a marker of her impulsive behavior.
I have no clue. My best friend Allie, she decided [the design], which is like, fine, whatever. Especially
when I was 18, it was just like, ‘‘Oh, I can do this now, and so I should.’’ Nothing beyond that really. I
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think the impulsiveness, too, is another thing that I think about when I look at them or remember
them . . . I only thought it was cool for, like a week [laughs]. Bad idea . . . mine is silly. (Krystal, age 25)
Meaning Change
Life transitions. Motivation to change the meaning/meanings of tattoos stemmed from undergoing
life transitions such as going to college, getting a new job, or getting married as well as a need to
reinterpret an impulsive act. Undergoing transitions suggest the addition of new identities as components of self or new social roles. Shelton and Peters (2006) indicated undergoing important life
events changes how a person views herself/himself. When people view themselves differently, they
may also reassess their tattoos. This reassessment process may result in continued satisfaction with
the tattoo and associated meanings or could result in dissatisfaction perhaps because the tattoo is no
longer consistent with the new identity or aspect of self. Horne et al. (2007) found that women were
more likely than men to acknowledge the meaning of their tattoos might change over time. Horne
reasoned this was because women project themselves into future roles (e.g., mother) and feel that
their tattoos may become liabilities. Consistent with this reasoning is research by Sheldon and Peters
(2006) who found that when their participants entered into new social roles (e.g., fatherhood), they
often were dissatisfied with their tattoos and had them removed in order to separate themselves from
unwanted previous social roles or identities. Rather than remove their tattoos, our participants were
interested in reinterpreting the meaning of their tattoos or assigning new meanings as a method to
reconcile differences between previous identities and new ones.
As a result of life transitions, the meaning of a tattoo could change to an entirely different meaning or layers of meaning could be added to an original meaning. For example, Laura first got her
tattoo to indicate a personal belief (e.g., she will be straight edge3) but since transitioning to college
the meaning changed to being a reminder of a past belief.
Now that I’m older, I drink and things like that, and my friends joke, because I drink a lot but,
um . . . Yeah, definitely they changed meaning but they also remind me. Like I said before, they are thing
from my past and things that I’m proud of, and I don’t regret any of them. (Laura, age 20)
Reinterpretation of an impulsive act. Changes in meanings were also attributed to participants’
desire to feel better about their tattoos. Krystal’s experience with her tattoo epitomizes this type
of change. Originally her rainbow tattoo, selected from a display on the wall of the tattoo shop,
had no specific meaning outside of reflecting a shared impulsive experience with her girl friends
during college and being free to indulge her whims. Now that two of her family members (father,
aunt) have announced they are homosexual, the rainbow tattoo represents her support of gay
rights. Although Krystal’s newly assigned meaning supports her father’s sexual identity, her father
disapproved of her tattoos.
I’m kind of all about gay rights . . . my dad is homosexual, and so is my aunt . . . and I’m not, but, I’m
down with it, and the rainbow kind of represents that. Oh, but I didn’t think of it at the time [when she got
the tattoo]. I just thought it was pretty then. (Krystal, age 25)
Tattoo and the Self
Most of the participants connected their tattoos to some aspect of their self (82%). They used
expressions such as ‘‘reflection of myself’’ or ‘‘it represents me’’ when they talked about their
tattoos. Previous researchers also found tattoos were considered markers of individuality (Antoszewski et al., 2009; Sweetman, 1999), forms of personal expression (Shelton & Peters, 2006), and
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statements of ‘‘who I am’’ (Horne et al., 2007; Kosut, 2000). Asia and Katie both exemplify this
relationship to their tattoos.
It is, like, another form of expression. Um, like it represents for me, like, my heritage. I think it represents
a lot of, like, the person or what made me the person I am now . . . a lot more about my past to get me to
the point where I am . . . when I got the tattoo and where I am now. (Asia, age 18)
I think I just wanted something to represent me, to make me an individual because, I don’t know, my dad
did call me a conformist. But, I just feel like it’s just something that I’ve always kind of wanted to do, to
express myself and to have something meaningful on me. (Katie, age 18)
Since their tattoos represented who they are, they favored designs that reminded them of what they
valued, their interests, or their heritage. Ronda was a 20-year-old college student who is a Native
American. She picked a flower tribe symbol. She said in Native American society, the main belief
is strength, and therefore, her tattoo meant strength. It was a cultural symbol for her representing who
she is and what she believes in.
It reminds me where I come from. It defines who I am. You don’t wear traditional clothes anymore, so it
is to show who you are, and it is always there on your body in contrast to jewelry which is not part of you.
