O6 ALEXANDER MOORE ¡ Ethnohistory 30 (2) 107-119 (1983) Buechler
Howe, James.
1976 Smoking out the Spirits: a Cuna Exorcism. In Ritual and SYm
bol e
inCentral
Nativ Amenca. Philip Young
and James Howe, eds. Portland: Universit
oloNo.
'cal Pa 9;
r
Yof
8Ore
p on
8tAnthro
pe s,
69-76.
Levi-Strauss, Claude.
1963 The Effectiveness of Symbols. In Structural anthro
pology, trans. Clatre Jacobson and Brooke 8. Shoepf.
New York: Basic Books. Chapter Ten: 186.205.
Marsh, Richard.
1934 White lndians of Darien. New York: Putnam.
Moore, Alexander.
1978 The Cuna Congress House: its Proxemics and S
r r 77th Annual Meeting of the
Ymbolism.
pe ead Pa
at the
American Anthropological Association. Los An geles.
Sherzer, Dina & Joel Sherzer.
1972 Literature in San Blas: Discoverin8
the 6(2).
Cuna Ikala. Semiotica
182-199.
Stout, David B.
1947 San Blas Acculturation: An Introduetion. New York: Viking Fun
d Publications in Anthropolo8y.
Torres de Arauz, Reina.
1974 Etnohistoria Cuna. Panamá; Partimonio Hist&ic o, folleto, 51 pp., iIlus.
Whitten, Norman E., Jr.
TRADE AND MARKET IN BOLIVIA BEFORE 1953 :
AN ETHNOLOGIST IN THE GARDEN OF ETHNOHI5TORY
by
JUDITH-MARTA BUECHLER
Hobart and William Smith Colleges
1974 Black Frontiersmen: A South American Case. New York: Hal sted (Wiley).
ABSTRACT
The prehistoric and historic ori8t'n and changes in the relationshiP between hiShly differentiated ecosystems and the emergente of intra and interre 8 ional exchan 8 e, trade, and
marketing is exp1ored in the Andes with particular referente to Bolivia. Distinct economic
exchange systems existed side by side affected by complex patterns including widespread
population chan8es, involvin8 mi8ration and urbanization land tenure sYstems, and work
relationships. These patterns maY have ori8inated in pre-Incaic times but were profoundly
altered by the landed estate or hacienda sYstem which prevailed from the mid-seventeenth
century to 1953.
The Problem
The concern of this article is the relationship between highly differentiated ecosystems
and the emergence of intra- and interregional trade and market place exchange in the
Andes in general in order to provide an historical perspective on a particular case : marketing in the province of La Paz, Bolivia, prior to Agracian Reform of 1953 . Certain complex
interpersonal socioeconomic, spatial, and sequential relationships involved in present day
marketing can be traced to pre-Reform times . The most important of these were interregionai dependence of three ecologically distinct zones; the highlands, the vatleys and the
tropics, and widespread population changes, including migration and urbani zation, processes which originated in settlement patterns, land tenure systems, work, exchange and
other subsidiary activities during this period . These patterns may have originated in pre Incaic times but were profoundly altered by the hacienda or landed estate system which
lasted from the second half of the seventeenth century to 1953 .
It is herein postulated that economic transactions between members of a community
within a region and between regions were governed by a complex interaction of different
exchange systems extant today . That, in fact, distinct economic exchange systems may exist
side by side . Similar patterns have been found in Mesoamerica, where a Glose proximity of
different ecological zones was of major importance in the evolution of complex societies .
"The geographical diversity provides conditions that permitted and, with population
growth, even forced a stimulation of local commerce and the probable early development
of markets - a situation linked intimately and casually with the growth of cides . Trade in
the highlands was thus local, as well as long distance or interregional . " (Pazsons and Price
1977 : 166) . Further, Berdan demonstrates that among the Aztecs in Central Mexico,
tribute, foreign trade, and mazket place exchange coexisted and were differentiaily embed ded in the society . (1977 :91) Such articles, among others, (Earl and Ericson 1977) suggest
that all three of Polanyi's modes of exchange, reciprocity, redistribution, and mazket ex -
ion
108 JUDITH-MARIA BUECHLER Trade and Market in Bolivia Before 1953 109
chane
that no one Y
s stem
nee that
rp market
8 ma
Ycombine
d edominate
and
exch
auge
maY
build uP
on social
ties of reciProcitY and r
edistribution.
This problem will be investigated with r esPect to market place exchan$e sYstems. T o
paraphrase Smith "a market place
lace is an authoriz ed concourse of at least
ed
one buYr an
seller of commodities and/or services meeting
eriodicallYted
ata place more or lessor
lima
P
deflned which may or ma
not beP
enclos
or ermanent
Smith
1978.12
Y
. edHe
is
careful
to
distin$
uish
eriodic marketing
from P
psuch
enodic
markets
and enodic
marketing
p systems
which
1 the
existente
of
com
1 cl
' ose
p Yim
ementar
eriodicities
amon
markets
in
Y
P
g ose
$eo$raphical proximitY
Smith
1978:17).
The resence
and/or
imPr
p
o tance
of
markets
in
the Andes in recolonial times has be en
en the subJect of considerable debate. Some authors
Craig
1978'
Alberti and
MaY
er 1974•eciProcitY
and
Murra
1956 , 1972 contend that r and
administered redistribution were theP
ri mar
forms
of reg ional and
lnterre $
Y
tonal
distribution while others Baudin 1961' Hartmann 1968 and
1970, 1974 to
, Rostworowski
point
the existence of markets either in a subsidiarY or central role.
Pre-Con q uest Markets
Archaeolog
ical evidence
trade is mor
e for
easilY
established than for market place exc ane8
since
thisp
mastructures
occur in o en arcas without
Y
not in villa $ es , towns or cides
even in modern times. For the Late Perio d A.D. 1000 in the southern Andes northern
Chile northwestern Argentina) Pollard
1979
Pr '
esents
convmcm$
archaeolo$ical evidente
for lnterre 8
tonal
relations
the puna
and
twobetween
valleYs
in terms of settlement systems.
He h YP
othesizes
that these fundament
11 Y
a economic
lnterre
tonal
volvin
$exchanes
$, m
$
basic forms of reci p
rocitY
common
andwere
served
to link differin$ or quantitY variable
resources. But to date onlY
one lar e villa
e si te
Tashil ,
can be,
sus ected
$
$
Pof havin
8
developed
central
market prior
InBolivia, esPeciallY northern La Paz ,
toa ca
intrusion.
