by Alexis Brooke Redding, Ed.M.
Extreme Pressure:
The Negative Consequences of
Achievement Culture
for Affluent Students During the
Elite College Admission Process
In Pursuit of a New American Dream
Media focus on declining admission rates and the escalating competition for elite college
admission obscures one important fact: most colleges accept most students who apply.
In fact, Blum (2009) points out that “only three percent of colleges accept less than one
third of their applicants” (96). However, in a modern day twist on Groucho Marx’s famous
quip, many students do not want to be a part of just “any school that would have them”
and have set their sights on admission to elite schools1 instead. Despite their low acceptance rates—or, more likely, partly because of them—these institutions hold tremendous
allure for applicants who seek to pursue the new American status symbol: an Ivy League
bumper sticker for the back of the family’s SUV (Fiske 2008).
A steady increase in the size of the college-age population com-
2010; Singh 2012). This represents an increasing awareness of
bined with a rise in the number of students who now pursue tertiary
the emotional damage that can be inflicted on teenagers who are
education has created a problem of supply and demand (Bound,
singularly focused on elite college admission at the expense of all
Hershbein and Long 2009). Without a corresponding increase in
else (Morse 2000).
the number of available seats in elite institutions, competition has
exceeded what parents of today’s teens faced a generation ago. Paul
Due to this heightened level of competition, families are confront-
(2011) puts this increase in tangible terms when she explains how
ing an unprecedented level of uncertainty and turn to media,
16 percent of Harvard applicants were admitted in 1985, compared
guidebooks, the Internet, and other parents for information—often
with just over six percent in 2011.2
finding that these sources simply fuel the confusion and frenzy
instead of mitigating them (Furgeson 2011). Indeed, conflicting
These admission statistics have real-world implications. For ex-
messages about what it takes to get into college have driven a
ample, with 93.8 percent of the total applicants to Harvard failing to
lucrative industry of test prep and private college counseling. Test
gain admission (Worland 2011)—a number that equates to 32,783
prep alone was estimated to bring in 4 billion dollars of revenue
rejections last year alone—the pursuit of the proverbial “fat enve-
in 2009 (Van Buskirk 2009) and the field of private college
lope” acceptance letter has fueled an increase in the achievement
consulting can come with a price tag in excess of $40,000 per
pressure experienced by students. Stossel (2004) describes how
student (Steinberg 2009). These growing markets are symbolic of
college acceptance has mistakenly come to “represent a moment of
a selection process that seems to grow more unpredictable each
truth—a judgment day of sorts when the talented, the impressive,
year, as well as the extreme lengths families will go to secure any
and the worthy, are sorted from the merely average; and hopeful
advantage in this competitive environment.
youngsters learn whether they are destined for greatness or for
unremarkable, middling lives.” This seemingly extreme description
Overscheduled Teens
represents a concern echoed throughout the scholarly literature and
Given the growing confusion around what it really takes to get into
popular media—that the focus on elite college admission has as-
an elite college, a disturbing trend has emerged. In addition to the
sumed an unhealthy level of importance in the lives of American
increased focus on academic and standardized test preparation that
teens. In fact, a focus on the issues of the emotional impact of
is part of this achievement epidemic, an emphasis on building an
college rejection has begun to gain momentum in the field (Barth
impressive extracurricular resume has become a dominant thread in
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the narrative about achievement pressure. Filling an application with
number of spaces for students to list their extracurricular activities
impressive tales of remarkable community service commitments
on the application in order to encourage students to list only their
and award-winning performances, known as “credentialing theory,”
most meaningful activities. Additionally, she added a new kind of
stems from a long-standing conviction about how families can influ-
question for applicants: “What do you do just for the pure pleasure of
ence the elite admission process (Collins 1979). It represents the
it?” (Willen 2005; Adler 2007). Jones explained that she intended
belief that certain high-profile activities (e.g., skiing, tennis, boating)
to “signal that MIT wants human being, not human doings” (Honoré
could signify family wealth and lineage to an admission committee
2008, 172). Yet, beliefs about the importance of multiple activities
(Karabel 2005).