Tattoo becomes a secret thing to yourself. It’s a good comfort to be there for myself. (Ronda, age 20)
Annie also shared that her tattoos represented who she was and that getting colorful tattoos made her
feel vibrant.
I have a lot of different interests, because of like my Egyptian symbols on me and the music that
I’m interested in or what I read or how I feel as a person, and yeah, because it says a lot about who
I am to people. I’m starting to get more color now because I think I can be more vibrant. (Annie,
age 29)
Tattoos and Inconsistencies With Self—Dissatisfaction
The self is not fixed in time but is constantly negotiated and renegotiated in interaction with others during one’s lifetime (Howson, 2004). As noted previously, Shelton and Peters (2006) found
that individuals underwent tattoo removal choosing to dispose of a product that was not compatible with his or her sense of self. Similarly, we found that dissatisfaction with tattoos and wanting to remove tattoos were associated with unwanted former identities or self-views. Some
participants shared that they were dissatisfied with their tattoos or altered their tattoos because
these tattoos were reminders of earlier views of self that conflicted with current views. Sonia, for
example, described her first tattoo, a Star of David, as a mistake and wanted it removed. A friend
freehanded the tattoo during a rebellious period in her life while she was in a rehabilitation facility. In Sonia’s mind the tattoo signaled immaturity and defiance, traits she no longer used to
describe herself.
The first one, I wanted it for rebellion. I think it was to be rebellious. I feel like it was a mistake. It’s just
something that I want it to be covered up. [laughs] Like I’d said, I cleaned up part of it so basically for me
it’s a maturity thing. Like, I’m competent, and I’m going to college and being educated, and I feel that
before people didn’t look at me. They looked at me as adolescent being immature, you know, being
rebellious and so um . . . now that’s why I changed as much as I did. (Sonia, age 22)
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Cindy was the one of the oldest participants we interviewed and had eight tattoos. She had altered
and removed her tattoos so many times that she could not keep track. She said five of her tattoos had
been removed and some of them were covered with different designs. She altered four of her tattoos
from angels to fairies after becoming sober. After sobriety, her spiritual beliefs changed. She then
changed her angel tattoos to fairies. This change represented her journey and parting from her past
addictions.
I decided to change them [angels] to fairies probably when I became sober. Spiritually speaking,
angels reflect more serious part of your journey, and fairies kind of take care of day to day aspect.
So getting sober, I was more living day to day and, you know, moment to moment sometimes. And
just staying in the present and where it’s at and got difficult so . . . and, you know, it’s also talking
where I was in time, in my journey with my addiction as well as my journey as a parting. So, it’s
very much a part of my path and who I am in my journey .You know, I altered some of them but,
um, I think they make my experience add up to who I am today. And without them I wouldn’t be
who I am today. (Cindy, age 38)
Changes in Self-Perception and Behavior
The act of obtaining tattoos resulted in a change in how participants viewed themselves and caused
some behavioral changes. Some participants (30%) mentioned that as a result of their tattoo they
gained confidence and experienced changes in their self-perceptions. Sally’s experience reflected
this idea as she described her tattoo as a life changing experience. ‘‘I felt I was finally in a moment
where I had control of my life. I see myself as a more confident and autonomous person who exerts
control over my own decisions and behavior.’’
In addition to gaining confidence, some participants felt empowerment after obtaining their tattoos as exemplified in Annie’s experience.
It’s, um, kind of an empowerment, something really strong. Something that, a girl normally wouldn’t
have on them. It’s a little red skull and a black heart. (Annie, age 29)
Most participants stated they did not care what others thought about their tattoos (76%). However,
participants said after tattooing they become aware of what they wore, using clothing to highlight or
hide their tattoos according to the situation they were in. These seemingly conflicting statements are
consistent with findings by Horne et al. (2007), who found their participants reported they got their
tattoo for their own satisfaction but were concerned about what others thought of their overall
appearance. For our participants, it may have been that their not caring about what others thought
was directly tied to their ability to control who the audience was for their tattoos.
Goffman (1959) claimed people seek to maximize or minimize visibility of information, in order to
present themselves in a desirable way according to context. Some participants wore clothing items to
highlight their tattoos. For example, Kerrie has a big bear with a North Star tattoo on her right ankle
and she feels confident wearing shorts or capris to show off her tattoo. She also claimed that she could
choose to wear long pants to cover the tattoo completely in some situations. Ally also stated that she is
careful about what she buys and wears after getting a Virgin Mary tattoo on her back.
