Byzantine Christianity and the Magyars in the Period of Their Migration Author(s): Gyula Moravcsik Reviewed work(s): Source: American Slavic and East European Review, Vol. 5, No. 3/4 (Nov., 1946), pp. 29-45 Published by: Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2492084 . Accessed: 29/10/2011 04:36 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Slavic and East European Review. http://www.jstor.org BYZANTINE CHRISTIANITY AND THE MAGYARS IN THE PERIOD OF THEIR MIGRATION BY GYULA MORAVCSIK oftheTurks(= organization IN HIS accountofthemilitary Magyars), the ByzantineEmperorLeo the Sage repeatedlycomparesthe Magyarswiththe Bulgarians,and in doingso emphasisesthat the fromthoseoftheBulgariansonlyin customsoftheMagyarsdiffered so faras thelatterhad embracedtheChristianreligion and,adapting themselvesto Byzantinemorals,had abandonedboth theirsavage and theirpaganism.'By thishe alludes and nomadiccharacteristics to thefact,on theone hand,thattheBulgarianprinceBorisand his as earlyas 864,whichmeansthatthey peoplehad becomeChristians ofChristianpeoples,and to thenegahad mergedin thecommunity tivefact,on theotherhand,thattheMagyars,whomhe had cometo knowduringthewarin 894-95but who,at thetimeofhis workwas written(between904-912),werealreadylivingin theirpresentcounIndeed,accordingto one or two try,had notas yetbeenconverted.2 theMagyarshad beenheathens remarks inArabicand Persicrecords, beforeoccupyingtheircountry.Archeologicremainsand Magyar folk-traditions also seem to pointin thisdirection.Thereare, however,somesignsthattheyhad comeintocontactwithChristianity ofa sabrebeforetheytookpossessionoftheirland.A plate(fragment tache) was foundin the cemeteryof Bezded (Hungary)which,accordingto archeologists, was made in theirpreviousresidencein Levedia and on whicha crossis to be seen,setin a frameof animal motives.It is probablynot by merechancethat,accordingto our linguists,the Slavic wordkereszl(=cross) had been broughtby the Thus thequestionmayarisewhether Magyarsfromtheiroldcountry. in thecourseoftheir theyreallycameintocontactwithChristianity longwanderings and ifso, when,where,and how?It is thisquestion we wishto throwlightupon.3 It has longbeenprovedby linguistics thattheMagyarlanguageis of Finno-Ugricorigin,its nearestrelativesbeing the Voguls and Ostjaks, who belong to the Finno-Ugricgroup. So the Magyars livedwiththeirUgricrelativesin WesternSiberiaeast ofthe formerly Ural Mountains,by the riversIset, Tobol and Pysma. And, since 1 Taclica, XVIII. 61, Migne,PairologiaGraeca,cvii, col. 960 D. See Gy. Moravcsik,Byzantinolurcica i, Die byzantinischen Quellender Geschichleder Turkvolker (Budapest, 1942), pp. 238-245. 3 The resultsof my investigations were publishedin Hungariansome years ago in the Jubileevolumein memory oftheSaintedKing Stephen(Budapest, 1938) i, 171-212. 2 29 30 Gyula Moravcsik thatthe Hungarianlanguageat an early linguistics has determined character,it seems period adopted loanwordsof Bulgaro-Turkish in West probablethat the UgricMagyarshad met Bulgaro-Turks Siberia,and movedon withthemin the fifthcenturyto the north shoresoftheBlack Sea, wheretheymaketheirfirstappearancein arAs theearly cheologicsurvivalsand inMuslimand Byzantinerecords. Magyarorganizationand ethniccharactershowsTurkishfeatures, and sincemanyoftheirnamesoftribes,persons,and dignitiesare of exTurkishorigin,wemustassumethattheMagyarsofFinno-Ugric At theperiodofthe tractionweresubjectto strongTurkishinfluence. to theninth formation of the Hungariannation,thatis, in the fifth Turkishtribesand peopleslargelyoccupiedtheterritories centuries, betweentheWestSiberianslope through whichtheMagyarsmigrated oftheUralsand theestuaryoftheDanube,so it is amongthemthat ofthe we have to lookforsuchpeoplesas tookpartin theformation uponthem.ThereHungariannationor exerciseda stronginfluence fore,in studyingthe most ancient historyof the Magyars,the peopleswhichlived on the plainsof South Russia beforethe ninth century mustbe takenintoaccount.We cometo thesameresultifwe supplied by Byzantinerecords.In these start frominformation names(beside sourcestheMagyarsare mentioned by threedifferent O6VVot,TOiPKOL. some archaisticones). These names are: OV-yyypot, The first, meaningtheMagyarsonly,comesfromtheOnogur(Greek whichincludesthe Ogur element.The second (Ovvvot) 'Ov6YoupoL), to theHunsonly,buttoother refers (besidetheMagyars)notstrictly to which,beforereferring peoplesas well.The sameappliestoTo0PKOL the Magyars,servedas a nameforotherpeoplesalso.4Thus, whatevermighthavebeenthereasonfortheapplicationofthesenamesto all peoples the Magyars,investigations musttakeintoconsideration calledOvvvot and TOiPKOL,or whosenamesincludetheelementOgur. In the regionswherethe Magyarshad been wanderingfromthe and fifthto the ninthcentury,whentheyoccupiedtheirterritory, wherethepeopleslivedwhichmayhave takenpartin theformation on oftheMagyarnation,or whichmayhave had different influences the Magyarsduringthe processof theirformation, threecultural spherescameintocontactone withanother.AroundtheCaspianSea and the Caucasus, the influence of the Muslim,Persic and Arabic From the North,the Norsemenand Slavs (= Ruspredominated. sians)wereexpandingtowardstheSouth,whiletheBlack Sea and its Northernshoresbelongedto the Byzantinesphere.The peoplesof I See Gy. Moravcsik, Byzanlinolurcica in den byzanii, Sprachresleder Tilrkvolker linischenQuellen(Budapest, 1943), pp. 194-196,199-204,269-275. and theMigrating ByzantineChristianity Magyars 31 thisterritory werethussubjectto Christian influence fromByzantium only,thatis, fromthe peoplesbelongingto ByzantineChristianity. The problemwhetherthe Magyars,or the peoples takingpart in theirformation were,or mightbe, influenced by Christianity during theirwanderings can be understood onlyifwe givean accountofthe