For
lithic and shell materials discovered in IskanwaYo, a nucleated Moho settlemen t dated between 1100 and 1450 A.D. demonstrate intense and constant commercial movement amon $
ecologicallY diverse $
re ions oero oad
1978: 98, 102, 103). Further,
a Prehistonc r
network Takese connectin
Bolivia which
maY hav
$racticall
P Yall
eof been
initiated
in the
Tiwanaku epoch
hased
beenoero
di over 1978:155 ) . Browman 1974 1975 , 979
sc
altiplano
model
of
exenodic
'
posits
chan ean
includin
llama caravan
tr ade
networks
markets and fairs awhich
fmd
their
' 'm A.D.
ex m Tiwanaku
an urban
center
P
300.
In
contrast Crai$Morris
1978 1979 em P
hasi
zes non-market
exchan$e at virtuallY
all levels
of
recolonial
Andean
societ
. Al $ eco$nition
p
thou
h he
admite
that the "rof formal
Y
market
not
for
ur
ban
sites
andeas
even more
diffi
1 v' rules
P Ylaces
cu tare
for
ella$es,he
out lar 8
e scale$
market
exch ane m the Inca provincial
capital of
Huanaco
Pampa
but
allows that "a certain amoun t of casual exchan$e took place within the citY and PerhaPs
between its residente and outsiders" (1978:323).
One possible exP
lanation
ma beusion
that m arkets diminished
the mtr Inca
Y
ofwrth
the
Em
ire. Therefore,
ce prior to the more
Inca EmPire, oeviden
r
P on
the PerePherles
of 'the
Empire mi8
ht exist.
Thus Marta Rostworowski
de Diez
Canseco
marshalls
imPressive
evidence for theP
resence
re- Incaic
andValleY
Incaic market exchan$
in Chinca ,
Pofe
the
in
a few hundred kilometers so uth of Lima. Here a varietY of merchante from the coast exchan8
ed fish
cotton bead
s and amted calabashes
for hi$hl
pchili
and
$oods.
metals
charqui and wool usin$
co er
ieces P
(1970,
1974).
The Inca in
thishave
ca
PP
se
seem
to
used
marketing for their own
u oses
i .e. to obtain
shells forindicates
therr retes. Further,
P
rP
she
that contrary to Alberti and Ma
74
e r91markets
disaPPeared rather th
Y
an aPPeared,
with
the Spanish Conquest and with th em the prosPentY of the valleY (1970:136).
SimilarlY
in Quito and in the who1 e northern
Andean chiefdom dur 8 the a $ e of the Inin
cas and beY
ond
"evidentelace
for
athe
central
for barter
place
of comm odities g
amon
aborig
fines
inde
endent ofis
S ani
h infl mdeed almost irrefutable .
p s
uences
stron
Salomon 1978:143.
An
Acta
d r v'iejo, a
ated 1536p
ovides am
le evidente
for ttanguez
p
a
fixed marketplace,
established inand
antequitY
where both luxuries
necessities
from the
coast,
nearb andY
distant hi hland communities
montaña were
exchan ed b
$and the
$
Y
barter and with coins. A later source from 1573 refers to the rotation of Indian markets in
the area which "maY also be autochthonous" 1978:148. Salomon warns that one should
exercise caution in distin$uishin$ earlY Indian markets from those established far and wide
by the SPanish colonists for therr own needs 1978:150. Trade was carried on by sPecialists the mindalaes. These were a Privile$ed $rouP of women and men who Paid tribute but
were exemPted from corvee and PlaYed imPortant roles in local and regional Politics. The Y
lived at cross routes connectin ma'or ecolo ical zones interandian basa'nsmore remote
coasts and Amazonian re8ions. Their relative imPortance rose when other forms of exchane
were obstructed by Political 0.
or ecolo8ical crises 1978:31
$
The co-existence of interzonal "rescate" market exchange and ' ' archipelago' formations is consistent with Salomon's theorY
and histori cal data. The Y
trade carried on b mm- dales is seen as a third tier co
in a
n ri
cent
c structure with a microvertical or$anization at the
center in which local lords or caciques commanded resources from ecolo8icallY forei$n ,
conti$
uous
re$ions
hY a sYstem o f by
$neralizcommoners ,
e
edsurrounded
exchan$es
associated with mig
ration
and affinal re1
ations
connectin8 moderatelY distant re$ions
1978:201 310. In other passages however, he seems to place grcater emphasis on the role
of the tiang
ues in both the8
exchan e of s P
ecialistsand
h Y
ouseholds
for luxur andP
consum tion oods
from remote and nearbY zon es (1 978 : 1 7 1 ) .
g
Preconquest
is also described
f r h north of Quito in
o commerce
t e Otavalo
area
documents written between 1 583 and 1588 for the Audiencia of Quito Bromle Y
1978:273-274. Coastal hi hland exchanes occurred at regular markets where a hi h status
$rouP not subservient to the local caciques traded in $old, raw cotton, cotton cloth, sPices ,
salt dried fish and beads. Both long d'astance trade and ml$ration was sPurred by coca
cultivation.
Hartmann 1971 $oes even further. She mal'ntal'n s that native markets and fairs can be
documented for Cuzco
'
as as
the we11
PeriPherles
of the Inca EmPire. Based on archaeolo8Y,
PrimarY
' of buYin$ and
secondarY
sources, thc sPecializedand
terminolo$tes
sellin $ in earlY AYmara and Quechua dictionaries, she describes a vast arraY of 8oods, food
and herbs 1971:74 reeds 77 fish (79) coca and other medical and ma$ical suPPlíes, cotton, wool dY
es bel
and Precious
stones
87 'n$
sold m
periodic
markets and fairs 95
where mostlY female 168 vendors, s eated according to craft or Ovare 112 bartered (123,
133 or exchan$ed $oods wei$hed on sca1es with sPecial PurPose moneY. These women
sou$
ht clients
b offerin $The
bon
Y uses.
exchan ge between P roducers and
yapas ordirect
consumers was sometimes mediated by middlePersons 1971:171
172 i sts
li in
and by, sPeca
Ecuador 176.
Hartmann places the ori8in of mark etPlace exchan8e m Pre-Incaic times and claims that
there are no indication
s t hat the Inca attemPted to diminish or suPPress them
1971:187-188. Rather , she characterizes the Inca as begabte Parvenue" or clever
uP
starts
whoinstitutions
not onlY took advanta$ e offor
ancienttheir
Indi
an
own ende but
made conscious efforts to suPPr
o t market trade for social, economic and reli$i ous Puroses 1971:189 209. This inter P
reta ion
is
t s considered
too extreme"
or far reachin$ b
Y
another GermanGolte, who is sk ePtical of the Ovay in which she relates present day data to
the chronicles. He re8
ards enon
mar ket exchan$e
as aInca
marginal Phenom
in
times, Present onlY on theP
eri herles andP
in newlY
conecentl
uered arcas
1973.29 250)
r
q
, . More
Y
Galdos 1976:72
has
warn
'vities such as marketing,
ed that the
assum
tion tha t acta
describedp
in
later
Sshould
anish
' ante rearlier times.
documents
not be
eted
as
trae
for
The case for re-Incaic and In caic market place exchange then is far from settled. It i s s based on controversies both of ínterPretation of documentarY evidente and theoretical considerations. Readin the Visitas Zuni a 1562.11:29 ,36 , 58), there are a number of su estive
es some
of which
refer sPecificallY
8
P assa
$ to
the
Past.
