1 HE STRUCTURALPARADOX:
MOCHECULTUREAS POLITICALIDEOLOGY
GarthBawden
In this article I demonstrate the utility of an historical study of social change by examining the development of political
authority on the Peruvian north coast during the Moche period throughits symbols of power. Wetoo often equate the material record with "archaeological culture,^^
assume that it reflects broad cultural realityXand interpretit by reference to general evolutionary models. Here I reassess Moche society within its historic context by examining the relationship between
underlying social structure and short-termprocesses that shaped Moche political formation, and reach very differentconclusions. I see the "diagnostic" Moche material recordprimarily as the symbolic manifestationof a distinctivepolitical ideology whose character was historically constituted in an ongoing cultural tradition.Aspiring rulers used ideology to manipulate culturalprinciples in their interests and thus mediate the paradox between exclusive power and holistic Andean social
structure which created the dynamicfor change. A historic study allows us to identify the symbolic and ritual mechanisms
that socially constituted Moche ideologyXand reveals a pattern of diversity in time and space that was the product of differential choice by local rulers, a pattern that cannot be seen within a theoretical approach that emphasizesgeneral evolutionary or materialistfactors.
En este articulo demuestrola ventaja de un estudio historico sobre la integraciony el cambio social, a traves de un examen
del caracter del poder politico en la costa norte del Peru duranteel periodo Moche. Con demasiadafrecuencia equiparamos
el registro material con "las culturas arqueologicas "; asumimos que este refleja la realidad cultural amplia y la interpretamos con referencia a modelos evolutivos generales. En este articulo presento una evaluacion de la arqueologia Moche dentro de su contexto historico, al examinar la relacion entre la estructurasocial subyacente y procesos de corta duracion que
modelaron la formacion politica Moche, y llego a conclusiones muy diferentes. Veoa la arqueologia Moche solamente como
la manifestacionde una ideologia politica distintiva cuyo caracterfue historicamenteconstituida dentrode una tradicion cultural continua. El elemento que dio forma a la ideologia Mochefue su cimiento basicamente andino, establecido en el contexto regional de la costa nortena. Los aspirantes a gobernantes emplearonla ideologia para manipularlos principios estructurales tradicionales en su propio interes y asi mediar la paradoVaentre el poder exclusivo y la estructurasocial holistica
andina que constituyo la dinamica de cambio. Un estudio historico nos permite identificar los mecanismos rituales y simbolicos que socialmente constituyeronla ideologia Moche, y revela un modelo de diversidad en tiempoy espacio que no se
puede ver dentro de una perspectiva teorica basada en la teoria evolutiva general.
Scholars
are increasinglyaware that the
structureunderlyingearlyAndeansocial
complexityincorporated
a distinctivepatternof structuring
principles(e.g., Moseleyand
Cordy-Collins1990; Netherly 1984; Zuidema
1986).However,the implicationsof this insight
for understanding
social developmenthave not
been thoroughlyexplored,especially for preInkaicsocieties.In these cases, generalmodels
of culturalevolutionoften providethe theoretical framework
for socialexplanation.Suchmod-
els emphasizeincreaseof managerialcomplexity, and generalmaterialcausesof change.This
approachtends to deflect study from mechanisms of social integrationand changethat are
mentally constructedin the specific cultural
experienceof a society (e.g., Ohnuki-Tierney
1990).It has been so with the Moche"culture"
of the Peruviannorth coast (Figure 1), often
describedas a chiefdomor embryonicstate.In
this studyI view Moche sociopoliticalintegration as a productof a distinctiveculturaltradi-
Garth Bawden * Director, Maxwell Museum of Anthropology,and Professor, Departmentof Anthropology,University of
New Mexico, Albuquerque,NM 87131
Latin AmericanAntiquity,6(3), 1995, pp. 255-273.
Copyrightt by the Society for AmericanArchaeology
255
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256
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995
Figure
1. Map of the Peruvian north coast
region with principal sites mentioned in text
and the southern limit of
Moche
political influence in the Moche III-IV and
Moche V phases.
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Bawden]
257
MOCHECULTURE
AS POLITICAL
IDEOLOGY
tion, and I explorethe structuraldynamicsthat
determinedits development.
|
CO LONIAL
1500
Models of Moche Political Development
Althoughrecentfieldwork(AARG1993a,1993b;
Alva 1988, 1990; Donnan and Cock 1986;
Shimada 1976, 1978, 1990; Tschauner1993;
Wilson 1983, 1988) and iconographicresearch
(Castillo 1989; Cordy-Collins1992; Donnan
1978, 1988;Donnanand Castillo1992;Donnan
andMcClelland1979;Hocquenghem
1981,1987;
McClelland1990;Quilter1990;Schuster1992)is
modifying the database, the developmental
schemefortheEarlyIntermediate
PeriodPeruvian
northcoast (Figure2) still dependslargelyon
ceramicand settlementanalysisgeneratedfrom
the Moche-Chicama-Viru
"core area"(Bawden
1982a;Beck 1991; Donnanand Mackey1978;
Fogel1993;HastingsandMoseley1975;Kroeber
1925, 1926; Larco 1938, 1939, 1945; Moseley
1975; Moseley and Mackey 1974;Topic 1982;
Willey1953).As withmoststyle-basedchronologies, the Mochesequence(MocheI-V:Figure2)
emphasizestemporaldisjuncture,whereasthe
wide projectionof ideas derivedfrom a "core
area"imposesanunrealpatternof spatialunity.
Thetraditional
modeldescribesMochesociety
as evolving from antecedentGallinazoculture
aroundA.D. 1 to 100 (Figure2; see Fogel 1993
fora somewhatlaterdate),andin MocheIIItimes
establishing a conquest state supported by
exploitationof labor,intensiveagricultural
production,and monopolizationof trade(Shimada
1987;Topic 1982; Willey 1953;Wilson 1988).
Afterrecoveringfrommajorecologicaldisruption
aroundA.D.600 attheendof MocheIV (Moseley
andDeeds 1982;Niles at al. 1979;Shimadaet al.
1991),the statecollapsedaroundA.D. 750 (e.g.,
Shimada1990).As is commonin studiesof early
society,the schemesketchedin theforegoingsentences associateschangewith materialagencies
thatactthroughfunctionalist
or adaptiveprocesses to producea seriesof definablesocial stages.
The valueof suchstudiesin creatingourcurrent
databasesis clear,but they have been less successfulin identifyingdynamicsof socialintegrationandchange.
Newerevolutionary
theoriesfocusmuchmore
on the structureof political systems and the
COLONIAL PERIOD
LATE HORIZON
INCA
LATE
INTERISIEDIATE
PE R IOD
CHI ISIU
1000
1
181
IDDLE
HORIZON
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
V
lV
181
OCH E
500
@s
EAR LY
INTERISIEDIATE
PERIOD
ll
G AL Ll N AZO
A. D .
-
B. C.
SALI
NAR
500
E A R LY
HORI ZON
CUPISNIQUE
1000
INIT IA L PE RIOD
1500
Figure 2. Chronology of north coast archaeological cultures.
natureof the powerthattheyembody(e.g., Earle
1991a; Uphaml 990a).Despitegrowingrecognition of variability,however,conceptsof social
typology continueto influence such research.