storyofByzantineconversion throughout theCaucasusand alongthe shoreof theBlack Sea in theninthcenturywithparticular northern regardto theTurkishpeoples.This taskseemsespeciallyinteresting for,althoughtherehave beenpreparatory studieson minortopicsof detail,no treatisediscussingtheentirequestionso farexists. in thefourth written WhenEusebius,inhischurchhistory century, enumeratesthe travelsof converting apostles,he mentionsthat the apostleAndrewhad also travelledin Scythia.The later Christian legendseekingto connectthe spreadingof Christianity in remote withthenameofone oftheapostlesgoesfarther countries alongthis line.Accordingto someapocryphaldocuments,the apostleAndrew and his companieswho travelledaroundthe Northernshoreof the Black Sea had visitedtheAlans,theSarmatiansand even the"Man A later Russianchurchlegendsays that Eaters" (Anthropophagi). whenAndrewtravelledalongtheDnieper,he gotas faras Kiev, and visitedthe"Myrmidons."Thus Andrew,lookeduponby Byzantine traditionas the founderof the Constantinopolitan Church,was, in later periods,consideredthe firstconverterof the variouspartly legendary and partlyhistoricpeoplesinhabiting theNorthern shores oftheBlack Sea, and evenoftheRussians.s on theNorthBut historicalresearchhas shownthatChristianity ernshoresoftheBlack Sea did nottakerootuntilwellafterthetime oftheapostles.6 The firsttracesleftto us pointto theendofthethird in SouthRussia century, and themostancientChristianinscriptions areofthefourth. ofthepersecution Amongthemartyrs underDiocleoftheCrimeatownKherson.The Bishop tian,we findtheinhabitants ofBosporus(=Kerch) was presentat the Councilof Nicaea in 325, so thatseveralChristianChurchesmusthave existedthereat that time.In thecourseofthefourthcentury,Christianity becomesvery strongon theCrimeanPeninsula.We have quitea numberof ChrisI See S. B. Petrovskil,"Apokrifiteskija skazanija ob apostolskoipropovedipo Cernomorskomypoberefju,"Zapiski Imp. OdesskagoOb~aestvaIslorii i Drevnostef, xx (1897), 29-148, xxi (1898), 1-184; V. G. Vasilevskil,"Choidenie apostola Andreja v strane Mirmidonjan,"Trudy,II (1909), 213-295; A. Sedelnikov,"Drevnjaja Kievskaja legenda ob apostole Andreje,"Slavia, iii (1924-25), pp. 316-335. 6 See A. Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung in den erstendrei des Christentums Jahrhunderien, II, 761, 797-798; K. Pieper, Atlas orbis christianiantiqui (Dusseldorf, 1931). Gyula Moravcsik 32 tian relicsfromthis period fromCrimean Greek towns, the oldest of them a Kerch epitaph from304. It was under the influenceof the bishopricof Bosporus that the so-called Crimean Goths - who had settled down on the Peninsula about the middle of the thirdcentury and who had, as early as the beginningof the fifthcentury,a separate bishopricwhichwas to play an importantrole in spreadingorthodox Christian faith among barbarians in later centuries- had become Christians.' Christianityhad taken early root on the Eastern shores of the Black Sea also. A Christiangatheringat Phasis dates back to the times of the apostles, and the bishop of the town Pityus was presentat the Nicaean Council. As a result of the Apostle Paul's activity, a numberof congregations had been formedin Asia Minor in the time of the apostles. On the Southernshoresof the Black Sea Christianityhad predominated as early as the second century,and its advanced outposts approached the footof the Caucasus. From hereits doctrinesoozed into Armenia in the course of the firsttwo centuries.The convertingof the whole of the Armenianpeople was the workof Gregorythe Illuminator.He baptized King Tiridates, who converted his people to the Christian religionabout 285 8 The ArmenianChurch then spread the new faith among the neighboringpeoples, so that the people of Georgia also became Christians.9 Thus Christianity reached the line of the Caucasus in the course of the fourthcentury In the fifththe work of conversion was for a while impeded by conflictswiththe barbarians,but the nextcenturysaw great progress. Conversion-propagandawas an organic part of Emperor Justinian's political conception, which aimed at restoringthe Roman World Empire 10The effortsto assure and expand the Eastern frontiersof the empirewere the natural complementsof the battles foughtin the West. True to old Roman traditions,the Byzantine Empire strove to build up a system of vassal-states for the defense of its frontiers The auxiliary troops provided by these peoples increased the defensivepowerof the Empire,and mightbesides be compelled to fight against other barbarian peoples. The policy of conversion,an indispensable elementof the effortsto surroundthe Byzantine Empire by a whole chain of allied and Christianized "frontier states," also A. A. Vasiliev, The Gothsin thc Crimea (Cambridge,Massachusetts,1936) pp. 3-21. See Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung,ii, pp. 747-762; J. Markwart,"Die Entstehungder armenischenBistumer,"OrientaliaChristiana,xxvii, 2 (1932), 141-236. 9 See K. Kekelidse, Die BekehrungGeorgienszum Christentum (Leipzig, 1928); P. Peeters,"Les debuts du christianismeen Giorgie, d'apres les sources hagiographiques," AnalectaBollandiana,L (1932) pp. 5-66. 10See Ch. Diehl, Justinienel la civilisationbyzantineau VI sicle (Paris, 1901). 