In addition to numerous
referentes to personal r eciP
rocal
there to
are al
so fer scale market
soexchanes
e entes
small
exchan
es
restricted
'
by P
ett traders.
heto
ex barter
$ tent
of
commerciál
actlvlt
Y ,Further,
t he
1 JUDITH-MARIA BUECHLER
Trade and Market in Bolivia Before 1953
the varied modes of exchange among households (Zuñiga 1562:11:210,211) and the distino
tion between poor persons who exchange for their personal needs (158) those who trade for
the cacique (108) lends credence to such a possibility. The case for specialists is less clear.
Salomon suggests that the specialist yapa (288) resembles the mindala. But, some persons
are mentioned specifically as traders of coca, honey, salt and wax (Zuñiga 1562:1: 59, 78,
80).
Sp
alding
1974.
Theated
nature and
extent
of these can ill r
be
ust
by
enumeration
of all the
ro ert P
owned Y
b 'ust one
regidorJ
Juanned
de Ribas in Latwo
Paz in 1564. He
ow
P
Y
shops
on Mercaderes Street controlled a hacienda in MecaPaca, aeY
vall
h of the citY, a coca
sout
lantation
thetextile
Yungas knownfactorY,
as Asiento Guar tribute from an enp
anaina
comienda in Viacha and 1500 ducats in rent from
'
Sevelle
(Crespo 1972:78).
Indians resented bein8 Pressed into the service
th 'mterfered with their
e State of
which
own trading
ventures
Browman 1975.
Yet stat and markets flourished
e sPonsored
trade
clon8
intense subsistence
entr
reneut
r'
'
e al
llama
caravan trade
and markets
in th 16th
p
e
and
17th centuries. Traders,p
eddlers m erchants>
dealers bazterers exed
h ngers exchang
ca
oods
from all
three ecolo8ical zones around
mina
8
n8
oPeratlons
ofthePotosi
Browman
1975 , 1979• cf. also Otero 1958:255).
The Preconquest pattern of periodic markets was aleo affected by dePoPulation and
evang
elization.
EPidemics
and harsh labor to decrease the PoPulation
demande
combined
The Spanish Conquest
The Spanish conquest transformed marketing by the forced repopulation of Indians finto
new towns, a series of decrees, the siphoning off of wealth and surplus through tribute, the
establishment of conflicting commercial networks for the Crown, missions, haciendas,
mines and industries, and the introduction of disease and religion.
The Colonial Period was associated with the establishment of new towns and villages
which became centers of governmental administration, Catholicism and commerce.
Periodic markets were a means of providing fodder, food and fuel for urban residente,
revenues for the Crown and Indian souls for the Church (Bromley 1974, 1975, 1978).
During the viceroyalty of Toledo, Indian communities were "reduced" finto one lazge
Spanish tocan for Indians arranged in grid pattern complete with central plaza, church,
municipal office and biweekly market (Hopkins 1979:13). In these new towns and in the
cities the market population consisted primarily of female small scale producers, petty local
traders of Indian and Mestizo origin, a few large scale long distance traders, some hacienda
owners or employees and some Indian textile workers selling their wares (Bromley
1978:277).
The oldest document located by Bromley describes the designation of squazes and streets
for different types of commerce in Quito in 1548 including both periodic markets and daily
trading activities. It would appear that the weekly mazkets gradually come to replace the
more integrated rural cycle of markets which survived from preconquest times (1918:275).
Otero in his La Vida Social en e! Coloniaje describes La Paz as a commercial center connecting Alto Peru with Buenos Aires (1958:229, 255). Tambos, wholesale depots, markets
and fairs flourished. They are viewed as outgrowths of precolonial patterns affected by the
ordinances of Viceroy Toledo and the Law of the Indies.
Spanish decrees governed all aspects of local and interregional trade. Strict regulations
defined every aspect of marketing: the quality and quantity and types of goods, weights,
measures, erices, the number and kind of vendors, the location, taxes, and usury. But, evasions and iliegalities were aleo common (Otero 1958:325-327; Bromley 1978:275-276, 279;
Crespo 1972:108; Buechler, R. 1972).
In the Fragmento sobre los Indios (quoted in Buechler, R. 1972:9) the life of the Indian
trader is described as even harder than that of the native farmer because "very hazd work
in the fields was followed by the laborious procese, full of obstacles of getting their products to mazket and sold." A series of documente attest to abuses with regazd to illegal
double sales taxes enforced in the place of origin and destination, taxes demanded from taJc
free persone, or tax exempt goods, and the control of mazket premises by unscrupulous
"managers" and the attempts of officials and traders to rectify them (Buechler, R.
1972:1417).
Tribute to produce marketable surplus was siphoned off in the form of labor, material
goods and other services which were provided to the local kuraka or headman by members
of indigenous communities and shared by the encomiendero, a Spaniard who received a
repartimiento de indios or encomienda, a grant from the provincial governor or viceroy
(Spalding 1974:107). In later colonial times some of these administrators engaged in the
forced sale of Spanish goods to peasants (Hopkins 1979; Spalding 1974:133).
Compedng large scale commercial networks were established by the Crown, the missions, the haciendas, mines and Obrajes, or primitive clothing factories managed by both
Spaniards, kurakas and worked by tributaries (Bromley 1974; Lynch 1958; Golte 1973;
111
in Ecuador Bromle
1975),
Peru Golte
and Bolivia ch
Y
San
ez 1973.84
Abornos
1978.22
which in turn curtailed the un be
m rof markets. Sunday became market day. In the six
e Relaciones Geo g ra rcas Indians who defaulted
from mas
rY 8
s-tenhcuaordi
could be flogg
ed or Nave their hal 'r cut off andt
in mancases the
Indians caere brouh
by
force to hear
the
evan
elical 1
w ' ' If manmarket
a and
theass
Christian
doctrine.
d
8
caere held
on the same day,
rural
able t multaPurPose
o
o dwellers
ake a were
single,
triP to the nearest
market center each week to attend chur ch to PaY tribute, and to ParticiPate in market
tradingand
recreati
n1
o associated
a activities.