Whileacceptingtheimportance
of ideologyin the
formationandmaintenance
of politicalsystems,
these approachesultimatelyregardideologyas
themeansby whichelitesexploittheirpower,and
theycontinueto ascribethe basisof politicalformationto the materialdomain(Claessenandvan
de Velde 1987, 1991; Daggett 1987; D'Altroy
1992; Earle 1991a; Earle and D'Altroy 1989;
Friedman
andRowlands1978;Gregg1991;Haas
1982;Haaset al. 1987;Hastorf1990,1993;Isbell
1987;JohnsonandEarle1987;Kristiansen1991;
Patterson1991;Upham1990b).
Theutilityof evolutionary
viewsis increasingly being questioned (e.g., Bawden 1989;
Brumfield1992;Demarest1989;Hodder1986;
Leonardand Jones 1987;Paynter1989;Roscoe
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258
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995
1993;ShanksandTilley1987;Wylie1989;Yoffee negotiation in the social
arena, reflexively
1993).Thereis no need to reviewthis criticism changesit (Giddens1979, 1984).
In the political
fully here, but threepoints are relevantto this domainsuchnegotiationusually
occursbetween
study.First,theuse of socialcategories,no matter conflictinginterests,a dialectic
interaction
thatis
how sophisticated,
inclinesthe scholarto investi- an important
dynamicin socialchange.
gateintegration
andchangeby referenceto crossAndeansocialorderis embeddedin a structurculturalsimilarity.This approachdownplaysthe al traditiondefinedby kinshipprinciples.
Here
importance
of uniquedevelopment.
Second,func- suchfactorsas affinityto mythicalfounder,ancestionalmodels,still influentialin Andeanstudies, tralreverence,andemphasison community
memassumesystemicequilibriumas the objectiveof bershipdefinestatus,strengthen
socialcohesion,
evolutionandprogressive
complexityas theadap- andimpedeintergroup
politicalintegration.
At the
tivemechanism
by whichthisis achieved.Historic basiccommunity
levelauthority
is exercisedmore
eventsthatupsetbalanceareviewedas anomalies throughconsensusthanthroughexclusivepolitical
andinsignificantin widerevolutionary
terms.
follllation.Consequently,
elite power,by definiThethirdpoint,whichis especiallyrelevantto tionexclusivein nature,mustbe constructed
withmy study,is the tendencyto base evolutionary in a contextthat innatelyresistsit; this
creates
models on the relatively accessible material structural
paradoxbetweenwhathavebeen aptly
aspectsof humanculture.Althoughfew scholars termed holistic and individualizingideology
woulddeny the role of materialagencies,their (Bloch1992;Dumont1980,1986).It followsthat
frequentuse as the explanatorydeterminants
of the greaterthe paradox,the greaterthe potential
social integrationand changehas obscuredthe fordisruption
shouldsocialstressimperiltheabilimportanceof less tangiblefactorsthat derive ity of elitesto sustaintheirposition.
from the specific culturalexperienceof each
Withinthe greaterAndeantraditionthe Inka
humangroup.Prominentamongsuchfactorsare maskedpowerbehindan ideologygroundedin
thestructurally
basedideologicalsystemsthrough principlesof genealogyandancestryby presentwhich interestgroups negotiatetheir political ing themselvesas a seniorkinshipgroup(Bauer
advancement.
In this paperI explorethe role of 1992;ConradandDemarest1984;Urton1990).
thestructuraland ideologicalaspectsof society Netherly's(1984, 1990;also Zuidema1990)ethduringtheMocheperiod,andreassessthehistoric nohistoricstudyof the Chimusuccessorsof the
development
andpoliticaldynamicsthatcharac- Mochesuggeststhattheywereorganizedaccordterizedthe northcoastat thistime.
ing to an extendedsegmentarysystem within
whichmoieties of unequalstatus were nested
TheAndeanBasis of North Coast Social
hierarchically
by rulesof asymmetrical
dualorgaStructure
nizationwhile they retainedtheirinternalsocial
Structure
embodiesthe innatecomplexof shared integrity.
Giventhe persistenceof Andeansocial
valuesandrulesthatdefinesgrouppsychologyor strategies
it is quitelikelythat,despitethe impact
"worldview,"
the relationsbetweengroupmem- ofconquest,thispatterngenerallyreflectsearlier
bers,andtheresponsibilities
associatedwithsuch structure.
InboththeInkaandtheChimucasethe
relations.It thereforesets the parametersfor structural
foundationsof integrationembodied
socialaction.Structure
is historicallyconstituted, paradoxbetween holistic and individualizing
andat its broadestextentdefinestheworld'sgreat forcesthat inhibitedformationof strong,longcultural
traditions.
Withinthisbroadlysharedher- lastingpoliticalentities and ensuredthat their
itage,specific culturalhistoriesdescribetheir components
would revertto autonomousexisownvariants.Two importantpoints should be tencewiththe removalof the superstructure.
made:
first,althoughstructure
shapes,it doesnot
I assumethatthe structureof earliersocieties
determine
social actionby groupor individual wasalso embeddedin traditional
Andeanprincibecause
a rangeof alternativeactionsis applica- plesandthatMocheelites,like theirChimusucbleto any situation;second,and closelyrelated, cessors,
facedthechallengeof creatingindividualaction
is not onlyconstitutedin structure,
but,by izingpowerwithina holistic culturalmilieu. I
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MOCHECULTURE
AS POLITICAL
IDEOLOGY
Bawden]
stress,however,thatalthoughthesebroader
principles providedthe conceptualcontextfor Moche
politicalformation,they couldnot determineits
specificstrategiesor course.Thesespecificswere
theproductsof discretedecisionsbywhichMoche
elites createda paradoxicaldynamicof social
changein whichan ideologyof powerservedto
mediatestructure
andpoliticalenhancement.
259
the constructionof power.Ethnohistory
reveals
thatInkarulersconsciouslytranslated
traditional
conceptsinto ideologiesof authorityin orderto
surmountthe constraining
effectsof local belief
systems(Conradand Demarest1984; Patterson
1991; Urton 1990). Similarly,archaeological
researchrevealsthe importanceof ideological
manipulation
of conceptsof descentandkinship
by Chimurulers(Conrad1981,1990). Theseideologies employedritual enactmentof mythic
eventsandprocessesthatunderlaygroupintegrationas the meansof maintaining
socialorder.By
conductingtheserituals,rulersandtheirpolitical
orderidentifiedthemselveswiththetranscendentalqualityof mythandthesocialpermanence
that
it fostered.
Materialsymbolsplayedactive roles in the
above-mentioned
politicalprocess.Symbolsare
activeforcesin ordering,interpreting,
evenreconstitutingreality,andresolvesocialcontradictions
by permittinghumansto forge links with the
structuralevents that give them groupidentity
(Kurtz1982:203). Suchdiversesymbolsas dress,
regalia,religiousandfuneraryparaphernalia,
ritual iconography,
monumental
publicart,andthe
architectural
contextsof powerall actto articulate
humanleadershipwiththe structural
foundations
of society.By so doing,materialsymbolismconfersbothmundaneandsupernatural
statuson elite
leaders,closely identifiesthemwiththe foundationsof socialorder,andlegitimizestheirexercise
of power.