7 and theMigrating ByzantineChristianity Magyars 33 served this defensive policy and imperialistic purpose. Thus the Byzantine missionarieswere servingnot only the Empire of God but also the Roman Empire which, in Byzantine opinion, meant the same thing. As a result of theiractivity, barbarian princes fromremote countries came to the Byzantine Court to be baptized and overwhelmedwith presents and distinctionsfrom the Emperor, to returnto theircountriesand thererepresentthe Christianreligionas well as the interestsof the Byzantine Empire. The people of the Lazis, who lived on the Eastern shores of the Black Sea, between ancient Colchis, on the river Phasis, and the Caucasus, had been converted as early as the reignof JustinI, the predecessor of Justinian. Their prince Tzathius had come to Constantinoplein 522-523 to be baptized. The emperorgave hima wifeof distinguishedfamily,acknowledgedhim as sovereignof the Lazi, and providedhimwith the insigniaof sovereignty.So the Lazi, previously underPersian political influence,now became the allies ofByzantium. Justinianhad an old, moulderingChristian church restoredin their country.Phasis became the episcopal residenceof the new Christian country,and in the seventh centuryfourbishopricsbelonged to the Phasis metropolitanate."1 The savage people of the Tzani, who were wedged in between the Lazi and the Byzantine Empire, were conquered by the forceof Justinian'sarms. Aftertheirdefeat by the Byzantine army they yielded and became Christians. In his novella of 535, Justinian proudly refersto them as subjects of Byzantium.'2 North of the Lazi, betweenthe Caucasus and the Black Sea, lived the Abazgians, in whose countryChristianityhad taken root at an early period in the town of Pityus. But the conversionof the whole nation took place only in the time of Justinian.The Emperor sent to them Euphratas, a eunuch of Abazgian extraction, who, with some Byzantine priests,saw to the task of convertingthem.They adopted the Christianreligion,drove away theirheathen princes,and placed themselvesunder the protectionof Byzantium. The Emperor had a church built for them and sent them priests. Abazgia became a strongholdof Christianityand took an active part in convertingother peoples.'3 Thus Christianityon its way to the North reached the " John Malalas, ed. Dindorf,pp. 412-414; Theophanes, ed. de Boor, pp. 168-169; Procopius,De bello Persico, 11, 15, 28, ed. Haury, i, 217, 286; see Diehl, Justinien,pp. 380-381. 12 Procopius,De belloPersicoi, 15, ed. Haury, i, 77-78,De aedificiis,m. 6, ed. Haury, iII, 2, 97-99; See Diehl, Justinien,p. 385. 13 Procopius,De belloGothico, iv. 3, ed. Haury,ii, 498-500; see Diehl, Justinien,p. 382, V. Laty~ev,"K istoriichristianstvana Kavkaze," SbornikarcheologiZeskich stateipodnesennyj grafuA. A. Bobrinskomu (St. Petersburg,1911) pp. 169-198. 34 GyulaMoravcsik Caucasus, and spread even to its northernslopes. Accordingto it was theapostleAndrewwhohad plantedthe apocryphaltradition toArabicand seedsofthenewcreedamongtheAlans.According first good also obtained the Illuminator had sources, Gregory Armenian them.As earlyas the sixthcentury,theyare resultsin converting althoughthewholepeople bya Byzantineauthority, calledChristians seemsto have been finallyconvertedonlyat the end of the ninth the supporting century whentheAbazgianprincehad beenefficiently But it is beyonddoubtthatat the workof Byzantinemissionaries. of thetenthcenturytheprinceoftheAlans himselfwas a beginning Christianand the High Priestwas consecratedby the Patriarchof The Zikhi lived northof the Abazgiansby the Constantinople."4 hillsoftheCaucasus,on theshoreoftheBlack Sea. Evifurthermost is providedby thefactthatthe denceforthe spreadof Christianity in 518 bishopofZikhiawas presentat theCouncilofConstantinople as well as at that of 536. His residencewas the seaside townof Phanagoriaon the Taman Peninsula.This bishopricwas to do the workofconverting thepeopleslivingat thefootoftheCaucasusand we bytheriverKuban."5Thus,aboutthemiddleofthesixthcentury, on the Northernand Southern meet Christianpeopleseverywhere shoresoftheBlack Sea. reachedthe Easternpeoplesnot only But ByzantineChristianity on themwas organsoftheorthodoxChurch.Its influence by official conquestsmadeby rivalledby thatofsomeheresies.The tremendous the religionof the Manichaeansare generallyknown.Its followers in thefourthcenturywhentheyfledin masses werebeingpersecuted as faras Transoxaniaand Turkestan, to theNorth,and,afterarriving on thelocalpeoplesand in the theyexerciseda deepculturalinfluence ThroughthemManichaeismreachedevenChina.The neighborhood. heresyoftheNestorianswasextendedfromByzantiumto Persia,and was supportedby the Persian sovereignsagainst Byzantium.We knowthatChosroesII, thePersianking,had theorthodoxchurches - by now destroyedin his empire,and supportedNestorianism Asia as well withall his might,so spreadin Middleand Northern of theseventhcenturyNestoriancongregaso thatat thebeginning tionsare to be foundevenin China.The Nestorianheresyexerciseda oflongstandingon theAsiaticpeoples.' profoundculturalinfluence 14 i!. 750, 762; J. KulakovskiT,"ChrisSee Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung, Vremennik5 (1898), pp. 1-18; V. Grumel,"La date de la tianstvou Alan," VizantiYskif conversiondes Alains et I' archev~ch6d'Alanie," Achosd'Orient,xxxviI (1934), pp. 57-58. 15 See Pieper,Atlas,p. 49 and map 14 a. 16 See W. Barthold,Zur Geschichte bis zur mongolischen des Christentums in Mittel-Asien ByzantineChristianity and theMigrating Magyars 35 Havinggivena roughdelineationof thespreadingof Christianity neartheBlack Sea and theCaucasus,let us examinemorecloselythe connection ofdifferent Hun,Turkish,and otherkindredpeopleswith ByzantineChristianity. Accordingto knownsources,the Huns came into contactwith Christianity at thetimetheylivedneartheCaucasus.TheirfirstmissionariesweretheArmenians whoseapostleGregorytheIlluminator wasspreadingthenewreligion amongtheneighboring (+33 1) himself peoplesand the Huns."7His workwas continuedby his grandson Gregory jun.who,onvisitingthekingoftheMassagetae,leaderofthe Hun troops, died a martyrin 343.18 Armenianmissionarywork was not withoutgood results,as seen fromone of Jerome'sletters: "Hunni discuntpsalterium."'9 This earlymissionary workwas continued.About523,an Armenianbishopand his priestswerespreading Christianity amongthe