It mmimized
the amount of time awaY from
production Bromley and BromleY 1975.
In the later colonial
erio
da
after
1680, market
exchan
em
p
aleo
have
been
affected
b
8
Y
Y
two other develo
ments: annua1
fortni
8ht long tradeshoPs.
fairs Browman 1979),
p
and
Browman describesg
1az
1 eme
e catt
fairs for Peruchants
and Bolivia' and the rlse of
r wi
th
shops, kiosks and g
rocert'es is well documented
between 1680 nd 1740
ibb
a for Cuzco
G
s
1979. Similarly,
SPaldin8
wri amassin8 of wealth on the Pazt of manY kurakas
tes of the
and members of their fami1'tes bY
the 18th
sm 1
a 1centurYwho
stores had
where
theY sold
local and foreig
n 8
oodsaders.
and who became
longof
dlstance
tr most famous of
One
the
these was Jose Gabriel T upac Amaru the leader of the famous native rebellion who was
kuraka of the
rovin
ceo fTinta and whoand
traded between
Lima,
p
Potosi
other
Andean
re8
ions
aldmg 1974:53).
Neither
fairs nor sePazated from mazkets in
p SshoPs
can be
neatlY
terms of 8oods or vendors. Fairs serv
ed as entrepot markets rowman 1979.21 and
shopkeeP
ers were
long distant traders
with direct links
toa1so
Peasant
communities
as well
as landed estates textil e e factonesP
andpurchasing
S anish a ente Gibbs 1979:22;
aldin
8 S
P
8
1974:53).
The Nineteenth Cent ury
Accordin8
to Bromle
(1975), PoPulation
growth
urbani
Y zatlon,
and
the
imProvement of
communications
are and
linked
to increasingP
roduction
commerci al 'vi
acta ties
includin
g
the rice
of
rofession
market
traders
and th ch 8 es'm the scheduhn g of markets m the
p al
e
an
central hi8
hlands
Ecuador.
Similar transformsettlement
on
atiofin
PoPulation,
Patterns
and communication are
af iirmed b Golte for P eru 1973.90 93, 100, 103, 104 with
dissimilar effect son the economic activitis
of communities in the ChancaY
e two
valle
Y
1973:129 158, 161 174-178). Dureng the same time, in Puno re gional distribution of
mazketplaces were close1
associated
with urban thirds
settlemen 23 of the 35 adY
ts. ' tTwo
ministrative centers w hose urban
o
ulati onp
in 1876 exceeded
200 Persons have dev
p
eloPed
a SundaY
market
the turn of the centurY1978.179.
Yb APPlebY
In Bolivia es P
eciallY
'^n thep
rovmce
of La Paz
there
is also
evidence
for low
s
but stead
Y
rowth in es
o ulation peciall Y in the capital (Paredes 1955 Cresp o et al. 1 975: 15-54 . The
g
accompan Y in8
increase
commercial
activities is s of traders and sho P
eeni nin
the number
merchants the vazietY of oods sold th e inflation in real es tate prices for tambos the extent of contraband and the mcidence of tax conflicts (Crespo et a1. 1975:139-187). Small
112
J UDITH -MARIA B UEC H LE R
retail and wholesale lar8e scale trade on the Partof Indians in La Paz and the province,
and long distance trade to the Yungas is attested by Paredes 1955:86 91, 134, 135, 141).
a descrition
of that time which
The role of the La Paz markets is clearly indicated
by p
read
YcitY
temPerate
andof
tropical
valle
s
s•' . The
had a readY source
produce from
nearb Y
which included meat fruit cocas, goats and other kinds of herds raised on the plentiful
pastu rage of the region. In addition the city was provided with merchandise through trade
links which connected Potosi with Arequipa via La Paz" Crespo 1975:139 ) .
Trade and Mark et in Bolivia Before 19 53
113
For all cate8
orie
s of colonos
labor
and the
service obli ations
were
g accom
aneed
b
P Y
economic and socialP
rohibitions
which
included
the re striction of the sale of w oods and
rasses from astur
8 e Lands
and on
P draft
animal s taboos on sp
e aking
S anish
ande
th
p
wearingofactured
manuf
clothin g
esPeciall
in tocan. Fto
'
Y ailure
meet these dudes and
restrictions resul ted in p
unishm
ent in the form of fines and/or eviction.
The landlord in turn, was suPP
osed
to build
and
mamtain a church and, in late prereform times a s chool, to
rovid
eP
fordalcohol
food an
formaJor f easts and to su PPort has
colonos duran 8their
cris But some
es life
ates.
land1
, ords
Lake the one in ComPi Punished
their colonos for sending
their
childr
en
to a nei 8 hborin g sch ool.
Most of the arable land wasP
1 anted
altiplanoPotatoe
s p
tamles.
s Solanum andrgenum ,
barle Y Horde
um vul are
ocas
g Oxalrs
tuberosa) and papa liza Ull ucus tuberosus ,
uinua
Chen
^'
Q
opodium
urnoa
q
and
canawa ChenoP odrum P
ellydreaul
e as well as broad
beans Vicia abia or in tropical or tem
y In cattle an d shee P
Perate
Y p valle
addition
raisingwas
an i
mportant
activit . Some of the haciendas devoted so
•
8ingcarian
of 1953
the State of La PazRef
Prior to orne
(he A
The Contest of Marketing
The extent
a marketing
d natu aactivities
lar8e
extent
depended
to on the place of
n re of
Ymara
extraction
res
idence. Rural
dwellers or small Indian
scale farmers and traders
of A
lived in comunidades haciendas and mixed Mestizo Indian villa 8 es and towns and
m
igrated to the capital city of La Paz. 'ect
Comunidades were "free" communities not subJ
to Landlords under the Jurisdictio n 0f cantones or countY seats. Peasants in these com munihes which denved from pre-Conquest sett1ements and Spanish rule enJ'oyed usufruct
rihtt
8ed
intheir
extensive
trade.
n a
direct
control over
produce and laborande
01and,
g
8
The hacrenda a later colonial institution , was a landed estate lar 8 ely independent except
in severe judicial matters, which in sorne cases maY have been associated with an encomienfrom the comunidades. It held a group of peasant families subJect
da but often oninated
g
and enforced strict labor and service obliations
which restricted marketing considerablY.
8
Peasants also lived in and around "mixed" villa 8 es and towns 8 overned by officials apPointed by the national government, which as we have seen were established as 8overnmental and marketingrente
rs after the Sanish
p Con4uest, where theY owned land and
sometimes worked for wages for Mestizos. Deplorable conditions in the countryside had
aireadY
ributed
to 1ar e g
scale mi8ration to La Paz at this time where as we small see ,
cont
mi 8 rants en g a g ed in small and lar 8 er scale commercial activities.