Ideologyand Power
Variousoverlapping
meaningsareascribedto ideology in social studies (e.g., Althusser1971;
Bloch 1983; Bourdieu 1977; Conrad and
Demarest1984;Demarest1989; 1992;Eagleton
199l; Friedmanand Rowlands1978; Giddens
1979; Gilman 1989; Godelier 1978a, 1978b;
ShanksandTilley1987;Valeri1990).I focushere
on ideologyas themeansbywhichtheinterestsof
certaingroupsare promotedrelativeto others
throughtheperceivedresolutionof socialopposition, oftenwithrecourseto divinesanction(e.g.,
Foucault1984;Gero 1985;Giddens1979, 1981;
Godelier1988:149-168;Gordon1980;Gramsci
1971;Handsmanand Leone 1989;Leone et al.
1987;Tilley 1989).In helpingto sustaininequality, ideologyentersthe domainof politicalrelations.Althoughinitiallyactivelycreated,ideology, if successful,becomespartof structureand
embodiesthe beliefsof its culturalcontextwhile
it is continuallyreconstituted
as a dynamicmechanlsmot power.
It is important
to realizethatsocietyis always
in a stateof transition.Internaltension,whether
betweenthe forces and relationsof production, ReassessingUniformityand Diversityin the
MochePeriod
competingviews of social order,or individual
interestrelativeto thatof widerinstitutions,
spurs Moche "culture"traditionallyhas been largely
negotiationand change.Ideologyas both cause understoodthrougharchaeological
researchcenandproductof socialimbalancecannotultimate- tered in the Moche and Chicamavalleys.The
ly possessgreaterinherentstabilitythanthe con- resultingscenariosees a discretearchaeological
ditionsit seeksto disguise.Hence,it is constantly culturesucceedingGallinazoin this restricted
adjustingto changingsituations,whetherto main- "corearea,"and laterspreadingthroughoutthe
tain the positionof the privileged,to confront region as the materialexpressionof a unified
opposingideologies,or to mediatechallengeby state.My reassessment
of the evidencedrasticalthosewhomit seeksto subordinate.
Whenit can ly modifiesthisviewby suggestingthattherewas
no longerresolvethe contradictions
presentedby no disruptionin the northcoastculturaltradition
such situationalchallenges,breakdownin social duringthe EarlyIntermediate
Period.Thecharacprocessoccurs.
teristicMochematerialcomplexwas actuallythe
IntheAndeanpoliticaldomainit appearsclear symbolicmanifestation
of an influentialpolitical
thatelitesusedideologyas a vitalmechanismfor ideologythatwas differentially
adoptedby local
.
>
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260
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995
groups;northcoasthistoryof the Mocheperiod complexes.Exclusiveuseof religious
iconography
wasthereforefarless uniformthansupposed.
in contextsof corporate
authority
andformalreligionclearlyidentifiesit as a symboliccomponent
Gallinazo-MocheContinuity
of power.Continuity
in manyotheraspectsof reliA briefsummaryof thearchaeology
of Gallinazo- gious and corporatepracticesuggests,however,
Moche transitionsuggeststhat regionalculture thatMocheiconography
andits relatedelitebelief
remainedessentiallyunchanged.It is difficultto systemwereoutgrowths
of existingculturalcondistinguish Gallinazo from Moche platform ception,not culturalreplacements.
It followsthat
moundsby form (Kroeber1930:77;Lumbreras theartcomplexthathastraditionally
beenregard1973:100;Moseley 1992:165; StrongandEvans ed as markingMoche"culture"
actuallypossessed
1952;Wilson1988:151),by construction
because its greatestsignificanceas the symbolismof a
theysharethesegmentary
techniquethatsuggests politicalideologygrowingout of the culturaltracommunity-basedlabor organization(Bennett ditionthatformedits continuingcontextandgave
1950:68;Moseley 1975:183; Willey 1953:163), t meanlng.
orby sitecontextbecausetheygenerallysharethe
North CoastDiversityduringthe Early
"ceremonialcenter"configuration(Fogel 1993;
Topic1982:165).Inagriculture,
MochePeriod
theextensiveirrigationsystemsthatsupported
Mochepopulations Havingnarrowedthe meaningof elite Moche
derivedfrom majorGallinazo-phase
expansion materialcultureto an ideologyof power,I now
(Willey1953).Significantsettlementdisjunction proposeto examineits emergenceand developbetweenthe phaseswas limitedto the southern ment.TheearliestMochestylisticphaseis found
valleys (Willey 1953;Wilson 1988), a situation farmorewidelythanemphasison corearea
diswhosecausesI discusslater.
tributionwouldsuggest.Mostprominentamong
Other aspects of Gallinazo-Mochematerial numerous"peripheral"
appearancesis the far
culturealso displaycontinuity.Utilitarianceram- northVicuscomplex(Figure1), whereearlypotics are almost identical,and elite potteryalso tery(Larco1966b;Lumbreras1979)and
ornate
sharesmanyformalfeatures(e.g., Collier1955; metalitems(Jones1979;Lechtman1979)appear
Larco1966a;Lumbreras1973:106;Strongand in the looted LomaNegra cemeteries,together
Evans1952;see especiallyFogel1993).Inmetal- withceramicfeaturesthatsuggestdistantconneclurgy,copper-gold
alloy,thebasisof Mochetech- tions with Ecuador(Guffroy 1989; Kaulicke
nology,became popularin the earlier period 1991; Lumbreras1973:149)and the Peruvian
(Bennett1950:101-103;Donnan and Mackey southerncoast (Larco1966a:63-64).The Vicus
1978:45-54;Strongand Evans 1952:71,73). In Mochestyle (Lumbreras1979:119-144)is disthereligiousdomaintherearemanycontinuities tinctfromthatof MocheandChicamain termsof
inburialpractices(Fogel1993:281-290),includ- ritualiconography
(Schaffer1981),emphasison
ingthe extendedburialposition,similargrave metallurgy
(Cordy-Collins1992:Note1; Jones
goods,andplacementof copperin the mouthof 1979),andmassproductionof potteryjars from
thedeceased(DonnanandMackey1978;Larco thesamemold(Larco1966a:84).
1945:25-28;StrongandEvans1952:71-79).
Somescholarsbelievethatthe Vicusmaterial
Onlyin the areaof elite artis therebasicdis- reflectsthe presenceof a distantMochecolony
continuity
(Moseley1992);a complexandformal (Larco1966a:87-88;Lumbreras1979; Shimada
iconography
replacedthe muchplainerGallinazo 1987:135).
Althoughthis is certainlypossible,it
elitestyle(Fogel1993:279).Variousscholarshave isimportant
to notethatMocheI andII material
described
thereligiouscontentof Mocheart(e.g., isincreasinglybeingfoundin the Jequetepeque,
Donnan1978; Donnanand McClelland1979; Zana,and Lambayequevalleys (e.g., Shimada
McClelland
1990;Quilter1990).Iconography
was 1987:
131; Ubbelohde-Doering1983:Plate 63);
restricted
to such statussymbolsas fine pottery, recentwork in the Lambayequeregion even
textiles,
andmetal,andwas usedin broadlycere- evokes
the suggestionof a MocheI andII northmonial
contexts-elite burialsandgreatplatform ernpolity (AARG 1993b:19).Henceeven if its
.
