Women Leading Public Service
and Political Participation
in South Asia:
New and Emerging
Developments
Women Leading Public Service and
Political Participation
in South Asia:
New and Emerging Developments
The Women in Public Service Project
i
About the Women in Public Service Project:
The Women in Public Service Project was incubated by the U.S. Department of State in partnership with
the leading United States women’s colleges, the Seven Sisters (Barnard, Bryn Mawr, Mt. Holyoke, Smith,
Wellesley Colleges) to inspire a new generation of women leaders to lead their communities and
countries so as to forge new solutions to the intractable challenges of our times. The WPSP has now
grown to be a premier global platform around the world with women’s colleges and academic institutions
globally rededicating their commitment to the 50x50 movement: fifty percent women in leadership and
decision-making in public service by 2050. What started as an effort by academic institutions in the
United States has now grown to include over 80 academic institutions and government entities, and our
delegates come from every region of the world and from over 90 countries. Through the WPSP, academic
institutions play a critical role in nation-building. In countries that are in transition, academic institutions
have the legitimacy to convene disparate groups from the private, public, and non-government sectors.
For more information about the WPSP, please visit http://www.womeninpublicservice.wilsoncenter.org
Acknowledgements:
Many thanks to our generous sponsors without whom this project would not be possible:



The U.S. Department of State- Special thanks to Ambassador Cathy Russell, Ambassador
Michele Sison, Joshua Polacheck, and Mandeep Kaur.
Ford Foundation- Special thanks to Kavita Ramadas and LaShawn R. Jefferson.
Intel- Special thanks to Renee Wittemyer and Sonia Shrivastava.
The Women in Public Service Project thanks Carisa Nietsche, Program Consultant, and Rebecca George,
Off-site Researcher, for their help in editing this report.
© The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2014
ii
Table of Contents
Messages from Women in Public Service Project Partners ......................................................................... iii
Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 1
Rangita de Silva de Alwis
BANGLADESH
Women’s Political Participation and Leadership in Public Service in Bangladesh ...................................... 8
Salma Ali
Women in Public Administration: the Bangladesh Scenario ...................................................................... 19
Dr. Nazmunnessa Mahtab
INDIA
Women as Political Leaders: India the Success Story and SAARC Countries........................................... 34
Vani Tripathi
Women and Political Participation in India ................................................................................................ 40
Priti Dhawan and Krishna Menon
NEPAL
Women’s Political Participation in Nepal, an Opportunity and Challenges ............................................... 42
Pushpa Bhusal
Women and Political and Public Participation in Nepal ........................................................................... 427
Sapana Pradhan Malla
PAKISTAN
Pakistani Women and Politics .................................................................................................................... 49
Farahnaz Ispahani
SRI LANKA
Women in Politics and the Politics of Women in Sri Lanka....................................................................... 54
Maithree Wickramasinghe and Chulani Kodikara
REGIONAL PERSPECTIVES
Does It Matter: Women in Public Service .................................................................................................. 76
Lise Grande
Educating Women for Public Leadership: Some Reflections on the Role of Academic Institutions in
South Asia ................................................................................................................................................... 79
Savitri W E Goonesekere
Educating for Public Leadership ................................................................................................................. 86
Vibha Puri Das
The Role of Women with a Specialization in Applied Sciences in Shaping Policies: A Case Study .......... 90
Lakshmi Devi
Women in Politics in South Asia: A case for quotas? ................................................................................ 93
Rita Manchanda
“Good Management” – Why Basic Management Practices are Critical to Good Governance and
Achieving Public Sector Outcomes ............................................................................................................ 98
Raj Sharma
iii
APPENDIX
Transcript of the Welcome Address from the WPSP Institute at Lady Shri Ram College ............................ i
Meenakshi Gopinath
Transcript of the Closing Remarks from the WPSP Institute at Lady Shri Ram College ............................ vi
Meenakshi Gopinath
South Asian Launch of the
WPSP…………………………………………………..……………...….......xiii
Jane McAuliffe
Author Biographies .................................................................................................................................... xiii
Leadership and Staff of the Women in Public Service Project
and Lady Shri Ram College for Women………………………………………………………………….xiv
Women in Public Service Project Partners and Supporters ........................................................................ xv
iv
Messages from Women in Public Service Project Partners
“As a founding member of the WPSP, it is especially gratifying to know that the important work of
advancing women’s leadership around the globe continues so successfully.”
-Kim Bottomly, President, Wellesley College
"LSR is privileged to be the hub [of the WPSP in India]. The WPSP South Asia was phenomenal at
bringing together so many strands of thought and ideas.”