Huns and translatedsome partsof the HolyScripture intotheHun language.20 Later (about682) thebishop Izrael in Albania, by the Caspian Sea, pursuedmissionarywork amongthe Caucasian Huns. He succeededin converting themand theirprince,and later on became theirbishop.2'Othermassesof Huns whichwerepressingforward to theWestalso came in contact withByzantineChristianity. These,as we know,reachedtheDanube abouttheendofthefourth century, and theirtroopswere,about384, alreadypillagingand ransackingin Thrace. So it is not surprising whenwe read a GreekreportthatTheotimus,bishopof the Church ofTomi and ofso-calledScythia,was lookeduponby theHuns with such awe and admirationthat they called him "the God of the Romans." As seenfromseveralmiraculouscontemporary stories,he tamedthewild,fierceHuns,and he probablywonmanyof themfor the Christianreligion.23 Later, in Attila'stime,the Huns achieved even closerrelationswithByzantium.Theirenvoysoftenturnedup in Constantinople wherebytheyhad - althoughsourcesmake no Eroberung(Tubingen-Leipzig,1901); F. Nau, "L'expansion nestorienneen Asie," Annales L (Paris, 1914), 193-383. du Musde Guimet,BibliothUque de vulgarisation, 17 Die A ktenGregorsvonA rmenien, neu herausgegebenvon P. de Lagarde, [Abhandlungender k. Gesellschaftder Wissenschaften zu G6ttingen,xxxv, 1.] 1888,pp. 115-116; Aganthangelos, neu herausgegebenvon P. Lagarde,ibidem,p. 77. 18 Faustus de Byzance ... traduitpour la premierefois de l'Arm~nienen Francais par Jean Baptiste Emine [FragmentaHistoricorum Graecorum, v. 2. (Paris, 1884)] p. 214. 19Ep. 107, Migne,PatrologiaLatina, xxii, col. 870. 20 The Syriac Chronicle knownas thatofZachariahofMitylene,translatedinto English by F. J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks (London, 1899), pp. 328-330. 21 J. Marquart,Osteuropdische und ostasiatische Streifzuge(Leipzig, 1903), p. 302. 22 SozomenusHist. eccl.,vu, 26., Migne,PatrologiaGraeca,Lxvii, col. 1500. 36 GyulaMoravcsik to become acquainted special mentionof it - ample opportunity withChristianity. The newfaithhad apread also amongthe Turkishpeoplesliving farther East oftheCaspian.The iranizatedTurks,theso-calledWhite Huns, or Ephthalites,northeastof Persia,wereChristiansas early as at the end of the fifthcentury,and Nestoriansat that.At their requestthe Syrianpatriarchsentthempriestsin the middleof the Cosmas Indicopleustes'wordsin his workwritten sixthcentury.23 Christian about547-49(accordingto whichtheHuns had flourishing churchesin theircountry)probablyreferto them.24 among Theseare nottheonlyrecordsofthesuccessofChristianity to Byzantinerecords, theTurkstakenprisioners theTurks.According in 591 by Chosroes,the Persianking,and sentsubsequentlyto his confederate EmperorMaurice,had thesignofcrossincisedupontheir foreheads.In answerto questionsas to theoriginof thesesigns,the to had beenadvisedby Christians Turksexplainedthattheirmothers tattoothecrossin theirchildren'sskinin orderto avoid theirfalling fromwhom ill at thetimeofa devastating epidemic.25 The Christians theTurkslivingnorthofPersiahad learnedto employthecrosswere Nestorianmonks.Severalremarkableconprobablythe converting temporary recordson thespreadofNestorianheresyamongTurkish peoplesare leftto us, and one of them,a Syriacone,is particularly ofMerve,in interesting. Accordingto thistextElie, the metropolite 644 was about to baptizea Turkprincewho,however,refusedto let himdo so unlesshe workedsome miracleswhichthe Turk priests Whenthe shamansevokedthe devil (shamans)could not perform. amid thunderand lightning, Elie, withhelpof the signof the cross, and the This miraclehad its due effect, stoppedall thesephenomena. princeas wellas hispeopleadoptedthe Christianreligion.26 among the Conversionactivitywas very successfuleverywhere was also felt oftheEmpire,and itsinfluence peoplesalongthefrontier shoresoftheBlack Sea. In sixthamongthe"Huns" on thenorthern centuryByzantinerecordstheword"Hun" is, as we know,a collectivenameincluding different Turkishpeoples,as e.g.,theOgurtribes drivenfromthe Ural towardsthe Caucasus and the Sea of Azov by the greatstreamof migrationof the nationsafterthe collapse of are menAttila'sempire.Thus when"Huns" livingon thisterritory 23 See Nau, op. cit. pp. 244-249. 24 The ChristianTopography of Cosmas Indicopleustes,edited with geographicalnotes by E. 0. Winstedt(Cambridge,1909) p. 119. 25 Theophylact.Simocattav. 10, ed. de Boor, p. 208. 26 Nau, op. cit., p. 246-247. ByzantineChristianity and theMigrating Magyars 37 tioned,it means primarilythe Ogurs,Utigurs,Cutrigurs,Onogursand the Bulgars.7 Many foreignelements are met with in the Byzantine Empire of the sixthcentury.The armywas fullof barbarians who foughtpartly in separate divisions,partly dispersedin Byzantine troops. As members of the Byzantine forcesthey were, of course, Christians. Beside the barbarians conquered, or taken prisoners and settled in the Empire in the course of wars, many foreignersvoluntarlyjoined the Byzantine forces,and afterbeing christened,oftenrose to highpositions in the army or at the Imperial court. There were some Huns among them. Some Huns servingin the forcesare even mentionedby theirnames in contemporaryrecords,so forexample Akum,"magister militum" of Illyricumin 536. He had been liftedfromthe baptismal fontby EmperorJustinianhimself,that is, the Emperorwas his godfather.28 But beside Christianizingthe Huns living within the frontiersof the Empire, missionary work was very successful among the differentHun tribeson the northernshoresof the Black Sea. Archeological findsconstituteevidence forcloser contact of the Cutrigurswith Byzantine Christianity.As a result of more recent investigations, Avar findsin Hungary consist of two differentcomponents.One of them includes Byzantine traditionsand Christianelements.Thus, it seems most probable that these come fromthe Cutrigurswhom the stream of migrationhad carried away to the territorybetween the Danube and the Tisza, but who had previously,forabout a century, lived on the northernshores of the Black Sea, where they had opportunityto come into contact with Byzantine Christianity.29 In Cosmas Indicopleustes' workreferredto above, mentionis made of the Bulgars as one of the peoples with whom Christianityfound welcome.30This fact is affirmedin a later eastern record.3' The "Huns" - whose princein 619 had come to Constantinople,wherehe was christenedand where he attained the rank of patricius- are apparently to be identifiedwith the Bulgars.32This Hun prince was probably no other but Organa, whose nephew Kobrat, founder of Gy. Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica, ii, 199-202. Malalas, ed. Dindorf,p. 438; Theophanes, ed. de Boor, p. 218; see Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, Ii, 66. 29 A. Alfoldi,"Zur historischen Bestimmungder Avarenfunde,"Eurasia Septentrionalis Antiqua,ix (1934), 285-307. 30 The ChristianTopography, ed. Winstedtp. 119. 31 Chronique de Michelle Syrienpatriarche Jacobited'Antiochie,6dit~epour la premi~re foiset traduiten frangaispar J. B. Chabot, ii (Paris, 1901), 364. 32 NicephorusPatriarch,ed. de Boor, p. 12. 27 28 38 GyulaMoravcsik "Great Bulgaria,"had spenthis childhoodat the Imperialcourtof Byzanium,wherehe becamea Christianand a friendof the EmA similarcase is recordedlater,in theeighthcenperorHeraclius.33 tury,whenTelerig,princeoftheDanubianBulgars,had to fleefrom hiscountry in 777.He wentto Constantinople whereEmperorLeo IV welcomedhimcordially,becamehis godfather, made a patriciusof him,and marriedhimto a relativeofhiswife's.34 Summingup all thesedata, it may be establishedthat tracesof ChristianMissionaryactivitiesamong Turkishpeoples are to be on the territories foundeverywhere betweenthe Caspian and the Danube fromthe fourthto theeighthcentury.Amongthe Turkish peopleslivingeast of the Caucasus,the heresyof the Manichaeans and Nestoriansmade conquestswhile the orthodoxChurchconvertedthe "Huns" livingNorthof the Caucasus and the northern shoresoftheBlack Sea, and theBulgars.SincetheMagyarstoomust havelivedbetweentheCaucasusand theDon at thetime,Byzantine missionaryworkamong "Huns" and Bulgars-who apparently of the Magyarpeopleplayedan importantrolein the formation makesit in itselfprobablethattheMagyartribeshad also comeinto contactwithChristianity. This assumptionis supportedby twoimportantitemsof historicalinformation whichconsequently mustbe examinedmoreclosely. The firstone has been handeddown to us in severalByzantine chronicles. It was firstrecordedbyJohnMalalas in thesixthcentury, thenby Theophanesin the ninth,and by GeorgeCedrenusin the twelfth century.Johnof Ephesus,in his ChurchHistorywrittenin Syriacduringthe sixthcentury,and bishopJohnof Nikiuin parts - written ofhischronicle originally in Greekbutleftto us inEthiopic translation only- also makeuse ofMalalas' text.35 Besidethese,we knowTheophanes'work,translatedintoLatin byAnastasius.As we do notpossesstheoriginaltextofMalalas' chronicle, and theonlyfull OxfordMS. is but a shortexcerpt,thetextsby Theophanes,Johnof Ephesusand JohnofNikiumustbe takenintoaccountifwe wantto reconstruct theoriginal.36 This done,thepartofMalalas' information 33 The Chronicle ofJohn,BishopofNikiu, translatedby R. H. Charles(London-Oxford, 1916), p. 197. 31 Theophanes,ed. de Boor, p. 451. 35JohnMalalas, ed. Dindorf,p. 431-432; Theophanes,ed. de Boor, p. 175-176; George Cedrenus,ed. Bekker,i, 644-645; F. Nau, "Analyse de la seconde partieineditede Phistoireecclesiastiquede Jeand'Asie patriacheJacobitede Constantinople,"Revuede l'Orient ii (1897), 475, cf. Chronique Chretien, de Michelle Syrien,ed. Chabot, iI, 192; "Chronique de Jean evequede Nikiou." Texte ethiopienpublie et traduit par M. H. Zotenberg,Noticesetextraitsdes manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale,24. i. (Paris, 1883), pp. 510-511. 36Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica, i, 184-189. ByzantineChristianityand theMigratingMagyars 39 concerningus is as follows. In the firstyear of Justinian's reign (527/8) Gordas, princeof the Huns who lived in the neighborhoodof the Crimean cityof Bosporus, adopted, probablyas a resultof earlier Byzantine missionarywork,the Christianreligionin Constantinople. Being a distinguishedbarbarian prince,he too was grantedthe privilege of having the Emperor himselfas godfather.Afterreceivingthe customarypresents,he returnedto his countrywhere he, as godson and ally of the Emperor,was to representthe interestsof the Byantine Empire and to defendthe town of Bosporus, that is, to help the Byzantine garrison there in case the enemy should attack it. But things turned out differently fromwhat the Byzantine Court had expected. As soon as he returned,Gordas tried to converthis people by force.In order to wipe out all traces of the old faith,he had the pagan idols melted down and the metal was changed for Byzantine money in Bosporus. The heathen priests were revolted at this procedure and murderedhim in connivance with his brotherMuageris, who afterwardsbecame theirprince. The rebels then,being afraid of the revenge of the Byzantines, invaded Bosporus, slaughtered the Byzantine garrison,and took possession of the city. The Emperor Justiniansent a punitiveexpeditionon land and sea against the Huns, but they escaped. In Malalas' story,whichgives an interestingpictureof the political backgroundof Byzantine conversionin the sixth century,the name of king "Muageris" (MovayepLs)is of special interest because, accordingto the unanimousopinion of Hungarian linguists,it involves thename "Magyar."37Of course,thisdoes not mean that the Magyars had got theirname fromking Muageris - just the contrary.Similarly the name Gordas may involve the word "Ogur."38 But if the explanation of the originof the name Muageris is correct,it means that the Huns of whichthe chroniclespeaks were eitherMagyars or a federationof tribesin which the Magyar elementsplayed a role, in all probabilitya leading one at that. This again means that the Magyars,or part of them,had come into contactwithChristianityas early as at the beginningof the sixth century,even though this firstconvertiveexperimenthad, owing to the resistenceof heathen elements, been unsuccessful. There is anotherrecordabout two centurieslater whichgives some informationas to the spreadingof Christianityamong the Magyars in connectionwith the organizationof Church of the peoples on the Crimean Peningulaand between the Don and the Caspian Sea. A list 3' Ibid., ii, 168. 