.
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Bawden]
MOCHECULTURE
AS POLITICAL
IDEOLOGY
261
originswere externalratherthanlocal, Vicus is this elite ideology,andon a moregeneraldiscusmost likely to have been a productof northern sionof Mocheideologicalresponseto stressin the
innovationthat was succeededby the elaborate finalMocheV phase.By so doing,in thebroadest
Sipan(Alva 1988, 1990) and San Jose de Moro senseI examinethereflexiverelationship
between
(Donnanand Castillo1992) sites, whose burial short-term
historicprocessesandsocialstructure.
symbolismdiffers markedlyfrom that of the Moreparticularly,
I use thisinteraction
to explain
southernvalleys.Moreover,Kroeber(1930:163) thespecifichistoricchangesevidentin theMoche
longagonotedandShimadaandCavallaro
(1986) archaeological
record.
recentlyreiteratedthat such northernplatforms
Vicusas RitualSignification
differ in form, location,and constructionfrom
theirsoutherncounterparts,
a traitthatpersisted Thesuperbqualityof MocheI metalobjectsfrom
in later settlement configuration (Bawden Vicus, includingmanyof gold alloy,has raised
1977:359)
doubtsas to theirdaterelativeto pottery.TheultiDistributional
studiessupportthe evidencefor materesolutionof thisissueawaitsfurtherstudy,
diverseMocheoriginsandearlydevelopment.
They but Lechtmanet al. (1982:5) have elegantly
nowindicatethatMocheandnon-Mochesocieties addressedtheapparent
incongruence
by asserting
coexistedthroughout
theEarlyIntellllediate
Period the structuralpriorityof Andeanmetallurgical
in the north (Kaulicke 1991; Schaedel 1951, canons.The inherentqualitiesof gold imbuedit
1985a:448;Shimada1987:132-133),not the pat- with profoundculturalsignificancein Andean
ternto be expectedin a unifiedstate.Also,as I have thought.Goldpossessedsacredimport;its nonnoted,thefactthatthereis betterevidencefora dis- corrosivenaturemadeit anidealideologicalsymtinctMocheI-IIpresencein thenorththanthereis bol forthepermanence
of divinelyorderedpower
in the supposedcorearea(AARG1993b:19;Fogel (Sallnow1989:222-223).It was so usedby Inka
1993),castsdoubtson the latterarea'sgenerative rulers,who monopolizedall gold productionfor
role in broadpoliticalexpansion.IndeedFogel this purpose (Harris 1989:258; Helms 1981;
(1993)interprets
the sparseearlysouthernMoche Sallnow 1989). Lechtman (1975:8- 1O,
material
remainsas indicative
of tellllinalGallinazo 1984:29-35) has proposedthat the essential
culture,at besttransitional
betweenit andMoche; natureof gold shapedAndeanmetaltechnology,
onlyin MocheIIIis thereclearevidenceof strong and explainsthe metal'simportanceeven when
Mochepoliticalpresenceinthisarea,a farcryfrom paintedor interred(Lechtman1979:32).Superb
thepictureemergingfromrecentworkin thenorth. Mochemetalitemsprobablyalso actedas symAll this challengessimpleevolutionary
modelsof bols of divinelysanctionedpower,a statusthat
Mocheoriginsandstateformation.
wouldexplaintheirtechnicalsuperiority
relative
to pottery in the Moche Vicus complex.
The IdeologicalDynamicof MocheHistoric
Moreover,their presencein a funerarycontext
Development
wouldhaveseparated
the deceasedfromthe genCentralto theensuingdiscussionaretwoimplica- eral populationand wouldhave accordedthem
tionsof my assertionthatMochematerialculture sacredstatus.
wasthesymboliccomponent
of politicalideology.
The Vicus funeraryinventoryalso possessed
First,changesin thematerialrecordshoulddenote more particularideological significance.The
ideologicaladjustment.Second,it follows that metalinventoryincludedmasksand otheritems
dynamicsof socialchangeduringtheMocheperi- thatrepeatedspecificthemes,a reflectionof the
od can be observedin the ideologicaldomain.I processof symboliccodificationthatis vital for
applythesepremisesto explainthe diversenature generalcommunication
of a well-definedideologof Mochedevelopmentpresentedabove.I focus ical system. Furthermore,headdressemblems
on theVicusMochecomplexto studytheinternal wereusedto linktheirwearersiconographically
to
structure
of Mochepoliticalideology,on the"flo- representations
of specificrituals,the beginnings
rescent"Moche III-IV phases in the Moche- of the Mochepracticeof interringpowerfillperChicamaareato portraythedynamicof changein sons in the regaliaof theirrankandritualstatus
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262
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995
(Donnan 1988; Donnan and Castillo 1992). ogy and to harnessin symbolicform powerful
Althoughseveralritualsaresuggestedin theVicus ideasthatweredistantin time andspaceandyet
material,the best-definedincludesa figurehold- partof the northcoastalculturalexperience.
ing trophyheadand knife (Jones 1979:96-100).
Theuseof funeraryritualas a primaryfocusof
On groundsof iconographicsimilarity(Cordy- ideologicalsymbolismoffersanotheravenuefor
Collins 1992:Figure8; Jones 1979:Figure37), I understanding
the structural
basis of Mocheidepropose that this is an early version of the ology. Almost by definition,burial possesses
Decapitation
Theme(Cordy-Collins
1992),a cere- importantreligious connotations.In Andean
monyconcernedwithritualsacrifice.
belief the treatmentof the dead was integrally
Sacrificeis a centralandpersistentthemein linkedto kin-basedprinciplesof descentandthe
Mocheritualiconography.
Sacrificeis an event relationshipbetweenthe living and their forethatenablesofficiants,actingon behalfof their bears.Whetherat the communitylevel (Bastien
community,to acquirethe vitality of outside 1985;Sallnow1987:128)or in the Inkaroyalcult
forcesthroughritualviolencein a settingcharged (Conradand Demarest1984), funeraryritual
with supernatural
powerwherethey themselves playedanessentialroleinAndeanreligiousbelief
become spirituallytranscendent(Bloch 1992). by makingancestorsvitalplayersin the affairsof
Whentheyre-enterthe mundanecommunity,
the the living.I proposethatMocheeliteburialpracsacralizedparticipantsretain aspects of their tice naturallyembodiedtheseAndeanstructural
supernatural
vitalitythatenhancetheirstatusand principlesto create a spiritualcontext within
authority.Belief in the ability of a shamanto whichpoliticalideologycouldbe mosteffectivemediatedirectlywiththe spiritualworldis a fun- ly constituted
by animatingeliteancestorsas vital
forces for perpetuating
the prevaildamental feature of Andean belief. We can supernatural
assumethat,by takingthe shaman's
place,Moche ing sociopoliticalorder.
elite transformed
the ritualof sacrificeinto forThe Dynamicof Change:Individualizing
malreligiouspractice.At the sametimetheyused
Ideologyin MocheIII and IV
their controlof this importantritualto acquire
I havenotedthatpoliticalideologiesareneverstadivinelysanctionedauthority.