- Meenakshi Gopinath, President, Lady Shri Ram College for Women
“Smith College shares your commitment to women's advancement and celebrates your participation in
our goal to change the face of public service leadership worldwide.”
-Kathleen McCartney, President, Smith College
“We need more male allies to band together to support this important cause because no matter who you
are, we could all stand to benefit from having more women in leadership positions.”
-Craig Newmark, 50x50 Leadership Circle
“Education is key to allowing women to hone their talents and gain the knowledge and expertise they will
need to assume leadership roles. [Lady Shri Ram College] is offering such opportunities every day.”
-Roseann O’Reilly Runte, President and Vice-Chancellor, Carleton University
“With you, I understand the importance of all female educational institutions and their vital place in
empowering young women to gain the self-confidence to grow and achieve in this world.”
-Molly Raiser, 50x50 Leadership Circle
"[The WPSP program at LSR] had one of the best lineups of speakers that I have come across in a long
time. Moreover, given that the format and execution of the institute was very student-oriented, it was very
productive."
- Maithree Wickramasinghe, Professor, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
1
Introduction
Rangita de Silva de Alwis
Director, Women in Public Service Project, The Wilson Center
“Nothing, arguably, is as important today in the political economy of development as an adequate
recognition of political, economic, and social participation and leadership of women.”
-Amartya Sen, Economist and Nobel Laureate
In March 2014, the Women in Public Service Project and Lady Shri Ram College convened,
Educating for Public Leadership: Strategic Roundtable and Institute on Women in Public Service in
South Asia, that brought together senior women in public service from the South Asian region and
leading public figures in India (including the Foreign Secretary of India, Sujatha Singh) to help
advance a new generation of women leaders at Lady Shri Ram and beyond. Against the backdrop of
national elections, this program could not have come together at a more urgent time and created a
powerful platform to raise women’s political and public service participation in India with potential
broader impact in South Asia. The Delhi Platform of Action and Regional Declaration that were
drafted at the symposium will serve as a call to action that will be submitted to the South Asia
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
Under the auspices of Intel, the WPSP screened Girl Rising's segment on girl child marriage in
Afghanistan. The panel led by an Intel representative focused on new and innovative policymaking
and technology as an educational and policymaking imperative to address violence against women
and enhance access to education as a tool to combat early marriage and advance public and private
partnerships as an imperative in women's leadership in public service and public policy.
As a follow-up to the Institute, this compilation of papers written by the presenters at the WPSP
Institute provide both a mapping of the South Asia region as well as a roadmap for the way forward.
The presentation of qualitative and quantitative data presented in this report fills an unmet need on
data collection on women in public service in the South Asian region. No regional tracking
mechanism exists for women’s leadership and participation in public service. This report also marks
the Beijing +20 and Pillar G (number 7) of the Beijing Platform of Action, which states:
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to take
part in the Government of his/her country… Without the active participation of women
and the incorporation of women's perspective at all levels of decision‐making, the goals
of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved.
At the cusp of Beijing + 20, at the crossroads that mark 15 years of the Security Council Resolution
1325 that calls for women’s leadership in conflict resolution and peacekeeping and on the eve of the
Post 2015 Development Goals, it is a time to take stock of what has been done and what more must be
done to achieve the full and equal participation of women in decision making in political and public
life.
2
Amplifying Women’s Voices: Mapping the Use of Quotas in South Asia
South Asia is home to over one-fifth of the world’s women. Most South Asian Constitutions have
enshrined strong guarantees to ensure women’s political participation. All countries in the South
Asian region include some kind of quota system with the exception of Sri Lanka and Maldives.
Across the globe, 60 percent of countries have adopted alternative forms of quotas which have
advanced women’s representation in governance at the national, provincial, and local levels.
Quotas are an important conduit for building influence for women, not just in politics but in public
life. The status of women in politics helps to improve the status of women in public life as well. In
Afghanistan, Article 83 of the Afghan constitution gives women 25 percent of seats in the lower
house, and Article 84 guarantees them almost 17 percent in the upper house of the National
Assembly.
In Nepal, affirmative action for women’s political representation was incorporated into the new
Interim Constitution, which was adopted in January 2007. Article 63(5) guarantees one-third of the
seats in the Constituent Assembly to women. As a result, 33 percent women made it to the unicameral
parliament in 2008 and 29.91 percent women made it in the most recent elections in November 2013.1
Nepal’s new constitution-building process provides a window of opportunity for change for women’s
representation in political participation and decision making.