have become so ingrained that students simply compensated by
attaching “brag sheets” (Cohen 2002) to provide a more exhaustive
The modern incarnation of Collins’ (1979) theory, the “overschedul-
list of extracurricular accomplishments.
ing hypothesis,” embodies a more recent belief that it is the volume
of activities that provides a boost in the application process (Rob-
Dangerous Consequences
bins 2006) and that students need to shine in multiple domains to
The single-minded pursuit of extracurricular achievement is taking
garner attention of an admission committee. It is a pursuit that often
its toll on teens caught up in this maelstrom of college achieve-
starts as early as middle school (Luthar and D’Avanzo 1999).
ment stress. Jones and Ginsberg (2006) explain that “the pressure
from parents and high schools to get into college is producing the
An extension of Lareau’s (2003) observation of concerted cultivation
most anxious, stressed, sleep-deprived generation ever” (xi) while
in middle-class American families, this is a concentrated cultivation
Weissbourd (2011) believes that the impact of this kind of stress has
where financial, temporal and human resources are all dedicated to
escalated to the point of becoming a public health problem.
the pursuit of a flawless resume (Marklein 2006). Brooks (2001)
points to the fact that “[t]oday’s elite kids are likely to spend their
Instances of depression, stress-related insomnia, stomachaches,
afternoons and weekends shuttling from one skill-enhancing activ-
and headaches have been widely reported (Boodman 2008; Gilbert
ity to the next.” This kind of over-scheduled adolescence has been
2009), along with high-rates of concurrent substance abuse and
directly linked to concerns over what can be listed on a college ap-
other risky behaviors (Racz, McMahon and Luthar 2011). Further,
plication (Luthar and Lattendresse 2005; Nelson 2010).
this creates what Levine (2008) calls a “truncated sense of self”
(65), in which teens never have the opportunity to fully explore who
Brooks’ (2001) “organization kid” and Weissbourd’s (2011) “over-
they are and who they might become. This can be seen as an im-
pressured student” represent today’s teens who are focused on
pediment to important aspects of adolescent identity development
documenting commitment to multiple activities that often fill all of
(Csikszentmihalyi and Larson 1984; Erikson 1980).
their free time. With 12 blank spaces to fill on the Common Application (Steinberg 2010a), students and parents have received a
A secondary consequence of this kind of achievement culture is
signal that that this is an important aspect of being the kind of
manifested in perfectionism (Abelard and Parker 2007; Coles
“well-rounded” student the guidebooks often recommend. In previ-
2003; Luthar and Becker 2002) and a pronounced fear of failure
ous incarnations, the Common Application had only four spaces for
(Petri 2012; Rosenfeld and Wise 2000). The unhealthy focus on
activities, so this increase creates understandable pressure to fill
achievement outcomes can put children at risk of believing that their
these slots with “worthy” activities (Niederberger 2012).
value is in their ability to perform (Honoré 2008; Luthar, Shoum and
Brown 2006), which is even more pronounced in academically tal-
Despite this significant focus on resume building, research has
ented children (Ablard and Parker 1997). Nelson (2010) describes
failed to prove that any particular extracurricular activities actually
this message that failure is not an option as part of the “pressure
boost students’ admission probability for elite institutions (Kaufman
cooker of our children’s lives” (26). With constant messages about
and Gabler 2004). However, the enthusiasm for this approach has
the importance of success at any cost, students see achievement
not waned. Beliefs about the importance of overloading a college ap-
failure as a personal failure (Luthar and Lattendresse 2005) and
plication with an extensive list of impressive activities persist, even
develop feelings of shame when they are unable to reach these
when college admission officers explicitly state otherwise (Fitzsim-
external performance thresholds (Weissbourd 2009).
mons, McGrath and Ducey 2011).