A recurrentmotif associatedwith the trophy tic; they exist in a stateof dialectictensionwith
head/sacrificetheme is the "Moon Animal" antagonisticforces withintheirwider societies.
(Jones1979:95),a religioussymboladoptedfrom Throughactiveengagementwiththeseforcesthe
the adjacenthighlandRecuayCulture(Menzel ideologiescontinuallyadjust,and,in the process,
1977:62-64).Thesymbolis an exampleof adop- theyreflexivelyaffectsocialstructureandstimution of a materialsignifierof ideas that tran- latewiderchange.TheMocheIII-IVarchaeologscendedlimitationsof local belief systemsas an ical recordillustratesthis dynamicaspectof ideadjunctof power.Whereasthe "MoonAnimal" ology. The well-known Moche-Chicama-Viru
exemplifiesborrowingfroma familiarnearbytra- Valley"corearea,"locationof the Huacadel Sol
dition,the Moche also used powerfulsymbols platform(the Mochesite:Figure1) andassumed
fromtheirownreligioushistory.Forexample,the centerof an expansioniststate,has traditionally
MocheIII-IVsocietyas
Moche DecapitationThemeitself derivedfrom beenusedto characterize
earlier Chavin-related
Cupisniqueiconography a whole, a dangerthat I have exploredabove.
regionaltrendsare apparent,but they
(Cordy-Collins1992),as did the fangedmouth, Important
also a dominantsymbolof the ChavinHorizon vary locally in symbolicexpression.I continue
(Benson 1974; Kan 1972:81-84; Menzel my contextualfocus on funeraryritualhereas a
ele1977:61-62). Adoption of Cupisnique/Chavinvehicleto studygrowthof theindividualizing
motifs suggeststhe intentionalmanipulationof mentin Mocheideology.
Mocheportraitvessels, variouslyinterpreted
powerfulsymbolsof an earlierpan-Andean
ideo(Larco1939)
logical system.Hence,to reinforceelite status, as realisticdepictionsof individuals
Vicus symbolismwas used both to identifyan or symbolicimagesof shamans(Hocquenghem
elite withthe supernatural
ritualof Mocheideol- 1977), are amongthe best-knownand admired
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Bawden]
IDEOLOGY
AS POLITICAL
MOCHECULTURE
263
centers(Isbell1986:194;
expressionsof New Worldindigenousart.They andChimugovernment
I proposethatthe via1985b:159-160).
Schaedel
portraypersonswearingheaddressesthat bear
polity depended
Moche
southern
the
of
bility
distinctiveemblems.Two importantpointsproto articulatein
rulers
its
of
ability
the
on
chiefly
their
vide the geographicand social contextsof
of high
authority
combined
the
persons
own
their
been
have
meaning:almost all known vessels
supernatural
and
status,
ritual
position,
social
were
and
area,
recoveredin the Moche-Chicama
usedexclusivelyin funerarysettings(Strongand affiliation,throughthe codified symbolismof
vesselsrepeattheVicus Mocheideology.
Evans1952:156).Portrait
Projectionof the expansionistmodel to the
practiceof usingheaddresssignifiersto linkindinorthcoastgeneratedthe ideaof a unified
entire
chiefly
now
activity,
ritual
vidualswith specific
III-IV state.Examinationof the record,
Moche
actors
.
The
painting
ceramic
depictedin fine-line
shows that this view is untenable.
however,
themselves
are
either
scenes
ritual
larger
in these
of eliteburialsitesat SanJose
excavation
Recent
through
quality
supernatural
assume
divinitiesor
Valley(Figure1;
Jequetepeque
the
in
Moro
de
1978,
Donnan
(e.g.,
wear
they
that
the masks
Sipan in the
and
1992)
Castillo
and
Donnan
1990:44).
Quilter
1992:42;
Donnan
1990;
1988,
(Alva
Valley
Lambayeque
extension
an
denote
vessels
portrait
Formally,
of
persistence
the
reveals
1992)
Schuster
1988;
meanits
and
system
symbolic
of the ideological
practice.
funerary
elite
Moche
in
variation
local
Valley,
Moche-Chicama
the
in
that,
ing. I suggest
theonlyintactexamples
MocheIIIpoliticalleaderssucceededin acquiring Thesetwositesrepresent
and hence comparburials,
high-status
such
of
either
than
power
exclusive
of
degree
greater
a
lootedVicusandsouthThe isonswiththethoroughly
theirpredecessorsor northerncounterparts.
questionof whetherthe vesselswereactualpor- ern sites, known chiefly throughprivateand
traitsor not is less significantthanthe fact that museum holdings, must be made cautiously.
however,
asymmetry,
symbolsof socialpositionwerenow so strongly Despitethis preservational
a developmentthatsuggestspro- it is possible to identify certain differences
individualized,
of exclusiveelite groups betweennorthernand southernpatternswhich
gressivedifferentiation
if not actualpersons.Thisin turnindicatesemer- suggestthatthe interredindividualsof Sipanand
by San Jose were membersof autonomouslocal
gence of a domainof powerless constrained
communitysanction,togetherwith its structural societies,not provincialgovernorsof a Moche
corollary increased potential for tension Valleysenteredpolity.
TheSipanandSanJosesitesfollowthegenerandholisticideology.
betweenindividualizing
of exclusive al Mochecustomof buryingelaboratelyaccouconsolidation
Thisunprecedented
coercionof the valleysfrom tred individualswith iconographicsignifiersof
poweraccompanied
in the importantPresentation
Viruto Hualllleyinto a MocheValley-centered theirparticipation
polity (Figure 1). Rapid southwardspreadof or SacrificeRitual(Donnan1988).However,they
practiceby emulattogetherwith differfromMoche-Chicama
Moche artifactsand architecture,
pat- ing earlierVicus emphasison preciousmetal
majorchangesin settlementandagricultural
terns (e.g., Donnan1973; Willey 1953; Wilson itemsfor this purpose.In contrast,the southern1988), constitutesthe single clear body of evi- area inhabitantsused the new and exquisitely
dence for the forcefulreplacementof Gallinazo craftedportraitvessels to designatestatus in
politicalhegemonyby the Moche.Thereis little funeraryritual.Thereis no evidencethat such
sign, however,that the intrusiveMoche III-IV vessels were used at Sipan,San Jose, or in the
signif- Vicus area,whose largepotteryinventorieslack
southernceremonialcentersaccompanied
richnessfoundin the
icantly increased managerial differentiation. thequalityandiconographic
inventoryare southernvalleys.Finally,at SanJosede Moro,the
Largelyabsentin the architectural
andNieveriapotteryfrom
highly controlledcorporatestorage facilities, presenceof Cajamarca
elaborate administrativecomplexes, military the northernhighlandsand centralcoastrespechousing, and specializedcraft sectors, all of tively,togetherwith lapiz lazuli fromChile and
whichformsucha conspicuouspartof MocheV Spondylusshell from Ecuador (Donnan and
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264
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995
Castillo 1992:42),suggeststhat the local elite would have furtherseparatedthe ideology of
exploited a wide distribution network as powerfromits holisticculturalorigins,andthus
autonomous
leaders.