Before the Reform a sYstem of forced labor was the common pattern throughout the
area under considerate 'on. The most common Pattern of land tenure on haciendas involved
a triple distinction of 1ands. Lands used for the direct benefit of the P atron or landowner ,
Lands usedby
b the co lonos for their direct benefit and land available to both. A colono was
a peasant or serf who worked for a landowner in return for a plot of land. Most
culta'vatab1e 1and was of the first and second kind, Pasture land belon8ed to all three while
etc. usua 11Y was of the third. The landed estates, ran8in8 in size
un le^ p una o r rassland,
g
Jg
from 335 to 9,408 h^ ctares 1 hectare = 2.46 acres with an estimated total population of
25,000 persons, were owned by absentee landlords who visited only durang the peak
a8
ricultural
eriods.
harvest. The estates were managed by Mestizo ad
P P
g lantin
and
istrators while peasant families fulfilled certain labor obligations each week
as well as
min
sPecified services in exchan8e for a lar8er Plot on which the house stood, o f say ána and a
number of additional plots in sections of land which followed a rotational pattern, the
aynoka Plo ts were usually inherited. The labor and service obligations to the p atron varied
with the amount of land held. Personas mayores or full colonos had the largest parcels of
land and also the most obligations. In Compi an ex-hacienda on Lake Titicaca where
detaaled studies were conducted by H.C. and J.M. Buechler in 1966/67), these Persons had
while
labor obliation
to Provide four adults per familY for
sixelsewhere
daYs athe
week,
8
ranged from three to twelve man-days of labor per week. Other duties included agricultural
tasks on the patron's estates in different regions as well as milking, herding, road and
houserepair and construction, personal services such as cooking and waiting on tables plus
marketing and selling in the landlord's store in the citY.
For marketin g the most im P ortant service roles were: the aP iri, or trans P orter of hacienda g oods , the a lJ'iri or seller , the camani who froze and dried staP les for sale and the p ong o
or servant. Most families cultivated onl Y half a share i.e. the Y had access to aynoka P lots
of about half the size of the Personas mayores althou 8 h their saYanas were usuallY e9ual to
the latter. These media p ersonas, in ComPi Provided onlY two Persons for six daYs a week
nlus other obliaations.
N
me of their efforts to
non-a8ricultural
tasks as well. T hese includ ed minang
and small
factori
es.
Hacienda Marketing: Th e Personnel
Landlords doma nated most of th e marketing of a ricultural Produc
8 ts for cash. The pro-
reduces for sale were vara ed . Some
solthe landlord,s store in the cit Y,
producewas
din
some directly to
th
e consumer,
and others to Mestizo intermediarles. In th e first case the
landlord
'
ointed
a colono,
PP
known
as an aprrl who was in charge of a
the transPortation of
hacienda8
o ods
to theanother
cit lono,
and
co an alJrri ho
or seller
w
was
r uir
^1 ed to remaro in La Paz for six months of the year, in order to sell the produce at the s
tore to
Mestizo v endors from th e Camacho R odreguez
and
Lanza
markets the traditional
markets
in La Paz. M ost of these mar ket wom en were born and'
ri ased'
in La Paz. Som e of
the
•
brou
t tstore w as also sold to other landlord
produce
o the
famihes. Oth er hacienda
produce was sold directlYinfairs
larga or
rural
to stores and restaurants in nearbY towns.
For examP
1 e,on
onethe
hacienda
Sun Island in Lake Titirara rovided
an
P dmeat
cheese
to
the maro restaurant in Copacabana a il
e
p rima
g center,
durang the peak seasons.
Althou produce wa s often deliver ed directl Yto,the
fair consumers
orstore
other
sometimes
it ,Landlords
was
sold ' '
in situ. On such o ccasions
their orre cesen
p tataves sold to
Mestizo
bu
.
ers who
Y
eddeliver
the ood
g s to towns, mines convents m onastenes
the Y,
arm
^
distillenes breweri es and mi11s. To ill ustrate. one hacienda own
er sold has produce from has
land near Viacha a community twent kilometers fr
Y om La Paz both t o wholesalers in the
markets and tambos, urb an wholesale d e ots which were s
P ometimes converted < <r
„
est
houses
as well as on contract to the Arm
a convent
i
Y dan
n La Paz.
While produce from
another of hi s estates in Sapaha
, aquinearb
valle
y
Y state
in Rio
Abajo, was also sold to
wholesalers in situ fruit was br oug
ht az
to La
P sale to wholesalers w ith whom he enfor
r
Jo ed
Y acacera
elationshi
. These
were
P
and
contmue
, to be rece ro
ielationshiP
Pcal s
between P
roducer,
mi
ddleman-v
endor and co nsumer whereb
y on
e maintains a re g ular
clientele by
b rovidin
P g a set service better q
ualY
it ofse
merchandi
at chea erprat
es and/or
on credit. On th e wholegood
s were not sold on credit exce P
t to well
known
and
ion term
customers. In sum dur in8hacienda
ti
mes marketing
inv olved contractual relations between the
• contrserfs and a variet
d inlandlor
the P
erson
of has
olled
Y of Mestizo retailers
and whole salers who boughtresale
for
or for established industries.
Hacienda Marketing: The Goods
Since m anhacienda
owners Possessed
lan d m anu mber
of diff
•Yerent
ecolo
ical
zon
g es..
on the altiplano or high P
1 ainsthe
as well as
tem perate and tropical v alíeYs, the 8 oods traded
includ
.
ed the aforementioned
altiplano staplesesh
plusdned
fr
and salted m eat cheese
e
s
and
wool•
'
88 fruit
and
v e8
etables
fromtem
the
erate
valle Y
s Lake
P
Rio
Abajo;
coca, citrus fruits pePPers and cane alcohol from the Yungas and coffee,
or tropical valleYs.