In Pakistan, 60 of the 342 seats in the National Assembly (17.5 percent) are reserved for women.
These seats are allocated to the political parties proportionally from the provinces, according to the
electoral result. In the 2012 and 2013 elections, 20 percent women (74/370 seats) were elected to
Parliament.2 As Farahnaz Ispahani states, due to in large part to the quota system, “in 2013 and
leading up to the general election, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) reported a 129.9%
increase in women contesting elections throughout the country through both political parties and
independently.” The quotas in Pakistan have helped women outside of mainstream political parties to
contest. Although the numbers of women who contested seats through mainstream political parties
saw their numbers increase from 34 to 36 from 2008 to 2013, female independent candidates were
unable to win a single seat in Parliament.
In Bangladesh, quotas or reservations are seen as practically the only way through which women can
get into the legislature, making women dependent on the quota system alone. 19.83 percent women
were elected in the Bangladesh’s National Parliament/Jatiya Sangsad in January 2014 and there is
good legislation for the protection of women from violence.3
In addition to reservations in the national legislature, Bangladesh has also introduced a quota for
women in the civil service. Nazmunnessa Mahtab reports that the Government of Bangladesh has
implemented quotas to increase female participation in the civil services “by reserving a 10%
employment quota for gazette posts and 15% for non-gazetted posts.” Despite this strong
1
“Nepal (Sambidhan Sabha), Constituent Assembly, Last Elections." Inter-Parliamentary Union. January 14,
2014. Accessed August 14, 2014. http://www.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/2386_E.htm.
2
"Pakistan (Senate), Last Elections." Inter-Parliamentary Union. March 26, 2012. Accessed August 14, 2014.
http://www.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/2242_E.htm.
3
"Bangladesh (Jatiya Sangsad), General Information." Inter-Parliamentary Union. June 23, 2014. Accessed
August 14, 2014. http://www.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/2023_A.htm
3
commitment, only 6.44% of women are employed in the civil service. The quota system in some
instances has been honored in the breach, rendering ineffective the spirit of the policy. Of the women
officers interviewed in Mahtab’s study, “at least 70% assert that the quota system has never been
followed appropriately or adequately in the selection of women candidates for the various services.” It
is clear that better implementation of the quotas is still needed. At the area of local government, too,
despite the reservations and seats for women in Union Parishads, Salma Ali reports that women
elected from reserved seats do not have equal rights to those elected from non-reserved seats; have no
representation on the Election Commission; and political parties still show little interest in nominating
women in general seats for fear they will lose seats in the election.
The recent watershed elections4 in India only led to a 0.9 percent gain in women’s political
participation. Women now constitute 11.67 percent of both Indian houses of parliament up from 10.75
percent in the previous parliament. 5 Despite promises of women’s increased participation, the gains
for women’s participation were not impressive. A significant barrier to women’s political
participation in India is convincing women to run for office, as there were only 633 women candidates
running for office out of a total 8,164 candidates in 2014.6 Additionally, the eldest and the youngest
ministers are both women. The Modi government has appointed seven women in the cabinet, and two
of the highest positions in the country — the Speaker of Parliament and the Minister of Foreign
Affairs Sushma Swaraj — are now held by women.
The Women’s Reservation Bill, which would allocate a third of seats in parliament and state
legislatures for women, has yet to be passed. The Bill was first introduced in 1996 and after facing
opposition was reintroduced in 1998, 2000, and in 2003. The Upper House (Rajya Sabha/Council of
States) passed the 33 percent reservations for women bill in 2010, but it has not yet been cleared by
the lower house (Lok Sabha/House of the People). The proposed 33 percent reservation in parliament
follows the model of one-third reservations at the Zila Parishad and Panchayat (district and village)
levels, which were introduced in the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Acts in 1993 Constitutional
Amendments, as pointed out by Priti Dhawan and Krishna Menon. The Zila Parishad and Panchayat
reservations have been very impactful, as evidenced by the 40 percent of local council leaders who are
women as a result of quotas.7 Within the Lok Sabha, demands have been made within the Women’s
Reservation Bill for quotas within quotas to include representation of dalit and other women who are
from marginalized sections of the population. With the reservation bill still stuck in the Lok Sabha, it
is important to note that “the three main political parties – the ruling Congress party, the right-wing
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) widely expected to form the new government, and the few months old
Aam Aadmi Party (Common Man’s Party) have all promised in their manifestos to pass the Women’s
Reservation Bill if voted to power.”8 To date there have been no further attempts to bring the bill to
debate in the house. Although women’s representation at the local level is an important entry point,
real power resides in women’s participation in parliament.