increasedthe potentialfor social tensionshould
It wouldbe surprising
if therewerenotcompe- authorityno longerbe perceivedas servingthe
titionamongthe localpolities.Althoughthe ten- generalinterest.AroundA.D. 600, in the context
sion is mostclearlyseen in the subjectionof the of regionalcrisis,the efficacyof Mochepolitical
southernGallinazosphere,it also appearsthat ideologywas apparently
so tested,with resultant
Mochepolitiesfoughtamongthemselves,a prac- structural
crisisandtransformation.
ticereflectedin thecommonartisticthemeof comIdeological Response to Stress: Collapse
batbetweenwarriors
wearingidenticalMochegarb
Revisited
(see Donnan1978:Figure
266; Kutscher1955:11,
Figure).Giventhe frequentassociationof sacrifi- The well-knownbasic framework
of the Moche
cial scenes with captive taking, both Donnan IV-V transitionincludedMocheexpulsionfrom
(1978:182)andKutscher
(1955:29)reasonably
see the southernvalleys(Figure1), abandonment
of
combatas havingplayeda majorritualrole.This the"capital"
attheHuacadel Sol,establishment
of
interpretation,
withwhichI concur,hastwoimpli- the inland urban settlementsof Galindo and
cations.First,theverycustomintrudesanideolog- PampaGrandeat the valley necks (Figure 1),
ical requirement
thatotherpolitiesexist as ritual abandonment
of previouslycultivatedland,and
partners,a structuralobstacleto politicalunity. majorchangesin theiconography
of eliteart(e.g.,
Second,combatwas an activityconceptually
and Bawden 1982a:287;Moseley 1992:213). The
practicallyintegratedinto a ritualcomplexcen- transformation
hasvariouslybeenascribedto Wari
tered on the Presentation/Sacrifice
Ceremony invasion(Menzel1964;Schreiber1992:274-275;
(Donnan1978,1988),andhenceprovidedanother Willey 1953:397),internalbreakdown(Bawden
perturbation
visualreferentto theprincipalsacralizedactorsof 1982a, 1982b),and environmental
(Craigand Shimada1986; Moseleyand Deeds
Mocheritual theelite.
It appearsthatby MocheIII-IVtimesseveral 1982;MoseleyandOrtloff1981;Nileset al. 1979;
autonomousnorthcoast societiesexisted,some see especiallyShimadaet al. 1991).Whereasthese
adheringto Mocheideologywhileothersrejected changeshaveusuallybeenviewedas reflectionsof
it. Mochesocietiesrangedin size fromthe large unitary,pan-regional,state collapse,I now proexpressionsof
MocheIII-IV multi-valleysouthernpolity with posethattheywerethe differential
andthatthey depict
its centerin theMocheValley,probablyorganized local responseto disruption,
on segmentaryprinciples(Moseley 1975), to the complexnatureof Mocheideologicaladjustsmallernorthernexamplesthatmaynothavecon- ment.I tracethisprocessthroughMocheV funerandsettlementdata.
trolledtheentirevalleysin whichtheywerelocat- ary,iconographic,
ed (Bats 1991; Hocquenghem1991; Schaedel
Iconography
1985a:448;Shimada 1987:132-133). Through
severalcenturiesof local development,Moche InMocheV manyof thekey figuresof earlierritto be replacedby
societiescreateddivergingpoliticalandsymbolic ual iconographydisappeared,
systems;differentiation
in the lattersphereshows new ones or, as in the case of the Presentation
that, while sharingmost ideologicalprecepts, Theme, used in innovativecontexts (Bawden
local elites useddifferentmeansof communicat- 1983:231-233;Berezkin1980,1983;Donnanand
McClelland 1979; McClelland 1990; Quilter
ing thisbasisof theirpower.
Moche III conquestof the south must have 1990). Followingother scholars,I regardthe
thematicseriesas
increased the demands on central authority. Revolt/Presentation/Burial/Raft
However,this challengewas addressedprimarily a mythiccycleassertingthetriumphof orderover
by ideologicaladjustment
ratherthanadministra- chaos(Berezkin1980;Quilter1990).Myths,like
arenotchangeless.Theyembodypersistive differentiation,
a processdependenton fur- structure,
of people
therenhancement
of elitepowerthroughfunerary tentideasthatunderlietherelationships
with
their
wider
temporal
and
spatial
universe.
andpoliticalritualwhoseextremesymbolwasthe
However,
they
also
resolve
particular
structural
portraitvessel. Individualizationof authority
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Bawden]
MOCHECULTURE
AS POLITICAL
IDEOLOGY
265
contradictions
of theirsocietyandhencenecessar- 1977:362-377).They include modest in-house
ily incorporateinterpretational
flexibility(Bloch burialandgroupsof chamberburialswhoseloca1992:99; Levi-Strauss 1955; Obeyesekere tion withina town is otherwiseunknownin the
1992:1>15).It followsthatmythsareconstrained Mocheperiod,as well as a single small burial
by time, and addressmajorhistoricalproblems platform (Bawden 1982a:293-296; Conrad
andevents(Obeyesekere
1992;Sahlins1985).
1974).Moreover,a largeproportionof the dead
I suggest that the Moche V mythic cycle wereburiedin semiflexedsideposition.Themagreflectsideologicaladjustment
in responseto ter- nitudeof these innovationsin a social domain
minalMocheIV disruption,
andis an exampleof imbued with supernaturalsignificanceclearly
the ritualformcommonlyusedto promotesocial marksprofoundreligiouschange.
renewal(e.g.,Bloch1992).ThefocalPresentation
Settlement
Themeofferedhistoriccontinuityandsymbolized
acquisitionof vitalityfromthe defeatedforcesof Moche V settlementsurveyrevealsthat, apart
disorderportrayedin the RevoltThemethrough from loss of the valleys from the ViruValley
the mediumof sacrificeconductedby elite offi- south,the overallMochesettlementdistribution
ciants.TheBurialThemedepictsfurthertransfor- remainedmuchthe same,comprisingthe entire
mationsignifyingre-entryof the sacralizedoffi- Moche,Chicama,Jequetepeque
andZanaValleys
ciantsintothecommunity,
bearingspiritualpower (Figure1) andthemiddlepartsof thevalleysfarthatreinforcedpoliticalauthorityin the mundane thernorth(Eling1987;Schaedel1985a;Shimada
world.Finally,the RaftThemeshowsthe arrival 1990:334-5),wherenon-Mochepolitiesalsoperof the two centraldivinitiesof the Presentation sisted(Schaedel1985a:448e49).However,data
Theme from exotic maritime sources from the Moche V towns of PampaGrande
(McClelland1990).They symbolizerenewalby (Anders1981;Haas 1985;Shimada1976, 1978)
bringing with them valued commoditiesthat andGalindo(Bawden1977,1982a,1982b,1983;
includethe sacrificialprisonersvitalfortheritual Moseleyand Ortloff1981;Topic 1991) clearly
reconstitution
of MocheV society.
supporticonographicand burial evidence for
One othermajoriconographical
changeindi- change.Locatedin the valley necks in orderto
cates the reality of ideological adjustment. controlthemaincanalintakesandmaximizeagriPortraitvessels, symbolsof the triumphof indi- culturalcapacity that had been significantly
vidualizingideology,abruptlydisappearfromthe diminishedduringthe ecologicalcrisis of late
Moche ceramictradition.Theireliminationis a Moche IV times (Moseley and Deeds
majorindicatorof the rejectionof the ideological 1982:38-39;Shimadaet al. 1991), these towns
complexin whichtheywerecentralplayers,fol- introducedan urbanpatternof unprecedented
lowingbroadeconomicandpoliticalcollapse.
complexityandadministrative
differentiation.