38 Ibid., ii, 108. Gyula Moravcsik 40 of bishoprics set down, according to the latest investigations,between 733 and 746, has long been known,and thereis no reason whatIt enumeratesthe bishops under the ever to doubt its authenticity.39 Crimean Gothic metropolite.They are: o XOT~j'fWV, 6 'AjajTTX, 6 O TayadTaPXa(6 TvuaITapXa o 'P TteY, 6 OVvvwv, XovaXrqS,o 'Ovo'youpWv, has not cod.). As forthe meaningof the names, the first,o XOT?Xpwv, been satisfactorilyexplained as yet. According to a supplementary note to the list,thispeople lived near Phulloi and Kharasiu. And since Kharasiu (according to the correct translationof the writerof the note ("Black Water") is a southern tributaryof the Crimean river Salgir, thispeople must have lived in the eastern parts of the Crimea. This name reads Kotir, or Katir, or Kdsir, and is not mentionedin any other record. Some hold that it involves the name of a people known fromthe fifthcentury,the Agaleri ('AK&T?LPOL), others that it refersto the Khazars (X&tapoL), who at. that time had possessed a part of the Crimea.40We know forcertainthat the name is of Turkish character,and so it must referto the bishop of one of the Turkish peoples of the Crimean Peninsula. The second, o 'AaTTX, (incorrect as the scholiast remarks) refersto the Khazar instead of: 6 'ATrtX town IJil.41 Other recordsalso confirmthe fact that Byzantine conversion of the eighth centurywas remarkablysuccessfulamong the Khazars. It will sufficeto mentionthat duringthe reignof Emperor Constantin V (741-775) a Byzantine soldierexpelled to Cherson fled to Khazaria wherehe became a bishop,42and that about the middleof the eighth centurythere were numerous Christian congregationsin Khazaria.43 A list of bishoprics from 805-815 mentions Khazaria G. I. Konidares, Al JA1Tpo0r6XEGT Kal &PXLE7rLO7KO7ra1 T0o5 OUOuVAPEVKou 7racTpLpXEiou KCa (Athens, 1934)pp. 83-85;thetextp. 100;seealsoA. A. Vasiliev, TheGoths in theCrimea,p. 97-104; Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica, I, 284; G. Vernadsky,"Byzantium and SouthernRussia I, The EparchyofGothia,"Byzantion:International JournalofByzantineStudiesxv (1940-41) 67-76. Vernadsky(p. 70.) came to theconclusionthat"the very compilationof the list must indeed be connected with Constantine's mission to the Khazars" and "the projectof the Eparchy of Gothia . . . was probablythe resultof the examinationof Constantine'sreportby PatriarchPhotius." Cf. G. Vernadsky,Ancient ofVernadsky, Russia, I, (Second printing,New Haven 1944) pp. 345-353. Argumentation who does not know the researchesof Konidares or my treatisewrittenin Hungarian, does not seem convincingto me. 40 See Vasiliev, The Gothsin theCrimea,p. 98; Vernadsky,The EparchyofGothia,p. 72, 75. Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica, II, 289-290. "' See Vasiliev,op. cit.,p. 98-99; Vernadsky,op. cit.,p. 71; Moravcsik,ibid.,xI. p. 80. 42 MenologiumBasilii II imperatoris,Migne, PatrologiaGraeca,cxvii. col. 181 C-D; ed. H. Delehaye (Brussels,1902), pp. 263-264. SynaxariumecclesiaeConstantinopolitanae, 43 See Fr. Dvornik.Les legendesde Constantin et de M~thodevuesde Byzance(Prague, 1933), p. 164; E Peeters,"Les Khazares dans la passion de S. Abo de Tiflis,"Analecta Bollandiana,LIT (1934), 21-56; M. I. Artamonov,"Srednevekovyeposelenijana Nilnem Donu," IzvestijaGosud.AkademiiIstoriiMaterialnofKultury,cxxxi (1935), 85. 39 7 "Ta~ts" a6nTu ByzantineChristianityand theMigratingMagyars 41 among the countries belonging to the ConstantinopolitanPatriarhad been comparedwith chate." The thirdbishop's name: o Xov&Xt7s, the old Russian name of the Caspian Sea (Khvaliskoye);and with the name of a people: Xatatot.45 In our opinion it is not a topical name: 71XovaXq, but an indeclinablepeople's name, XovaXr7s,is hidden in it. The people's name: 'PCaaot too is often mentioned by Byzantine authors in its indeclinable form('PCs). Thus XovaXr7sin 6 XovaXr7sis genitiveplural just like XOTrpwv in the firstbishop's name. The fifth name: 6 'PETh#yis probably wrong instead of: o Tepey, involving the name of the river Terek,or a town of a similar name (Tarku).46We do not know what people belonged to this bishopric,but we must suppose it was the Alans. The seventh name is simplythe new name of Turkish origin- met with forthe firsttime but well-knownfrom otherrecords- of the old Phanagoria.47The fourthand sixthnames involve,just like O XOTrX1pCw, and, in our opinion, also 6 XovaXt7s, tribalapplication. These are: 6 'Ovo-yoVpwv and o O"vvcwP. The phrase O 'Ovo-yoVPwv means: the bishop of the Onogurs. We know this people well fromByzantine sources.48We know that the Onogursappeared near the Caucasus and the riverKuban about the middle of the fifthcentury.They were still there during the sixth. We have good reasons to suppose that they were the predominant element in the "Great Bulgaria" formed at the beginning of the seventh. In the middle of the eighth centurythis countrycollapsed because of the