4
Elections were held for India’s lower house on April 7, 2014 and May 12, 2014, and the elections for the
remaining seats of the Council of States will be held in November 2014
5
France Presse, Agence. "India Poll: Women Candidates Won 61 out of 543 Seats." Arab News. May 17, 2014.
Accessed August 14, 2014. http://www.arabnews.com/news/572316.
6
Ibid.
7
"Keynote Address of Michelle Bachelet at Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference of Women Speakers of
Parliament in India." UN Women. October 3, 2012. Accessed August 14, 2014.
http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2012/10/keynote-address-of-michelle-bachelet-at-interparliamentary-union-conference-of-women-speakers-of-pa/.
8
Jena, Manipadma. "India’s Women Lose the Election." Inter Press Service, News Agency. April 21, 2014.
Accessed August 14, 2014. http://www.ipsnews.net/2014/04/indias-women-lose-election/.
4
Another aspect of the Women’s Reservation Bill is it would enforce fast-track courts, which is “the
same process used to convict the accused men in the gang rape case.”9 The tragic gang rape in Delhi
has brought the important issue of women’s security to the forefront, evidenced by new Prime
Minister Narendra Modi’s inclusion of women’s security in his campaign manifesto, the inclusion of
stalking and voyeurism as offenses under the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 2013, and the new
possibility to “file a criminal complaint against a police officer.”10 A MDRA/Avaaz survey shows that
“more than 90% of Indian voters see the combating of violence against women as a priority, second
only to corruption.”11 The poll also shows that, “75% of men and women participating in the largest
democratic event in history also believe that the political promises made to advocate women's rights
have been inadequate so far.”12
As a response to the government’s efforts, women across the country who are in “NGOs, women’s
movements, journalists, economists, academics, and lawyers” are promoting their “Womanifesto,”
which is a “six-point plan, first drafted last year, that details what needs to be done within the next
five years to improve conditions for India's women and girls.”13 Their plan recommends to: “educate
for equality; make laws count; put women in power; appoint police for the people; enact swift, certain
justice; and ensure a flourishing economy.”14
The positive impact quotas have in the participation of women in South Asia becomes clear when
evaluating women’s participation levels in countries that do not have a quota system. Maldives
excludes women from holding the highest leadership positions of the president and the vice president.
Additionally, Maldives has not adopted any quotas for women, and the representation of women in
the parliament is very poor at 5.88 percent with women banned from the highest leadership positions.
Sri Lanka also has no quotas for women, and despite the fact that Sri Lanka has been ruled by two
women heads of state including the first woman Prime Minister of a country, women only constitute
5.33% of MPs in Parliament. Further, Maithree Wickramasinghe found that women’s selection to
national lists seem to be made for sometimes political reasons.
Gender quotas and other affirmative actions have improved women’s participation particularly at
local and national levels throughout South Asia. Because of quotas, women in rural areas with little or
minimal formal education have still achieved high levels of political participation. The difference
quotas have made in the representation of women in South Asia can be found in the table below:
Women’s Participation in the Parliaments of South Asia
Country
9
Name of Parliament
Percent
of
Women
# of Women/
Total # of
seats
Last Election
Sarkar, Monica. "India's 'Womanifesto:' How Central Are Women's Rights to This Year's Elections?" CNN
World. May 16, 2014. Accessed August 14, 2014. http://www.cnn.com/2014/04/08/world/asia/india-electionwomen-rights/.
10
Ibid.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
13
Ibid.
14
Ibid.
5
Bangladesh
Sri Lanka
Maldives
Nepal
India*
Parliament
Parliament
People’s Majlis
Sansad
Lok Sabha (House of the
People)
Rajya Sabha (Council of
States)
National Assembly
19.83%
5.78%
5.88%
29.91%
11.4%
69/279
13/225
5/85
172/575
62/543
January 5, 2014
April 8 and 20, 2010
March 22, 2014
November 19, 2013
April 2014
11.9%
29/243
February 2014
20.74%
67/323
May 11, 2013
Senate
16.35%
17/104
March 2, 2012
Pakistan**
Data from: http://www.ipu.org/parline-e/parlinesearch.asp.