The economic disruptionreflectedby such
FuneraryRitual
majoradjustmentswould have been greaterat
In the importantareaof funeraryritualdiverse Galindothanin thenorth.ThesmallMocheValley
local change occurred in Moche V In the waspreviouslythecoreof a largepolitythatdrew
Jequetepeque
Valleyelite burialpracticedemon- on the resourcesof the subjectedsouthernvalleys
strates general continuity (Disselhoff 1958; (Willey 1953;Wilson 1988:335-336).Withthe
Donnan and Cock 1986; Ubbelohde-Doering MocheIV disruptions
notonlywasthisentireeco1951, 1983) by following earlier patternsof nomicspherelostbutalsothesouthernpartof the
extendedcemeteryandmoundburial.Elsewhere Moche Valley itself fell out of production
change is much more pronounced.Neither (Moseley1983).Thismassiveeconomicblowwas
Galindo nor Pampa Grande,the best-known probablymagnifiedby theneedto supportsettlers
MocheV towns,possessesformalcemeteries,a ejected from the southernvalleys. In contrast,
majorbreakwithconvention.
Themeansof burial althoughit is clearthat significantreductionof
at PampaGrandehas yet to be discovered,but agriculturalcapacity did occur in the north
threeinnovativetypes of burialhavebeen found (Shimadaet al. 1991),it was not compounded
by
at Galindoin the rumpsouthernpolity(Bawden loss of politicalcontroloverlargeareas.
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266
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995
Local response reflected such differential ativeelementsmediatedpast disruptionthrough
impact.Thesubstantive
Galindoinnovations
have ritualtransformation
andrenewal.However,while
beendescribedelsewhere(Bawden1982a,1982b, this adjustmentwas probablya majorfactorin
1983, 1990).Theplatform,architectural
focusof allowing temporaryrecovery on the regional
socialintegration
sincetheearlyGallinazoperiod, level, local politicalstrategiesreflectdeepening
virtuallydisappeared,
to be replacedby a new socialcontradiction
thatheraldedfurthercrisis.
walled enclosure form (Bawden 1982a).
Therulersof PampaGrandecreatedanorganiCorporatestorage,probablyintendedfor subsis- zationalsystemof unprecedented
complexity.In
tencegoods,reflectsimportant
economicinnova- lightof theholisticworldviewof northcoastpeotion in the face of food shortage (Bawden ples,thisfurtherconcentration
of powermaywell
1982a:304-306). Residential occupation was have laid the foundationsfor furthersocial tenhighly differentiated
(Bawden1982b),with the sion.Intheshortterm,however,it effectivelysuslowestprivilegedgroupformallysegregatedby a tainedpoliticalcohesion.Thebasisof recoveryis
massivewall thatmayoriginallyhavebeenbuilt revealedby its great symbol,HuacaFortaleza.
for defenceduringthe disruptionsthatattended Bearingmuralsthat proclaimedthe ideological
thetown'sfounding(Topic1991).
core of power,this huge platformmanifeststhe
ThemuchlargerPampaGrande,oftenconsid- abilityof thelocaleliteto constructpowerby hareredthecapitalof a lateMochestate,is morefea- nessingthe forceof culturalcontinuityembodied
sibly explainedas the productof local northern in symbolicform.By usingthispowerfulsymbol
responseto pressure.The town far exceeds all of traditional
northcoastadministrative
organizacontemporary
MocheV settlementsin its urban tion as the integrativefocus of a complexurban
qualities.Denseresidentialoccupationsurrounds system,the PampaGrandeelite effecteda strucandappropriated
exceptional
a vastcorporateprecinctwhoseformalcomplexi- turaltransformation
ty suggests highly differentiatedmanagerial politicalcontrol.
The MocheValleysituationis very different.
structure.
However,the factthatresidentialclasses werenot segregatedas at Galindoimpliesless HereMocheIV leadersdevelopedindividualizing
socialstress.Extensivecraft-production
areasare ideologyto an extremedegreein the absenceof a
system,therebycentering
locatedin the corporateprecinct(Shimada1976, complexadministrative
1978).A largeareaof corporatestoragedisplays social integrationon theirpersonalqualities.By
paradox,and
a high degreeof standardization,
excellentcon- so doingtheyaugmentedstructural
structionquality,andrestrictedaccess.Mostsig- posed the dangerthat failurewould be solely
nificant,thecentralprecinctcomprisesa complex ascribedto themandtheirideology.As a resultof
of enclosuresand platformsdominatedby the the lateMocheIV crisisandloss of the southern
the systemcollapsed.In an attemptto
HuacaFortaleza(Haas 1985),one of the largest territories,
edifices ever built in the Andes.Displayingthe restorecontrol,MocheV leadersrejectedthe disdistinctivechamber-and-fill
techniqueandformal creditedideologytogetherwith its materialsymproportions
characteristic
of the northernpartof bols.At Galindo,theirattemptsarevividlyseenin
theregion(ShimadaandCavallaro1986),theedi- the materialrecord.Burialpracticewas transchanges,greaterthanthose
fice standssolidlyin thenorthcoastplatformtra- formed.Iconographic
dition,its awesomesize andideologicalmeaning thatoccurredfarthernorth(Bawden1977,1987),
proclaiming the dominant authority of its includedeliminationof the portraitvessel, the
builders,a situationthat contrastsvividly with symbol of individualizedMoche IV power.
Moreover,no evidenceof the MocheV mythic
Galindo.
cyclehasyetbeenfound.New architectural
forms
The Natureof MocheV Political
without historic meaning replaced platform
Reconstitution
moundsas dominantsymbolsof theneworder.A
In responseto collapse, Moche V ideological singleburialmoundcomplexsuggestsa supreme
structureunderwentmajor adjustment.A new ruler without counterpart or successor.
an extremedegreeof imposedresimythiccyclethatcombinedtraditional
andinnov- Furthermore,
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Bawden]
MOCHECULTURE
AS POLITICAL
IDEOLOGY
267
dential segregationindicatesthat the changes structuralbase, Moche ideology in the south
occurredin the contextof socialstressandstruc- ceasedto possess structuralmeaningand disappearedfromhistory.The MocheValleypopulaturalchange(Bawden1990).
social
1 suggestthatthesevariedresponseswerehis- tionreturnedto a systemof self-dependent
toricallyshaped.There is no evidence in the groupings,the usualresponseof AndeanpopulaLambayeque
areaof thepoliticaldisjunction
expe- tions to the removalof centralpoliticalsupera situationthatwas repeatedat the fall
riencedby the south.The rulersof Moche V structure,
PampaGrandewerethereforeable to base their of the Chimupolity.Widerreligiousfocus natuWarireligion,
organizational
changes on traditionalstructure, rallymovedto the transcendental
andrestoreeconomicstrengthin morefavorable and articulatedit with the powerfulauraof the
conditions than their southern counterparts ancientHuacadel Sol while rejectingall semenjoyed.Northern
crisisdidnotdiscredithistorical blanceof Mocheideology.