We might cite one 1727 hectar e hacienda on the Sun Isl and which in
ood Years
pro
8
duc-
1 14 JUDITH-MARTA BUECHLER Trade and Market in Bolivia Before 1953 115
ed the fol1 owin 8 amounts on 1010 hectaries of arable land. 40,000-60,000 lbs. of potatoes;
60,000
64,000 lbs. of ocas 5,000 lbs. maize • 1,400 lbs. ofquinua
60, lbs. of broad beans;
3,514 c heeses and SO lbs. o fbutter. The8oods were dist ributed in the followin8 manner: on
e t he
was sold. Half of the Potato harvest
s imated
60-80produce
p ercent of t
the averag e an
whi
h
were
toasted
on
the hatienda were b rou8ht to a mine in
the broad beans c
and
d ale the remainder was sold in t h e landlord store in La Paz to other elite families or to
Oruro
reg ular Mestizo wholesale vendors from one of the urban markets. Some potatoes and ocas
roto chuno
frozen
and dried
we
e frozen
and
dned
Potatoes and c'aYa, frozen and dried
r
brou
8ht
Y and then
respectwel Y, b y the camani the colono who served in this ca Pacit
oca,
was
sold
directly
to
a
brewerY
in
La
Paz
o
r
to
a
rePresentative
who
conto market. Barle Y
at the
estate. Some
was y to dependent
families for
p
tracte
iven
awa
exam
le,
d the
crop
8
servant families.
kbreedin8.in
Meat
fresh,
rds
nor easants
s ecialized
stoc
Ingeneral,
eneral necther
landlo
p P
salted and dried and meat products, milk, cheese and wool were sold in a similar fashion
as sta
les.
s itY
PrimarilY
for home consumPtío
were
brou
t to the
c
heeC
e and
88 weeklY
pe s
iY milis or washed spun and woven into blankets and ru8s by
n while wool was sold to ct
landlord.
Fruits and
ve8etab1es
from were
Rio Abajo also
the colonos for
sale
by
the 'o
rou
ht
either
to
the
markets
of
La
Paz
or
sent
to
the
mines.
In
one
case
the mine belonged
b
g
to thebrothe r of the hacienda owner. Another owner, in the same area suppleed chernes to
Ste
eg ner,
and
a preserves
in
both of which
are canorog factoríes for fruits
andLa Paz.
W
8
P
he
estate
and
retailed
in the
r es
were
marketed
in a similar manner
or distilled
on t
Ga
landlord's liquor store in the citY.
Dealin
rice,
an
dcoffee
tropical
Products
, coca
andfruits such as bananas ,
8 in Yungas
-. Posed sPecial roblems
res ect to both
p p with
Preservation
and
papaya and chirimoya
tran sPortation. Some of the 8oods were brou t by the haciendas and colonos to the road
and rda
semi-Professional
trader middlemen from the
Satu
Y
sold markets
duren lar
g 8 eto
altiplano who sold or exchanged altiplano produce in situ. Coca, from estates was also
istnbuted
and acked
b the hacienda. Coca Packing firms owned by the landlord in the
d
p
by
gas
soid
coca
a middlemen.its
But one hacienda
in Nor Yundirectl
8
the mines. Coffee from Sur Yungas haciendas was transported as f ar away as Argentina. In
far fewer
fruí Perishable
8ht toones
the
in hacienda
ts P
esecíaleY
werecities
brou
general,
times.
Transp
ortation
Posed a maJor Problem elsewhere too. 0n the altiplano, after the
under t he general
su ervision of a n aP iri were resPonsible for
es
rvest easant
fama' li 8
ha
P
P
transportmg a11 agncultural produce to the landlord's other haciendas if he had anY , to
his r sto
y g firri
For instance,
the
directle,
to contractin
^s or Pots.
to the wholesalers'
de
ComPi Patron owned a hacienda near Sorata a town in a temPerate valley. So the Compi
aPirr was ob li8ed to drive Pi8s and sheeP down to Sorata where none were raised and
altiplano staples to the citY store.
Ba
1es
or
llamas,
were
furnished by the peasants
8s of
P
wool
and
animals
mu
woven
shee
who 1so
were
a 8oods
to
beofdelivered.
held resPonsible
for the amount and
condition
the
from one hacienda onds
the Sun Island on LakePP
Titicaca had to be shi ed by
Thus , 8 oo
henof
b mule
to thelake
citY of La
Paz a J'oune
a P
ort town
the
and
t Y
boat
to
Guau
by
9 l^
roads
were
and
remain
well
ni8h
imPassable
durf r da s.Y
In
the tem
erate
valle
s,
the
of
ou
Y
P
yramseason.
,produce,
P Y cesPical
slo
Unti11924
ecia11 eastern
oca from the
troes
p
m 8 the
rans
of the Andes The Yungas, was
t Ported by mule to the train which ran from the entrancee of the valley to La Paz. After 1928 a truck road was built but to this day, coffee
in the
e Valley
hein
Yungas,
have to brin8 out their harvest by mule.
P Y^
aBo
valle
t
8 rowers
days b y mule from the nearest road. However, from the 1940s
Parts o f t his area are three
on, many 1andlords began to own or rent imported trucks to move their merchandise to the
city or to transport it by traen between the m aJ'or cities Gua9ui La Paz and Oruro.
Hacienda Marketing : Distribution
Some
owere
f destined
directlY,
to the alJerra. AlJerras were
f these goods
for the co
both stores and warehouses
he pateo
gr ' of the
t he floor,located
the cellar oron
second
landlord's citY
house.aided
Landlor ds and/or
their relatives
by
a Peasant alJ trr who
sometimes doubled asa pon go
or servant ran
the store.
The alJ'iri
served for f r m
^
ou
onths
toa ear
ca acitY
. In Com
i," 8 t neof
Y in
pthis
when
the
randmother
the las
t r
p
was
Patron
the alJ'irie went
to her
store
in litt1
La Paz to sell produce. EverY dY
f Year, he was 8iven
da y
a carga 163 lbs. of eachYP
t e ofproduce.
Ateac
the daY,
end ofthe
h accounts were
rendered with strin
esemblinrePresented
the Inca quiPus. Uniw
8s of
gknots
tsr ere
by knots
on a single thread and tensby
b knots
d u lin g At that time there
o bmade
thealter
thread.
was alsopong
a inoLa
Pazlater
.
.. In
times the alJ'iri went to Sorata and directed other
servants• this service was later red uced to six months."
Besides renderin8
accoun ts and directin 8 servants
the aJ
1ir announced the arrival of
i
and showed them
goods
to interested
consumers. The actual sale was Performed by the
landlord or an entr usted relative or Mestizo administrator. The ' 'seller also had to delever
the produce to the firm , home
market
stall
, oforthe
vendor.
Occasion 1Y
s qes
mall
uantiti
al
were sold directly to the con sumer to8
ain additional Profit.
Some e88cheeses
an
s
d
brooms were sold in th is manner.
In addition to the alJ'erra
marketing t rtook place in markets and tambos,
ansactions
which were organize
d in
a manner
which
c places to this daY. Each tambo
ontinues
in
some
or market was under the J
'urisdiction
a maestra
whoofwas
a mayor
ointed annuallY
b
PP Y
her p
redecessor
andtwo ardes, the alcaldes may ores who wer e suPPosed to inone or
vestí8ate4uarrels
an d settle
themthe
on thadvice and consent ofothe
e spot
with
r ven
dors
or at the
w
_
hichPolice
maY
be foun
near alestations
lar8 er
marketoffense
s. dWhen
the
war
ranted it maestras mayores brou8
' P officials who were
ht their
cases to hmun icipal
i8her
resP
onsible
for the
market
s.