advance of the Khazars. Some of the Bulgarian tribes moved towards the West, and founded the empire of the Danubian Bulgars. A Byzantine record of the eighth century calls them the "Onogur Bulgars." This shows that the Onogur element was predominantin the compositionof the Danubian Bulgars. The fact that, some decades later in the list of bishoprics,mentionis made again of Onogurs between the Crimean Peninsula and the Caucasus, proves that therehad been Onogursleftin the old countryaftersome of the Bulgar tribeshad left. Now, since as the name Magyars: (Ov6yypot) and otherformsoriginatingfromit (Russian: Vengri,Latin: Jiungari, English: Hungarians, etc.) are derivatives of the Turkish Onogur, 44 HieroclisSynecdemnus et Notitiaegraecaeepiscopatuum, ed. G. Parthey(Berlin,1866), p. 140; Des Nilos DoxopatresT~tts T4v 7rcaTptapXuC4j Op6vwv, armenischund griechisch herausgegebenvon F. N. Finek (Tiflis,1902), p. 29. 45 Vasiliev, The Gothsin theCrimea,p. 99-100; Vernadsky, The Eparchyof Gothia,p. 71; Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica, ii, 284, 290. 46 Vasiliev,op. cit.,p. 100; Vernadsky, op. cit.,p. 71. 47 See Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica, II, 251. 48 See Gy. Moravcsik,"Zur Geschichte der Onoguren,"UngarischeJahrbicher, x (1930) 53-90. 42 GyulaMoravcsik rolein theformaand sincethesethushad, no doubt,an important tionof the Hungarianpeople,the Onogursmentionedin the list of bishoprics mustbe consideredMagyars,or at leastan elementofthe Magyarpeopleaboutto be formed. It therehavebeenseveralhypotheses. As forthe"Hun" bishopric, was supposedthattheHunshad livedon theCrimeanPeninsula,and thattheywereidenticalwiththe"Black Bulgars"or theMagyars.49 In our opinionthese"Huns" are to be lookedforelsewhere.If we examinethe list moreclosely,we discoverthat it is arrangedin geographical succession.Aftertheresidenceofthe Gothicmetropolitan,theCrimeantownDoros (to-dayMankup),thebishopricofthe thenthatof the Kocirs (livingalso in the Crim)is firstmentioned, Itilsby theVolga,theKhalisianson thewesternshoreoftheCaspian, southwards.The list concludeswithTamatarcha, theTerekfarther oppositetheCrimean,neartheestuaryoftheKuban.Thisis preceded by the bishopricof the Onogurs,who livedbetweenthe riversDon and Kuban. Thus the "Huns" mentionedabove mustbe lookedfor betweentheTerekand theland oftheOnogurs,thatis, betweenthe Kuban and the Caucasus.Huns had livedhereas earlyas thesixth The Sabirswho,in Byzantinerecords,are oftenmentioned century. as Huns,also lived here.50 Theywerescatteredby theAvarsin 558, and groupsof survivorsturnedup south of the Caucasus in the secondhalfofthesixthcentury.But we have evidencethat,besides the Huns, otherSabirs had lived here. Accordingto one of our records,the fertileplain beyondthe Caspian Gates as far as lake Meotishad beeninhabitedby Huns.5"WhenHeraclius,in thecourse of his war in the Caucasus (624), had to fleefromthe Persians,he withdrew throughhardlypassable roads towardsthe land of the Huns.52Beside Abazgiansand Zikhi,therehad been Huns in the troops of the rebel Thomas in 820.53 Thus the Hun element is to be tracedneartheCaucasusup to the beginningof the ninthcentury. In our opinionthis list, also mentionedelsewhere,refersto this Caucasian Hun bishopric.The ByzantineChurchcelebratedthe bishop of Hunnia,on the 10th memoryof Ephraimthe Confessor, '9 See Vasiliev,The Gothsin theCrimea,pp. 100-101. 50 See Moravcsik,Byzantinoturcica, ii, 201. 51 Procopius,De bello Persico, 1. 10, ed. Haury, I, 46-47, De bello Gothico,iv. 3, ed. Haury,ii, 497. 52 Theophanes,ed. de Boor,p. 310; see E. Gerland,"Die persischen FeldzUgedes Kaisers Herakleios,"Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Im (1894) 354. 53 Genesios,ed. Lachmann,p. 33; see A. A. Vasiliev,Byzanceetles Arabes,I (Brussels, 1935),31. Magyars and theMigrating Byzantine Christianity 43 ofNovember.54 The word"Hunnia" (=land oftheHuns) is metwith in Byzantineliteratureonlyonce beforethis.It is CosmasIndicopleusteswhocalls theland of theWhiteHuns (Ephthalites)by this name.55But this cannotbe identicalwiththe Hunnia in question because the Ephthaliteshad been Nestorians,whileEphraimis, in our record,called "Confessor,"so he musthave been orthodox.Besides, the adjective 'O1oXoy1prs itself refersto the period of icono- clasm. to thebishoprics Now ifwe comparethedata of thelist referring withthoseofother to theCrimeanGothicMetropolitanate belonging sources,the situationis this:in the secondhalfof the seventhcenshoresof the Black turya greatchangehad set in on the northern theBulgarSea. The Khazars,pressingtowardtheEast, overthrew ian Empireby Lake Maeotis,and someoftheBulgariantribeswere compelledto move on westwardswheretheyoccupytheirpresent countryby the Danube. The Khazars occupiedthe townof Phanagoria(Tamatarcha)as earlyas about689 and Bosporuswas theresiofthe Khazar Khagan.56The Khazarsat denceof therepresentative thattimerulednot onlyovertheland by the riverKuban but also overtheeasternshoresoftheCrimeanPeninsula.The CrimeanGoths forsometime,but theKhazar Khagantook kepttheirindependence thetownofDoros in 787.57Thus,onlythewesternpartofthepeninsula remainedunderByzantinerule.This probablyaccountsforthe factthatthePatriarchof Constantinople raisedthebishopricof the withsevensuborthenindependent Gothsto therankofmetropolis, dinatebishoprics.Two of them(Itil and Tamatarcha)bear, as we one,Terek, haveseen,beyondquestionthenamesoftowns.A further of the is likewisea geographicname,whiletherest- thebishoprics Kotshirs,Khvalisians,Onogursand Huns,have tribalnames.From thisfactwe mustdrawtheconclusionthatthefourlatterbishoprics had no permanentresidences,and musthave been active on territoriesof half-nomadic peoples. This again means that they were activitiesweredirectedby missionary bishopricswhoseconverting bishops.We have seen in one of the above mentionedrecordsthe termE7rtaKO7rOS and when,in themiddleof OVvvlas insteadofo O6vvwv the Constantinopolitan Patriarchconsecratesthe thetenthcentury, 51SynaxariumecclesiaeConstantinopolitanae, ed. H. Delehaye (Brussels,1902) p. 212. 