*Total representation: 11.65%
**Total representation: 19.67%
The Difference that Difference Makes
When women have the opportunity to lead in South Asia, the results have been extraordinary. “Nayna
Patra, is a 45-year-old woman from Dhenkenal district in the eastern state of Odisha. The challenges
she faced when raising a differently abled daughter did not deter her from getting elected twice as a
ward member from Maluagoda village in Odisha. Nayna established a school for girls, protected 250
acres of Sal forest, and helped women’s groups to get loans for small entrepreneurial endeavors. She
continues to motivate and inspire many women from her village.”15
There is also evidence that India’s one third Zila Parishad and Panchayat reservations for women
have improved the substantive representation of women. As found in a fascinating study on women
and power by the Poverty Action Lab, the reservation policy has had a significant impact on women
in the villages, including a reduction in “the association of women with domestic activities and
improved male villagers’ evaluation of female leaders’ effectiveness.”16 A female leader’s presence
also eliminated the gender gap in both aspirations and educational attainment for girls.17 Additionally,
villages where women had a presence on local councils "clearly showed that men and women have
different preferences over public goods." To put it bluntly, women invested more in infrastructure that
had a direct impact on improving the lot of the average woman, whether their priorities were for better
water supplies or more investment in education. The visibility of women in leadership roles also
appears to have an impact in encouraging girls and women to continue with their education and to
consider future career options differently. Vani Tripathi argues that nearly two decades after the
government’s reservation for all Panchayats, the first nationwide study on the institution shows that
women are no longer dependent on their kinships to male members of their community and family
and are able to exercise their own agency in coming forward to run for office.
The promulgation of new laws — in particular in the areas of gender-based violence, family law and
land rights — also lead to women’s increased presence. There is also an increase in ‘gendered
15
"Rendezvous with Nayna Patra: UN Women's Star Campaigner." UN Women. April 23, 2013. Accessed
August 14, 2014. http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/2013/rendezvous-with-nayna-patra-un-women’s-starcampaigner-wins-the-outstanding-women-panchayat-leader-award/.
16
"Raising Female Leaders." Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab. April 1, 2012. Accessed August 14, 2014.
http://www.povertyactionlab.org/publication/raising-female-leaders.
17
Ibid.
6
perspective’ to the legislative process and use of a ‘gendered lens’ to analyze and monitor national
budgets. In some countries the increased presence of women in parliament had a more subtle impact:
the change of people’s attitudes towards women in politics, the creation of a transgenerational effect,
and the impact of a new political culture regarding the acceptability of women as political leaders.
Silencing Women’s Voices: Challenges to Women’s Leadership
Women in South Asia are heirs to long traditions of political activism due to their participation in
anti-colonial struggles and the strong influence of a women’s movement. However, the number of
women in national parliaments in South Asia is below the average 20 percent proportion globally
despite boasting women as heads of state and government: Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika
Kumaratunga in Sri Lanka, Indira Gandhi and Pratibha Patil in India, Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan,
Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh. At the grassroots level, there are more women in
power than in the national legislative bodies, but many of the women at a higher level of government
have had a family connection. Despite quotas at the state-level, political parties largely remain
bastions of male power.
Women still face countless barriers on their journey to public service. Constraints on women’s
participation arise due to a convergence of cultural norms and weak institutional norms that prevent
women from taking on more public roles. Allegations of corruption and criminalization of politics and
the disparagement of women in political life have impeded women’s participation and discouraged
women from participating in political and public life. Indian politician and former Defense Minister
Mulayam Singh Yadav stated that if the Women's Reservation Bill in India was passed it would fill
Parliament with the kind of women who invite catcalls and whistles.
The violence against women who choose the political path is an urgent concern. For example, Sri
Lankan politician Salma Hamza, a member of the Urban Council and the first Muslim woman
politician in the entire eastern province, has had fuel bombs thrown at her vehicle by opposition
members. She has said that "many women are greeted with violence if they even want to get their
names on the nomination list for parliament.”18
Women also face a significant barrier due to their lack of access to economic and political resources.
Political networks are critical to women’s advancement in politics, and they are considered the most
important tools to advance women in the public or private sector. Because women are less integrated
within powerful political networks, it is even more difficult for them to participate in large numbers or
to play an important role in political decision making.
Conclusion
Despite strides to increase women’s political participation across the globe, only 17 of 193 Heads of
State and/or government globally are women. Among Parliaments, in 2013, Rwanda topped the list
with 56 percent women, followed by Seychelles with 43 percent and South Africa with 42 percent.