These
maestras also P id off the market police who controlled
prices and measur es. In addition to these obli 8
ations theY were reQuired
to finance an
d
or8
anize
feast and/or
to acelebrate
a mass for th e market's Patron saint. Since feast or
mass s P
onsorship
was an exone
ensiv
e affair,
ncher
firml
1i ^ Y
P
Ythe
estab
shed
invariabl
Y
Mestizo women wer e aPPomted to this office.
Colono Marketing Prior to 1953 and Com unario Marketing
Parallel to this land1ord dominated marketing sYstem was the one in which the Peasant
albeitmore
in
partici
p a ated
much
limited waY. Befor e the reform hacienda serfs particiP
ated
on the villa
1eve1
pririsarilY
e at local
fairs
with Mestizo i
g
ntermedianes.
On this
level p
easant
w and sometimes meo if th e sale was a maJor one such asan animal,
ornen
sold their produce
in Sunda
fairs
or
ano
ual
fairs
in neior
Bonn8
Y
ages
in vill
plazas of
rivincial
ca itals o r cantones. ManY
p
p
of ornen
the market
w
interviewed
in La Paz in 1967
70 had sold in the fair s and at feasts in their h orne communities Before the 1952 revolution but enera11Y,
the size
of theirp
lo
g ts and
their
work
and sPrecluded
rvi
e ce load
Production for the m arket to anconsiderable
extent. So theY
were Pri
Y marfilY
onented
towards
f amil subsisten ce
ce and consumPtion. Th eY tended to barter small amounts of staPles and
to sell some meat e 88
s and
cheese Pots
for condi
ments
salt dYes, coca cloth wool and
other household n eeds. TheY
also at tended
fairs ar
h ld 1 g er settlements on saints
e annual
in
days. There, theY sold their shee Pand
for mules
an agricultura1 im
d pigs
llamas
for
lements and st p1
a es ons
from other
re
i coffee rice
p
such
as
noodles
8
, fruit
su
8 ar, etc.
Some manufact ured goods like cotton cloth kerosene mirrors combs thread needles
buttons cande es ribbons Pots an d P
ans soa
soft drinks
cuPsO P1
p, beer,
ates
nails>
etc.
were bou t at this time as well.
Hacienda serfs w ere also allowed tos el1 their own goods in sPecial patios reserved for
them in the la ndlord s domain in the citY.
Mi rant Marketing
In con'unction
wi th era of
heral marketing
^
colonos w e P e must also note the mercantile
activities of mi8
r ants
from both
haciendas
and the cro wded free communitie s on Lake
Titicaca in La Paz, the Yungas, and Alto Beni ValleY
s cf. Buechler52.
H.C. 1966.125-1
1 lv
J U DITH - MARIA B UEC H LE R
Trade and Market in Bolivia Before
1953
1 17
In the last twentY - five Years before the 1952 revolution, land Pressure and intolerable confather died since he had t o o est bananas in the hect of Coroico to P a Y for the funeral
mass. At the age of
21 he was
ind the militar Y serví ce. A few Y ears later , in 1938
ditions on the estates had contributed to considerable miSration to La Paz and elsewhere.
ucted
finto
or 1939 , he was
ed camani
to serv
" maker , for the landlord. hen
gobli
e as
From Como
some miS
rants be S
an their urban
careers
as ett hi88
lers of bread and
Po or chuno
W he had
P
p
Y
P
finished his task of dr Y
in and
freezin
the otato
corn or other oods
which
re uiredts.
little capital exPenditures
or shoP assistan of
S
q
Some
S S
p es,
a certain q uantit Y was missin S because
he had used the laJJ
" ra v ariet
otato whi ch,since it contains more moisture to beSin
the women who owned a cow or two sold the milk from house to house . Othe
r mi
gran
ts
Y of
p
with alwa y
s resulted
in 1 the 1:3 ratio of fr esh to froten p
ess than
became acq
uainted with La Paz merel as ay
stop on their waY to Yungas,
for seasona1 wor
k
otatoes re
uired by
th
q
e
atron
loss was considered
for the landlord . Yungas Peasants -also contributed to part-time or temporarY miSration
P
a. This
serious
misdemeanor . At first the landlord a
s idot
n hin
g,
but three or four d aY
and trade . These Peasants JourneYed as transPorters, dealers and laborers for short term
s afterwardseto
the sota, th
p task master nominated b y the P atron
from among the colon os, and the alcalde the communit Y official who watched the fields in
contracts when the work load on the altiplano estate Permi
tted it or when crowded conditions in the free communities necessitated it. Thi
n
order to prevent anima1 s from strayinS
finto
th awaY his best bull. Lates his other
s evetuallY
led to some settlinS and com em
took
tuerce
bull died from swallowm
of metal.
Since
1
S aPiec
eecon
d then
noh lonSer
plow, and since
he was alread Y
At the same time some ersons
in crowded " free"comelemented subacquainted
with the cihis
p communities
t he took
h sewinS machine
Y, siblinSs,
is croP, his
sistence by extensive trade in coca J
' erke d meat anded"
and donkey to T auca,a where
free enclave within
aniline dYes. Therr tricorner
hacienda , had a small plo t
his the
mother
of land . From there he left for La Paz where he and his sibling
trade linked La Paz the tropical valleYs and the hi$h platean.
s first found
in s with
g lod
g
a
relative of his rother' s. Less than aY
For examPle from two free communities o n Lake Titicaca Chiqui Pata and Calata ,
ear
lates
en
hiswh
sister was married the y lived with
her p
arents-in-law
in
men travelled the tricornered route from thehe
v'e toS
another
barrio . His sister h ad met her future husband an electricean,
La Paz and on to the S
Yungas tradin
in their firstq
uar ters.
in coca which theY
boughtthe
in thecitY
Yungasand
and sold
in local faers. Some of
R.C . communit
in
knew a fnend from h'
es
Y of origen who worked in a
baker Y
. This
these later established small
stores
in where
AraPata
'
frienbaker
d brouS
ht him
to
,atown
near Coroico
theY contenued
the
after
wor three
'
ywhere
kenS
for some
or four
their enterPrise.
das
a bread
yaspacker
, he was S
iven
part-time
,
the 6 to
8 a.m. , J ob as bread vendos to
Peasants from free communities also miSrated
h citY. Since a Person's initial transismall stores. Some time lates,another
b
to te
aker offered
him a better J' ob, whereuPon he beSan
to supervise
and
distribute
'
tion to citY
lifey
is facilitated
b former
"paisanos" i that a larSe percent is not
surPrisinS
some seven
larSe baskets
of bread earlY everY mornenS
with the
aid of stevedores who even helped carry the bulkY
tag
e ofSmies
rants
from all these communiti
sPecialized
en the marketing of ta9 upa llama
load of enflated mone
.c.