55The ChristianTopography, ed. Winstedt,p. 69. 56 Theophanes,ed. de Boor, p. 373; NicephorusPatriarch,ed. de Boor, p. 40-41. LifeofJohnofGothia,ActaSanclorumJunii,v, 190-194;see E.Peeters,"Les Khazares dans la passionde S. Abo de Tiflis,"AnalectaBollandiana,LII (1934), 39-40. 57 44 GyulaMoravcsik firstbishop of the Magyars expresslyin order to do missionarywork among his compatriots, the Byzantine record mentions the new bishop by the name of('7'o0KowrS ToupKtas.8 All these data prove that in the eighth centuryan intensivemissionarywork was being done among the Magyars, or, better,among the Onogurs,componentelementsof the later Magyars. We are not informedas to its later course and resultant,but, at any rate, we must suppose that part of the Magyars at that time had become acquainted more closely with the tenetsof Christianity. The details of the formationof the Magyar people and of the long centuriesof theirwanderingsare unknown. Afterthe name of king Muageris and that of theOnogurbishopric,the Magyars are not mentioned again beforethe thirtiesof the ninthcentury,when they were fightingat the Lower Danube. Some decades later we finda Hungarian troop in Crimea which met the apostle Cyrill in 861 near the town of Cherson. Our recordgives the followingaccount of it: "Alors qu'il faisaitsa prierede la premiereheure,des Hongroisl'entourerent, hurlantcomme des loups et voulant le tuer. Mais lui ne se laissa pas intimider,il n'interrompitpas sa priere, et prononga seulement le "Kyrie eleison," car il avait deja terminel'office.Eux, l'ayant considere,se calmerent,sur un ordredivin, et commencerenta s'incliner devant lui. Apres avoir entendu de sa bouche des paroles d'exhortation, ils le relacherentavec toute sa suite."59This account shows the characteristicsof Christianlegend. Its chiefmotive- the holy man's miraculousescape by God's help fromthe Barbarians whom he had tamed with his words- is a hagiographiccommonplace frequently met with. So, for example, one of the records tells the history of bishop Theotimus who had met Hun horsemen,whereuponhis followersbegan to wail, but he dismountedand prayed to God. The Hun horsemenhad not noticed him, and rode away past him. On another occasion a Hun, wantingto kill the bishop, slunga rope to catch him, but a miracle happened again: his outstretchedarm became paralyzed, and it was only by Theotimus's prayer that he was rid of his invisible fetters.60A similar story has been recorded of a hermit, James,who had been attacked by Hun horsemen.They aimed at him and became with theirarrows,but theiroutstretchedarms stiffened, loose again only after the hermit had prayed for them.6"But all this is far from meaning that the meeting of the Magyars with 68 JohnScylitzes,ed. Bekker,p. 328. 59 Fr. Dvornik,Les legendesde Constantin etde Methodevuesde Byzance,p. 360. 60 Sozomenus,Hist. eccl.,VII. 26, Migne,PatrologiaGraeca,LXVII, Col. 1500. 61;Procopius,De belloPersico,i. 7, ed. Haury, I, 31-32. ByzantineChristianity and theMigrating Magyars 45 Cyrillhad not taken place. There is a recordgivingevidence that the Magyars had come into contact with the Slav apostles beforethe occupation of theirland. It reads: "Quand le roi des Hongroisvint dans les regionsdanubiennes,il voulut le voir. Malgre certainsqui disaient qu'il ne serait pas aisementlibere,il (Methode) se renditapres de lui. Et ce dernierle recut comme un prince,avec honneur,solemniteet gaIt'. II lui parla comme on doit parl' a de tels hommeset il le congedia affectueusement, lui disant en l'embrassantet en le comblantde dons: 'Pere venerable,souviens-toitoujoursde moi dans tes prieres'."62 As to the identityof the Magyar king, or, better,leader, or where and when the meetingtook place, we can only conjecture. One thing is certain; it must have happened before 884, that is, previous to Methodius's death. We know that, beforeoccupying theirland, the Magyars repeatedlyvisited the westernregionsin 862 and 881, and so some of the Magyar leaders may have heard Slav apostles teaching the principlesof Christianity.If the Magyars had reallybroughtthe word "kereszt" (=cross) into theirnew country,it is a furtherevidence that they had come into contact with Christianity- also throughSlavs - beforethe occupation of the land. Summingup the resultsof our investigations,it can be established that the Byzantine Church,in the course of its intensivemissionary work among Turkish peoples, had tried,as early as the beginningof the sixth century,to convert the "Huns"' who lived near Bosporus. In the name of one of these Hun leaders we discovered the people's name: "Magyar." The factthat therehad been Christiansamong the Bulgarian princes at the beginningof the seventh centuryis significant, forthe Magyars had, in all probability,belongedto the OnogurBulgar Empire by the Maeotis. The Onogur missionary bishopric made conversionsalso among the Magyars in the eighthcentury,and at the beginningof the ninth the Magyars came into contact with young Slavic Christianity.Consideringfurthermorethat the Magyars had been living forcenturiesin lands surroundedfromall sides by Christian peoples and bishoprics,it seems even more probable that when they occupied theirnew countrythey had known Christianity, and thus the Byzantine Church had prepared their conversion to the Christian religion which they adopted in their new land. THE 62 UNIVERSITY OF BUDAPEST. Fr. Dvornik,Les ligendesde Constantinel de Milhodezeuesde Byzance,p. 392.
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