signifiersof power,and ideologicalcontinuity In the northwhere Moche V changeswere
theendof theperiplayedan important
role in politicalrecovery.At groundedin culturaltradition,
Hence
Galindo,however,in thecontextof profound
polit- od did not involvesuchdeep disjunction.
in its roleas responseto strucicalstressrulersrejectedthepoliticalideologythat althoughurbanism,
as quicklyas it didfarther
had sustainedpower.The archaeological
picture turalcrisis,disappeared
Valleyinhabitants
continsuggestsanensuingstateof instability
in whichan south,the Lambayeque
centerswhosemixed
embattledeliteruleda highlystratifiedpopulation uedto erectlargeceremonial
iconography
signaledtransition
from
largely through coercion. Power here seems Moche-Wari
phase
unmaskedby ideologyandthe structural
paradox Mocheinto the laterSican(Lambayeque)
appearsevengreater.Itfollowsthat,withthestruc- rather than transformation(Bonavia 1985;
turalfoundationsof societyeroded,the Galindo Donnan1972;Shimada1990:313).Inthisrespect
politywas evenmorevulnerable
to completecol- thereobviouslyhadbeenno deepbreak,withthe
lapseat the nextmajorcrisis.Ironically,
withthe HuacaFortalezaat PampaGrandemaintaining
completeremovalof structural
restrainton power culturalcontinuitythroughthe MocheV period.
andwhatcansuperficially
be construedas thetri- HereMocheideologyhadnot divorceditself so
umphof individualizing
ideology,MocheValley completelyfromstructure,
andit appearsto have
societywasat its weakestandripefortheextreme playedanimportant
rolein thetransition
to Sican.
dissolutionthatoccurredin littleovera century.
Conclusions
Postscript
Conventional
scenariosof MochepoliticaldevelBy A.D. 750 the MocheV cities of Galindoand opmenthave stresseda temporallyand spatially
PampaGrandewereabandonedanda distinctive uniformevolutionary
patternthatis notsupported
Mochesymboliccomplexhadceasedto exist as by thediversearchaeological
record.I believethat
the dominantexpressionof northcoast material more specific focus on social constructionand
culture.However,as with its history,the end of change allows betterunderstanding
of historic
Mocheculturewasnotas uniformor completeas processandits internaldynamics.I havetherefore
oftenbelieved.
reassessedMocheculturefroma historicviewAbandonment
of Galindoaccompaniedtotal point by examiningthe relationshipbetween
disintegrationof the Moche Valley polity. underlyingnorthcoast social structureand the
Settlementrevertedto a ruralpatternuntil the shorter-term
processesand events that shaped
emergenceof Chanchan
well overa centurylater. Moche polities. I have conductedthe study
It is significantthat the long-abandoned
Huaca throughthe agencyof materialsymbolism,which
del Sol was renewedas the site of ritualactivity I regardas a sensitiveindicatorof Mochepolitical
relatedto foreignWari-related
ideology(Menzel development.
I believeelite Mochematerialcul1977;Uhle 1913).Theseeventsmarkedthe final tureto be thesymboliccomponent
of politicalidecollapseof an ideologyand its relatedpolitical ologythatgaveobjectivemeaningto theprecepts
system.Havingbecomeso disconnectedfromits thatdefinedit as a sourceof power.It followsthat
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268
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
by studyingvariationin the symbolismone can
identifyregionaldiversityandchangein political
structure.
Mochepoliticalideologyandsymbolism,irrespectiveof localvariation,acquiredsocialsignificancewithina structural
systemin whichpervasive principlesof kinship,ancestralreverence,
andthe centralityof directspiritualmediationin
religiouspracticeprovidedits persistentinternal
logic of meaning.Such group-focused,holistic
ideationwasa structural
obstacleto thegrowthof
exclusivepower,andit encouragedlocal autonomyagainstbroadpoliticalunion.Localrulersmet
thischallengeby placingthemselvesattheaxisof
socialstructureandorganization.
Theyachieved
thisby assumingcentralrolesin the enactmentof
mythsof communalorder,therebyrituallyidentifyingthemselves in life and death with the
omnipresent
spiritualforcesof society.Theythus
constructed
politicalideology accordingto the
constraints
of structuralmeaning.However,by
achieving
a largedegreeof exclusivepowerthey
created
contradiction
betweenholisticand individualizing
ideology.Thisstructural
paradoxprovideda dynamicfor furtherideologicaladjustment
andrelatedsocialchange.At the sametime
itraisedthepotentialforinternalsocialcrisis.
Structureconstrainsbut does not determine
action.
Withinthe constraintsindividualsalways
have
alternativesopen to them. Their chosen
course
of actionis given meaningby structure,
but
also reflexivelyinfluencesit andtherebycreates
a forcefor change.The significantvariation
evident
in the symbolism of Moche power
through
time andacrossspacevividlyillustrates
this
process of choice. Thus, throughoutthe
course
of Mochehistory,we see fundamental
difference
in cultural form and symbolic use
between
northandsouth.However,thisdifference
was
notmerelyone of passiveculturaldiversity.It
also
representsthe activeproductionof discrete
historic
coursesthroughthe conjuncture
of shortterm
processandpersistentstructure,
differentiallymediated
throughuniquesocial practice.The
natural
corollaryof thisprocesswas the development
throughtime of differentlocal political
strategies
andhistorieswithinthe greaterMoche
ideological
sphere.
Finally,
this studyof the Mochesuggeststhat
[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995
the variouslevelsof integration
withina cultural
traditionexperiencedifferentformsand ratesof
change, a notion that generallyaccordswith
Braudel'smultiple time-scale scenario (e.g.,
Braudel 1980; see also Knapp 1992). Hence
althoughstructural
changeensuedEom reflexive
interaction
withsocialpracticeoverthe longterm,
it occurred
withina contextof consistentmeaning.
In contrastwe havenotedthatbothsymbolsand
theirmeaningaresubjectto moreabruptmodificationat timesof majorshort-term
historicchange,
whether
generatedEominsidethe systemas part
of the politicalaspirationsof Moche III ruling
elites,or producedin responseto thewidersocial
disruptions
of MocheIV-M It is clearthatprofoundshort-term
socialdisruptionoccurredconcurrently
withdeeperstructural
andculturalcontinuity.
Onlyin the MocheValleyduringMocheV
dowe see radicaldisjuncture
of structural
meaning,totalcollapseof sociopolitical
superstructure,
and
disruption
of the verytraditionof socialcontrol
of whichit was part.Thiswas,of course,the
culminating
consequence
of the structural
paradox
inherent
in Mochepoliticalformation.
In conclusion,I believethatstudyof material
culture
in its filll historiccontextcan facilitate
recognition
of importantsocial dynamicsthat
might
notbe consideredwithina materialist
evolutionary
model.Moreover,the studyof cultural
meaning
throughmaterialsymbolsinformsus of
the
significanceof these mechanismsfor understanding
the deeperstructuralfabricthat constructs
bothpoliticalideologyandcultureitself.
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