SECRET POLICY: THE R.O.A. AND THE YALTA CONFERENCE A practically unknown reality until now was the concern with which, towards the end of the war, the highranking military authorities saw the growing hegemony of the Soviet Union in world politics. For the most visionary ones of them, the clash between democracies and the communist regime was something totally inevitable. Among the North Americans, Generals Patton and MacArthur shared this opinion and it also seems that, among the English, Marshal Alexander shared the same concern. That is how this uneasiness generated a secret project which considered the idea of using the excellent military force in which the Cossacks would be the main nucleus for the creation of Russian National Liberation Army, under the abbreviation ROA (Ruskaya Osbobudelnaya Armya). Once completed Germany’s defeat, these armed forces would turn against the USSR, with the certainty that was shared by all the Cossack leaders: that the Russians wanted to be liberated from the Communist yoke and that they would receive the ROA as once they had received Hitler, this is, as a liberator and even better, because this time their liberators were their own fellow citizens. The high-ranking military authorities of the West thought they could commit their powerful help for an enterprise such as this, because they considered –justly– that having defeated Hitler and his totalitarian regime, freedom and democracy’s greatest enemies were Stalin and the Communist regime.12 The man assigned by the allied soldiers for the coordination of this highly secret plan was Major General 12 See article by Jessica Herschmann in El Mercurio from October 4, 1992. This article, which contains very precise facts on the Krasnovs, remained unknown to Miguel until its publication, so he does not know what sources were used for it. 59 Simon Krasnov, in the position of a member of the high Cossack authorities. Of this visionary plan, as might be expected, no written document is left. Unfortunately, the political leaders of the West didn’t have as much vision, or else they had other commitments as secretive as these that kept them from backing up these plans. Under these circumstances, with victory at their doors, the Allies’ heads of State met in a tripartite conference. It began on February 5 of 1945 in Yalta, Crimea, in southern Russia. Stalin, Churchill and Roosevelt –the Three Great, as they were called by the press of those years– assisted to it. Their respective counseling teams also met with them. Among them was Great Britain’s minister of Foreign Relations, Sir Anthony Eden, who would play a decisive and ill-fated role in the subsequent events. The topic of this meeting was mainly the distribution of the influential zones which each one of the Allies would control after the victory. It is unnecessary to say that, in this distribution, the USSR took the best part. But in this opportunity, Stalin also made a very concrete request to his two western colleagues: he wanted all of the Soviet citizens, either prisoners or combaters of the German army, to be immediately handed over once the war was over. In reality, it was difficult to establish a difference, because there were men who had fought against their own country out of hatred against Communism. But there were others, and many, who had been forced by the Germans to take arms for them, through the pressure of hunger. While putting this petition forth, Stalin wanted to dismiss a problem that would have given him away as well as his governmental system: every prisoner –both victors and vanquished– wished to return to their countries. Soviet citizens were surely the only ones who would not want to return. In order to avoid this inexplicable fact to the West, the only solution was forced repatriation. 60 Churchill and Roosevelt accepted this request, as well as Stalin’s demand that this request would remain secret. In reality, secrecy was also advantageous to them, since no matter how much they would constantly praise Stalin, public opinion in their countries would not approve the forced return of the victims to the communist regime. The western leaders made this decision that tread upon basic principles of free nations, such as the right to asylum, with open lightness. But the only thing that mattered to them at the moment was to defeat Germany and to keep Stalin from feeling uneasy. He conditioned his acceptance of certain political objectives and western strategies, precisely to the accomplishment of this demand. This agreement, thus, remained under total secrecy but not the rest of the topics, which –as we have stated– was to fix the areas of influence of the winning powers. In this topic, the advantages obtained by Stalin were so disproportionate, that they shattered the beliefs of the highranking authorities –and the Cossacks– in a next rupture of the democratic nations with the Soviet tyranny. The R.O.A. died, therefore, before being born. This abbreviation was applied, later on, to General Vlassov’s forces. In any case, he also believed in the future war of the democracies against Communism for a long time. This is, until the facts made him see the truth and he himself was executed as a criminal in the USSR. Finally, entering the ambiguous terrains of suppositions, it is probable that this future war would have turned into a reality in the end. What kept that from happening was the dropping of the two atomic bombs over Japan and the subsequent fear of weapons whose destructive power could reach the entire humankind. The inevitable hostility among the ex-Allies, then, turned into the Cold War, in which every nation, even Chile, became involved. 61
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