Affluence
In 2005, Marilee Jones, the former Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
These negative consequences are particularly salient in wealthy
nology (MIT) dean of admissions, took dramatic steps to reduce the
enclaves throughout the US. Research has shown that the focus on
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occupying out-of-school time with activities that enhance a college
(2009) expresses concern that “this tiny sliver of American children
application actually cause psychological harm among affluent youth
[which she states is only six percent of the population] sets the
(Luthar et al. 2006). Luthar and Latendresse (2005) explain how,
cultural narrative, chipping away at support for additional study time
for affluent parents, “[t]he American dream spawns widespread be-
and the after-school activities that less-privileged children need.”
liefs that Ivy League educations and subsequently lucrative careers
This important perspective is at the root of the backlash against the
are critical for children’s long-term happiness” (52). This belief is
“overscheduled hypothesis” (Fredricks 2011; Mahoney, Harris and
confirmed by the research of Soares (2007) who determined that
Eccles 2006; Mahoney and Vest 2012).
access to elite education does indeed help to reproduce social class.
However, over-scheduled days are a very real problem faced by stu-
Affluent populations are infrequently studied in academic literature.
dents applying to elite institutions. The data regarding the positive
In fact, prior to the early work of Luthar and Latendresse (2005),
benefits of enrollment in extracurricular activities (Mahoney et al.
this population was thought to be immune to risk due to their wealth.
2006; Mahoney and Vest 2012) are predicated on the presence
The data regarding the positive benefits of enrollment in extracurricular
activities (Mahoney et al. 2006; Mahoney and Vest 2012) are
predicated on the presence of intrinsic motivation to participate in
these after-school programs, which is notably missing in the literature
about students bound for elite universities. Instead, literature about
students competing for admission to elite colleges shows that extrinsic
motivation is often at the root of hyper-scheduled teens.
More than a decade of research has shown this to be false (Luthar
of intrinsic motivation to participate in these after-school programs,
and Becker 2002; Racz et al. 2011). Marklein (2006) contends
which is notably missing in the literature about students bound for
that teens from high-SES homes actually seem to suffer most
elite universities. Instead, literature about students competing for
under this “admission arms race.” Research has found high rates
admission to elite colleges shows that extrinsic motivation is often at
of depression and substance abuse that contradict previously held
the root of hyper-scheduled teens. As Blum (2009) describes, these
notions about teens from high-SES homes being inoculated from
students are often taught to weigh options based on the answer to
psychological harm.
one simple question: “Will this look good on my resume?” (102)
before making decisions about which activities to pursue.
Honoré (2008) points out that “[r]esearch from around the world
suggests that child depression and anxiety—and the substance
Kluger and Park (2001) describe how kids now have “curricula”
abuse, self-harm, and suicide that often go with it—are now most
instead of “childhoods” as organized activities have replaced the free
common not in urban ghettos but in the smart downtown apart-
time for exploration and experimentation with a range of set activities
ments and leafy suburbs where the go-getting middle classes
designed to give them a competitive edge, not necessarily to explore
project-managed their children” (9). This represents both a gap
true passions. One high-profile college consultant offers to help teens
in the literature about issues facing adolescents from across the
strategically decide on what activities to pursue in high school based
socioeconomic spectrum and a sign of the negative consequences
on “what schools want,” not necessarily based on a student’s inter-
associated with the achievement pressure found in this population.
ests and talents (Hernandez College Consulting 2012). This is not
exclusive to students who work with high-priced consultants. Blum
Debating the Over-Scheduled Hypothesis
(2009) claims that it is not uncommon for “[s]tudents in college to
Research findings about these consequences for affluent students
report that their high school activities were selected almost entirely
do not diminish the mainstream concern that giving attention and
with an eye to their college applications” (102).
resources to studying privileged groups will further disadvantage
those living in poverty. This issue is particularly salient when it
A study conducted by Melman, Little and Akin-Little (2007)
comes to the literature on extracurricular activities. Vanderkan
found that this kind of external pressure to participate in activities
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does indeed cause stress, a finding previously seen in Luthar et
paints an incomplete picture of the problems associated with socio-
al. (2006). They concluded that the more time students spent in
economic status. It also ignores the fact that these students do not
resume-boosting extracurricular activities, the higher their reported
themselves always have access to their parents’ resources. Further,
rate of anxiety. Further confirming this difference is research by
Families in affluent communities may also be more reticent to seek
Guest and Schneider (2003) that found strong positive correlations
help for their children (Levine 2008) and reports show that clinicians
between sports engagement and academic achievement for middle-
minimize psychological problems they see among the wealthy (Luthar
and low-income students, but not for high-SES students.