Further, since the Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action in 1995, there has only been a ten
percent increment in leadership positions globally. The Commonwealth Plan of Action for Gender
18
True, Jacqui, Dr. Sara Niner, Dr. Swati Parashar, and Dr. Nicole George. "Women’s Political Participation in
Asia and the Pacific." SSRC Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum. 2012 Report. Accessed August 14, 2014.
http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/thebordercrossingobservatory/files/2013/02/UNDPA-Women’s-PoliticalParticipation-in-Asia-and-the-Pacific.pdf.
7
Equality called on governments to introduce measures to promote at least 30 percent representation of
women in parliament, government, and business by 2015.
Despite the implementation of quotas and improvements to the number of women in leadership
positions globally, additional actions must be taken to increase the number of women in public
service. Women’s ability to impact policy is also dependent on strong civil society groups, strong
women’s groups, and the relationship between parliamentarians’ and women’s groups. As Anne
Marie Goetz states, the use of a gender lens and gender perspectives among parliamentarians is a
“critical precondition for political action.” Collaboration between academic institutions, policymakers
and women’s movements, and transnational feminist networks in the region are critical levers.
Quotas are just the gateway to political engagement. The real opportunity for reform comes when
quotas are combined with leadership skills and capacity-building, including budget management,
negotiation skills, and public speaking. As Vani Tripathi states, the women who are re-elected are “reelected because […] they can deliver.”
A recent report on Women in the Uganda Parliament by the Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and
Policy at the University at Albany and Nkumba University argues that “numerical representation is
only one variable that can facilitate the success of a woman’s agenda, but does not, on its own, ensure
this positive outcome. Pro-women policy outcomes serve to deepen our understanding of the forces
that need to be present to propel substantive representation forward.” The report shows that in order to
ensure participation and representation of women in public service, quotas must exist side by side
with other factors, such as the ability of women to influence policy-making on behalf of other women.
Additionally, political representatives should be held accountable for policy outcomes.
Convenings such as the WPSP Institute that brought together policymakers and emerging women
leaders provided the space for women to collaborate and negotiate on some of the most pressing
issues in the region, to identify gaps in leadership in government, to share regional strategies, to build
all important transnational networks and to impact policy in the making. This compendium of essays
continues that call to action for women’s leadership in public policy and public service in the South
Asian region and is an important effort to impact new and emerging developments in women’s
decision-making in the sub region.
8
Women’s Political Participation and Leadership
in Public Service in Bangladesh
Advocate Salma Ali
Executive Director, Bangladesh National Women’s Lawyers’ Association
In Bangladesh over the last three decades, emphasis has been given on ensuring gender equality and
mainstreaming gender issues through various policies and strategies to ensure employment of women
in various professions. The government is a major employer in Bangladesh, thus appointment of
women in Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS)1 and their inclusion in different cadres is very significant
and needs special consideration from various perspectives. The Government of Bangladesh (GOB)
has already made several policy decisions and taken special measures to ensure equitable female
participation in the civil service. A quota system2 was introduced to increase the presence of women
in the government employment sector, though women’s participation in government services has not
yet reached a satisfactory level.



Bangladesh civil service has more than 1.1 million civil servants in 37 ministries, 11
divisions, 254 departments and 173 statutory bodies.3
10 percent of posts are reserved for women.
There has been progress in the numbers of women in service at mid and senior levels from
8.5% in 1999 to 15 percent in 2006 and 21 percent in 20114.
Figure 1: Breakdown by sex of male and female officers at middle and senior levels, 1999-2011
Level
Secretary
2011
Men
96.1
Women
3.9%
1999
Men
98.4
Men
98.0
Women
2.0
5.2%
100.0
98.2
1.8
9.8%
93.2
98.5
1.5
88.1
11.9%
88.3
98.6
1.1
79.8
20.2%
84.3
91.0
9.0
79.8
25.9%
77.3
85.7
14.3
79
21%
85.0
91.5
8.5
94.8
Additional
Secretary
Joint Secretary 90.2
Deputy
Secretary
Senior
Assistant
Secretary
Assistant
Secretary
TOTAL
Source: Ministry of Public Administration, Public Administration Computer Cell, 2012, and Human
Development Report in Facts and Figures of Gender Compendium of Bangladesh 2009, BBS
1
The civil service system is the backbone of the administrative machinery of the country. Bangladesh Public
Service Commission (BPSC) is the main policy setting and recruitment body of BCS.
2
The 10% of quota system was introduced in 1976.
3
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), 2012.
4
The data of 2011 1nd 2012 are the most recent ones available from the BBS and related Ministries.