Um, like in some days when I’m wearing a dress, I try to show it off a little bit. Ah. . .it’s part of it right
now because sometimes I won’t buy a shirt or something if it cuts off my tattoo in a weird way . . . Like,
this doesn’t even look good. And, like, I do wear things some days . . . I feel like today is a tattoo [day].
(Ally, age 18)
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For Laura, her visible tattoos served as a means to attract others to her. She acknowledged that having tattoos made it easy to meet people that she was compatible with and she credited her tattoos as
the method for meeting her boyfriend.
Um, my goal was always to attract other people that are like me. I am looking for shirts that will show
off my tattoo if I’m in a place I feel like it is acceptable to show my tattoo and things like that. I like
when people see it because I, I think it is really cool, talking about my back tattoo. I think it’s really
pretty, and I, I know that I really enjoy seeing other people’s tattoos, so I feel like people seeing my
tattoos, like, I make some[one], you know, feel the same way that I feel when I see other people’s tattoos. (Laura, age 20)
In Brittany’s case, she used to dislike her feet and was embarrassed to expose her feet in public.
However, after getting a vine tattoo on her right foot, she was unconcerned about revealing her feet
and is planning to get a tattoo on her other foot as well.
I can say like I tend not to like my feet that much. Having a tattoo on my foot, it’s really cool. Like, now I
don’t mind it as much. It’s there, and I’m hoping sometimes in the next six months I’ll probably get one
on the other foot, too. It’s kind of the aesthetic thing that makes me kind of not dislike my feet so much.
Feet, in general, I feel are kind of weird. But I love, like, [laughs] wearing sandals. And I feel like, when
I’m going outside or whatever, well, I’m not too concerned of my skin because there is actually a design
there. I kind of like that. (Brittany, age 22)
Previous researchers have demonstrated that for some people tattoos are indicators of engagement in
deviant behaviors (Aizenman & Jensen, 2007; Durkin & Houghton, 2000) and, as a result, are social
stigmas (Sanders, 1988). It is not too surprising then that in some situations participants used their
clothing to hide their tattoos. For example, participants were concerned and cautious not to reveal
their tattoos in front of disapproving family members. Kristin has a heart tattoo on her lower hip.
Her parents disapproved of her getting it and when her parents found out she had it, they decided
to discontinue their financial support of her college education. When she is with her parents, Kristin
hides her tattoo.
When I am home, I still live with my parents, so I’ll wear, like, ones [clothes] that actually cover it.
Granny panties or whatever. Because I know that they really don’t want to see it. (Kristin, age 20)
In a conservative place or situation such as a job interview, participants shared they routinely wore
clothes that covered their tattoos. Cindy shared her job interview experience and said she had tried to
cover her tattoos that were on her both right and left wrists while having an interview with the head
of a department.
Well when I got this one, I was working at a pretty conservative place. I did my best to wear sleeves a
little bit longer. When I just started teaching, I remember talking to the head of the department and, um, I
felt like she had seen them, and I was kind of embarrassed by it. It’s kind of like status thing, even though
she was super friendly but her status was . . . [higher than mine] (Cindy, age 38)
Discussion
Our findings provide new insights of young women’s experiences after getting a tattoo and the
meanings they linked to their tattoos. Similar to Radley (1995), we found tattoos were reminders
of personal experiences. For most of our participants, tattoos were more than simple acts of
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decorating the body. These participants assigned a range of thoughtfully constructed meanings to
their tattoos that were connected to self, life events, relationships, and to spirituality. For some participants, however, tattoos had no specific meaning and they shared they had no intention of applying any meanings to their tattoos. These participants were often dissatisfied with their tattoos and
referred to their decision to obtain a tattoo as a mistake. We recognize, however, that they eventually
assigned a meaning to their tattoos by describing them as the result of a whim and a reminder of their
impulsive behavior.
Our study contributes to the literature primarily by focusing on women and their tattoo experiences uncovering relationships between tattoos and ideas about the self. The majority of participants
indicated that their tattoo/tattoos were reflective of their personal values, interests, and their heritage. This finding is consistent with those of previous researchers’ who found that tattoos were outward expressions of self and that people used tattoos to declare who they are (Atkinson, 2003;
Featherstone, 1999; Giddens, 1991; Kosut, 2000; Pitts, 2003; Sweetman, 1999).