and Sexton 2004). Even more importantly, it will not be possible to
support these suffering teens until we take the time to understand the
Further, the research population in the 2012 study The over-sched-
depths of the problems that they face.
uling hypothesis revisited: Intensity of organized activity participation
during adolescence and young adult outcomes focused on a popula-
The intense focus on activities that boost a college application
tion with an average family income of $66,543 (Mahoney and Vest
profile reveals some of the shortcomings of the college admission
2012). Honoré (2008) concluded that the high-levels of depression
system in its current incarnation. With the frenzy for admission
With the frenzy for admission at an all-time high, and
with all indications pointing to continued competition,
it is important to deconstruct the experience all teens
are having in order to provide adequate support to help
them with this particular rite of passage.
associated with affluent students who come from homes with an av-
at an all-time high, and with all indications pointing to continued
erage annual income of $120,000–$160,000. Similarly, research
competition, it is important to deconstruct the experience all teens
by Csikszentmihalyi and Schneider (2000) found a negative cor-
are having in order to provide adequate support to help them with
relation between socioeconomic status and adolescent happiness.
this particular rite of passage.
3
Thus, while there may be a beneficent dimension of extracurricular
involvement for students across the socioeconomic spectrum, find-
Understanding these problems where they exist in the extreme may
ings related to affluent teens applying to elite colleges fall outside of
also illuminate issues facing college applicants more broadly and
the scope of the Mahoney and Vest (2012) study.
help provide evidence for policymakers who are working to return
childhood to today’s generation of children. If we fail to do so, we
Implications
may never see an end to what Fitzsimmons (2011) described as the
Given the small population of students who apply to elite institu-
growing concern among admission professionals that overscheduled
tions (Blum 2009), it would be easy to overlook the consequences
teens will “grow into dazed survivors of some bewildering life-long
of achievement pressure of this group. However, as Luthar and
boot-camp who say they missed their youth entirely.”
Latendresse (2005) explain, “[m]any children of highly educated,
affluent parents will likely come to assume positions of influence in
society” (52). They internalize what Khan (2011) calls the habitus
being able to easily transition from one elite context to another. Thus,
the cultural capital earned in an elite institution, by students of any
socioeconomic background, is transferable into future opportunities
Endnotes
1
For the purposes of this paper, an “elite institution” is defined as a school with an admission rate < 25 percent.
According to Hatoff (2012), the admission rate for applicants in the Regular Decision (RD) pool was actually 3.8
percent, since 772 spots were filled by applicants in an Early Action (EA) round.
2
In a recent survey of Harvard College’s incoming freshman class, 53 percent of the students in the Class of 2017
come from families earning more than $125,000 annually. In fact, 29 percent of these students come from families
earning more than $250,000 annually (Anasu and Ledecky 2013). These data further underscore the importance of
looking at affluent student populations when examining student experience during elite college admission.
3
(Kaufman and Gabler 2004; Steinberg 2010b).
As Howard and Gaztambide-Fernandez (2010) explain, the lack of attention to privileged groups is not simply a gap in the existing research
but a conceptual link missing in our understanding of inequality” (1).
This “myopia of always looking down” (4) fails to account for the
continuum of socioeconomic status and the implications of where one
falls on the spectrum from poverty to affluence. Ignoring this popula-
Alexis Brooke Redding is a doctoral student at the Harvard
Graduate School of Education (MA) where she researches ethical
issues related to the college admission process. She has a bachelor’s
and master’s degree from Harvard and a Graduate Certificate in
College Counseling from University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).
She has worked with college applicants for 12 years.
tion of students, simply because they come from families with means,
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