9
This figure shows that:




There is steady progress from 1999 through 2011, which increases up to the level of the Joint
Secretary. There are more women in the departments and directorates women at lower levels
as well as women engaged in direct service delivery, such as teachers, health and family
planning assistants, nurses, etc. Semi-autonomous organizations and corporations (outside the
scope of the 10 percent/15 percent quotas) have much lower rations and have had such low
rations in the past as well.
Bangladesh Civil Service Women’s Network is registered as an official association with 720
registered members.
The first ever comprehensive Gender Guidelines for Civil Service have been formulated.
In addition, there are 23 percent women in the judiciary.
Figure 2: Sex Disaggregated Human Resources in the Civil Service 2011, 2008-9, and 2006
Women (no./percentage of total)
Ministry /Division
2011
2008/9
2006
1465 (16%)
1310 (15%)
1176 (14%)
206789 (25%)
129408 (23%)
19536 (8%)
15545 (7%)
12918 (5%)
250199 (22%)
223644 (21%)
143502 (15%)
Department/Directories 229198 (27%)
Autonomous
Bodies/Corp.
Total
Source: Ministry of Establishment December 2011 in BBS 2012, and appendix 2 table 4, CEDAW Alternative
Report 2010
Figure 3: Women participation in decision making
Serial
Rank
Total number
Women
Men
Percentage
1
Secretaries
70
3
67
4.29%
2
257
13
244
5.06%
3
Additional
Secretary
Joint Secretary
629
73
556
11.61%
4
Deputy Secretary
1492
163
1329
11%
Source: Universal Periodic Review (UPR), the United Nations Human Rights Council, Human Rights Watch,
2012.
10
Women participation in decision making by level
Men
Deputy Secretary
10.9%
Joint Secretary
11.6%
Additional Secretary
5.1%
Secretaries
4.3%
Women
89.1%
88.4%
94.9%
95.7%
In the 29 cadres, most of the women are at the lower levels. The presence of women at higher levels
of administration and policy formulation is not significant.
Concerns:
It is very strongly evident from the figures shown that the presence of women at higher levels of
administration and policy formulation is very insignificant.
Women officers in cadre services face multi-faceted problems which arise both at home and in the
office. Women’s marginalized position in the BCS could be seen as stemming from a complex
interplay of factors, including historical, cultural, socio-economic, administrative and attitudinal
factors.
Women in Law Enforcement Authorities
Bangladesh Police:
Women first joined Bangladesh Police in 1974, when 14 women police officers were appointed in the
Special Branch of whom seven were at the rank of Sub-Inspector and seven were at the rank of
Constable.5 The first female uniformed police members were recruited two years later, in 1976, when
15 women police officers were appointed in the Dhaka Metropolitan Police for the first time. They
were also at the ranks of Constable and Sub-Inspector. At present, policewomen of various ranks are
appointed and work in all units of Bangladesh police
5
Women in the Police, Editorial, The New Nation, Retrieved on 5 June 2014.
11
Figure 4: Present Number of Women in Bangladesh Police Force as of May 2014
SL no
Rank/
Designation
No of
approved
posts
1
Additional
Inspector
General
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
10
11
12
Total no of
officers
transferred
Total no of
officers
under
training
Total no
of serving
Women
officers
0
No of
Serving
women
officers in
the unit
1
0
0
1
Deputy
Inspector
General (DIG)
Additional
DIG
0
2
0
0
2
0
2
0
0
2
Superintendent
of
Police (SP)
Additional SP
Senior
Assistant SP
2
12
0
0
12
3
24
57
111
0
0
0
0
57
111
Inspector
(Unarmed)
Inspector
(Armed)
Sub Inspector
(SI) (Unarmed)
SI (Armed)
Constable
Grade 14
41
56
2
0
58
0
0
0
0
0
411
298
77
100
475
397
1793
378
5663
33
12
0
738
411
6413
2629
6599
124
838
7561
Total
Manpower
Source: Police Headquarters Establishment Cell, Data as of May 2014.
At present, the total number of police officials is 154,921. The total number of working police officers
is 144,411. Amongst total officers, the number of female police officers is 7,561. The percentage of
female police officers is 5.24 percent.
Recent Positive Initiatives:

The Special Women Police Contingent (SWPC) was formed in 2008 with the intention of
developing a special unit consisting only of women that would investigate crimes involving
12




female criminals. As an all-women force, the SWPC is the first of its kind in Bangladesh's
history.
The Bangladesh Police plans to train and hire 3,000 women officers to bolster the SWPC.6
There is an Assistant Commissioner of Police in charge of the Dhaka SWPC who leads a
detective force of 24 women officers.