Y . Thereu p on R
married but his wife di ed in childbirth Less th an a Y ear lates. After that he "fell on evil
dun formerl used
forice
cookinS
fuel. Others
sol dtransPorted on llama
Y d
which
theY
way
s"to
-- he
beSan and gamble.
from Mt. ChacaltaY
a, while
from tailors,
Amak
drink
aramiSrants
became
oJ'e, bakers, etc. In
Durin8this
time his went
br
some of the more crowded communities th re i s s a tradition of female weavinS of woolen
others
to school one com p
leted elementa
the
rY school and
shawls belts blankets cand
ponchos
' on
other S
raduated
from academ
the national
olí
_
we e and
continue to bewhi
sold inh
thercides
ce
. Toda
the latter
is
Y
sY a
traffic
p olice leeute
order from individuals
or b rerchan
w nant. husband
Another
y ts ho are sometimes
the weavers
erbroth
moved to Ar gentina.
males from the
who
trade
in ddition
to
sellen
.
coca.communit
Theseq
also taelors.
take
re
uests.for
w so
, bread
R.C.wethout
al
so
oven
oods
... S
worked
PaY
for
His
first
tailor
1 er .
was a mmunit
ith names of s eciflc individuals and d woven
._, .
paisano , a person from his honre co
,
. em
,
Y, the second he met in tocan.
WorkinS
forstableshen
both laid the basas for
e
hemself
a fu11
gas
time
taelor in his own work
The Life Histo of R.C.
shoP..
The life histor
of R
.C.tminS
ht be instructeve
demonsProcesses^of
rate
Y
8
both mthe
RC.'s life histor is r elated at lenS
th beca
use
use his
enence ellustrates
en er_ 1
p
t exsett
ement
marketing and migration
the R
e m before
as well
asfor
the interrelateonshiP betcaeen the
relationshi
m'
p s, igratory
atterns,
and
mercantele
activitee r in Andean
P
s
ooted
deeP1Y
various marketing groups
and
r ion
e s. R.C
. was
born 'en Compi. His father h ad
ad been a
history. connecteons
R.C.'s
wrth'the hacienda comm unidad cety
and Yungas
, as we11
as
Com eno too and his mother was a c om unera, a member of one of the enclaves of free
his trading ex perience , common to colonos and comun eros alike were crucial in rovedin
P S
communities which remained in the midst of the hacienda of comPi even after all the other
him with the
o ' when
for miS
rata
p ssibiletY
on
conditeons
beca
me intolerable.
Relatives and
families were forced to seil their 1and to the hacienda . In the 19 30s duranS the Chaco War ,
others from his nativ e asea living n
cet aenabled
him and his
f mil Y
i the
Y
to find
their
initial
when R.C. was fifteen to twent Years
of aS
e, he
was on travellenS
the road constan
Y
tlY,
weth
and subseq
uent
lo dgengs,
trainin
and
emPloYment.
For
S,
R.C.
and
for
others
like
him ,
three mules transp
ortin
dried
shee
and
llama
meat
and
som
S P etimes Potatoes and quina
marketing served as a means towards u p
ward mobele
t
.
Man
of
the
weves
of
men
who
Y
Y
from Compi to the Yungas. He used to s end the flrst niSht en Batallas in a rest house, and
migrated
to at
the that time marke ted too and contin ue to do so to thes daY.SinSle
citY
the second nightGuachalla
in another one in
en a secteon of La Paz w here colonos from the
women frequently
'
se withtho
elleSi
temate
left befor
echeldren
thewho
Reform
also
hacienda of the Guachalla famil Y
transP
orted lowenS
the hacienda produce. The
fo1 thed
or
became
market
vendors
since
there
w
ere
few
other
ob
oPPor
J
tunities
available
for
women
nig
ht unit
he sleptnear
in Unduavi
a comm
the
entrance
of the
Yungas
v 1
Y a
leYs,
and
the
except en marketing and domesti c service.
fourth night in Huarinilla a vill aS
e even
farther
down
.
Theremained
niSht after
that he
in
R.C.'s mule trad e maY
be tinuit
veewed asof
a con
the kinds
Y of
s connection
between
Coroico the province capital , wher e he staY
ed for
free with som owners. Hese ,
e hacienda
antiplano
and communities exestent en Pre_Incaec an d Inca times which the
yungas
he and others who had a bit of capital bou t coffee and coca cland estenel Y from the serfs
Spaniards emP
lo ed
their for
own ben
Yfor
efit
trans orters
at a latesrY
date . The lefe histo
P
who were obliS
ed toproduce
sell their
derectl
to the
landlord f r Price
a1
y o
ower
. If theY had
illustrates the c onflect of interests a nd the interlinkaS
e of different
sYs ms w
teexchanSe
hech
no moneY
the
orted
cargo, the Yungas
Ysirpl trans
Y either
from
to the 'verP the
cetY
or vice
was also true earlier durang the Inca and the colonial Penod. Fina11Y, marketing strateSíes
sa.
such as R.C.'s w ere profoundl
affected
r
ocesses
on level
the n
Y Y
pbational
such as was , in
R.C. brought his goods throuS
h the center
of the cit Y
. Others who caere afrae
dofbein
g
this case the Chaco was and enp
reveous
eno ds the
Inca
intruseon
P
and
the
SPanish
Con_
inducted into the armY
brou htS
their a
fruit and
coca toa
the Tambo
Guachal1
on
more
ciruest. Further
rofound
q
chau
es ASrarian
resulted
fr
m
_
p
g o the
Reform
and Social
Revolu
cuitous route . There women from the Camacho market and the former market n ear the
tion of 1952/53 whi ch cae have analY
zed
elsewhere
Buechl
r
e
J.-M
.
1972
,
1980)
.
Chok ' e Yapu River
urchased
their
'
oods wholesale
. ThenSs
Sseca
wor
P S
se
when
R.C,
s
N
1 ; g JUDITH-MARIA BUECHLER Trade and Market in Bolivia Before 1953 119
NOTES
tField research pro8ressed between 1965 and 1975 sPonsored by McGill University Center for Developing Área
Studies, The Social Science Research Council, and Hobart and William Smith Colleges Faculty Research Grant.
21 am deepIY indebted to RaYmond BromleY. David Browman, Bruce Mannheim, and Diane Hopkins for their
generous sharing of published and unpublished materials. Their bibliographic suggestions were extremely valuable.
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