Individual selves and bodies are not static but are subject to change over a person’s lifetime (Kosut,
2000). Our research demonstrated the meaning of tattoos is dynamic. Because selves change over a
lifetime, the selection of a relatively permanent form of dress to communicate an aspect of self can
be problematic. If someone selects a tattoo to communicate an aspect of self at one stage in life (age
18) and then matures and experiences new life events that result in changes to self, they may find the
original meaning of the tattoo is no longer compatible with their current self. If this was the case, participants went through a type of negotiation or revision process where new meaning/meanings were
added to tattoos or entirely different meanings were developed that replaced original meanings. Thus,
unlike forms of dress where meanings are relatively stable (e.g., wedding rings, uniforms), the meaning of many tattoos appeared to evolve over time. This seemed especially to be the case when the tattoo
held personal and private meanings. In contrast, when the tattoo held a widely shared meaning (e.g.,
Star of David) and this meaning was incompatible with ideas about the self, some participants wanted
to have their tattoo removed or altered. This finding is consistent with Shelton and Peters (2006) who
found that tattooed individuals engaged in tattoo removal to separate from an undesired aspect of self.
Tattoos also resulted in changes to self-perceptions and changes in behaviors. Consistent with
Sweetman (1999), we found participant’s self-confidence increased after getting tattooed. After
going through the painful procedure of obtaining a tattoo, participants noted feeling both empowered
and that they had completed an act of self-creation. Participants also indicated that having tattoos on
their bodies affected clothing styles purchased and worn. In making clothing selections, they often
considered the interaction between the clothing item and their tattoos so that a clothing style did not
interfere with the presentation of their tattoo. Interestingly, for some participants tattoos became a
concrete criterion that possessors used to judge or evaluate their own behaviors. This finding suggests that once tattooed these individuals monitored themselves so that their behavior was consistent
with the meaning of their tattoos.
Many of our participants acknowledged that it was important to get tattoos in areas of their bodies
that could be concealed with clothing. This finding supports Goffman’s (1959) ideas about the relationship between dress and self-presentation. Participants made rational decisions about tattoo location so that they could control which others (audiences) would have access to this cue and have the
opportunity to make inferences using it. Unlike men, who Howson (2004) noted often locate their
tattoos in public areas of the body that are constantly displayed, our participants had a desire to control who had access to this dress cue.
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research
Our research has limitations. Some of our participants volunteered to participate after encountering
posted signs soliciting participation while others volunteered as a result of receiving an e-mail
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invitation. Using these recruitment techniques may have unknowingly introduced a bias based
toward individuals who have certain personality characteristics. For example, extroverts may be
more likely to volunteer for research when recruited by posted signs than introverts. Agreeable individuals may be more responsive to participation in general than nonagreeable individuals. Our
access to participants depended heavily on the cooperation of participants. Thus, our findings may
be applicable to only those individuals who are confident and receptive to sharing their experiences
with others and encountered our invitation to participate in the research.
Tattoos are an increasingly important aspect of dressing the body for young women. We focused
on relationships between tattoos as one form of dress and the self, what tattoos mean to the people
who get them, how individuals viewed themselves after getting tattooed, and how tattoos change
their behaviors. We suggest a longitudinal study on how tattoos influence changes in selfperception across the wearer’s lifespan. For example, it would be interesting to see how women
in their 20s will perceive themselves and their tattoos when they are in their 40s and in their 70s.
It would also be interesting for future researchers to investigate how this aspect of dressing the body
affects relationships with others and how the meanings of tattoos are negotiated with others. Future
researchers could investigate the inferences of diverse individuals about women with tattoo/tattoos
and whether these inferences interfere with the ability to achieve goals both in the workplace and in
other important relationships. How the practice of tattooing relates to other important personality
characteristics (e.g., self-monitoring, self-objectification) would also be a contribution to the
extant literature.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Notes
1. Eighteen is the legal age to obtain a tattoo without parental consent.
2. To ensure confidentiality, all names reported are pseudonyms.
3. Straight edge is a subculture of hardcore punk whose adherents refrain from using alcohol, tobacco, and
other recreational drugs.
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Bios
Jung Mee Mun is a PhD candidate in the retail merchandising program at the University of Minnesota. Her
area of emphasis is in consumer studies and retailing. Her current research interests are focused on consumer
behavior relating to technology and social psychology of dress.
Kristy A. Janigo earned her MA in Design, Apparel Studies from the University of Minnesota. Her research
focuses on sustainable fashion and functional clothing. She is the Lead Faculty of Fashion Design at Art Institutes International, Minnesota. Previously, she worked as an apparel technical designer for a Fortune 500
company.
Kim K. P. Johnson is a professor in the Retail Merchandising Program within the College of Design at the
University of Minnesota. Her teaching and research interests are in the content areas of the social psychology
of dress and consumer behavior as it relates to apparel.
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