The Bangladesh Police Women’s Network has been established as a national and regional
milestone towards the implementation of the Women in Policing Strategy and the broader
goal of police reform. The Network is the first of its kind not only in Bangladesh but in South
Asia.
Further to this national initiative, in 2009, 193 women police from Bangladesh became
members of the International Association of Women Police, with one leading female police
officer elected as coordinator of the network for Region 15 (stretching from Bangladesh and
India to China, the Philippines, and Indonesia).
Mahmuda Begum, Assistant Commissioner of Chittagong Metropolitan Police (CPM), was
the first female officer in Bangladesh as well as in the sub-continent who got Special Weapon
and Tactics training provided by the United States.
United Nations Peacekeeping:
Bangladesh, being the top contributor of female police officers to the United Nations Peacekeeping
Operations as Formed Police Unit, has become the crucial partner in the transition from war to peace.
Presently, there are 190 female officers from Bangladesh working in different peacekeeping missions
and helping the United Nations toward its goal of having 20 percent women employees in its
recruitment system.7 Bangladesh female Police Officers are working in three UN peacekeeping
operations, including Darfur, Haiti, and Congo. Responding to the challenges in implementing the UN
Mandate in the field of gender issues, women and children affairs, Bangladesh Police has sent 2 (two)
Women FPUs in Haiti (MINUSTAH) and Congo (MONUSCO).
On May 16, 2010, Bangladesh sent its first all-female police contingent of 160 women personnel on
the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti, headed by Additional Police Commissioner Begum Rokfar.
Bangladesh Army:
The Bangladesh Army did not recruit women for many years. However, in 2003 and following the
lead of many armies in the world, the Bangladesh Army decided to recruit women. Women were
recruited as commanding officer. In the past, this post was considered a post only for men. These
female officers proved that they are as good as their male counterparts. Even some women officers
worked for UN peacekeeping forces. For the first time in the country’s military history, some 1,263
female soldiers were recruited. Of the 1,263 female soldiers, 945 were for medical core and would be
on training for one year.
6
‘Number of Women Rising in Police Force’, M Rahman, The Daily Star, Published on March 2013.
Bangladesh has won the honour of becoming the first Muslim majority nation in the world to send an allwomen contingent on a UN peace mission.
7
13
Concerns:
Women personnel are working competently in almost all units alongside male colleagues, though the
existing infrastructure is not always favorable for women to a great extent. For example, in most
places, women personnel face the problems of washrooms and transports.
Most of the female police officials are being posted in the metropolitan areas, as the infrastructure in
police stations and outside metropolitan areas are hardly suitable for women police.
Women in the Judiciary
Women Lawyers:
Currently, women comprise approximately only 10 percent (about 30,000) of the legal profession,
which is an increase from 0.5 percent in 1972, but it is still very low. For instance, in the Bhola
District Bar Association, there is currently only one non-practicing female member.8
Women Judges:
Among a total of 1,150 judges in Bangladesh, approximately 345 judges (35 percent) are women. In
the latest intake of judges from 2011-2012, this percentage of female entrants was 27 percent (35
women judges of a total 129 judges).9 In the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, there are currently six
female judges of whom only one is in the Appellate Division.10 Madame Justice Nazmun Ara Sultana
is the first ever female justice, and Madame Justice Krishna Debnath is the first female Hindu justice
of Bangladesh. There are five female justices in the Supreme Court.
Women in Legal Academia:
In Bangladesh, on average 30 percent of legal academics are women. Amongst the law faculties of the
two major universities of the country, Dhaka and Chittagong Law Schools, women constitute 33.36
percent and 24 percent of the faculty, respectively.11 In relation to students, the majority of females do
not wish to pursue a career as a practicing lawyer. Common reasons include familial obligations and
expectations, the long hours of practice, and the associated security risks of late-night public
commutes.
Concerns:
Women judges are being discriminated in promotion and posting. Senior lawyers rarely allowed their
female juniors to move cases before the courts. Women lawyers were facing discriminations as many
senior lawyers do not prefer to engage women lawyers as their juniors.
8
Ridwanul Hoque, Gender and the Legal Profession in Bangladesh: Achievements and Challenges, Journal of
Law and Social Research, No. 3, 2012
9
Ibid
10
Bangladesh Bar Council (BBC), Report 2013.
11
Ibid
14
Women in Power and Decision Making
Women’s participation in, and contribution to, political processes has increased, both at the national
and local levels. Women’s participation in the national parliament is presently 19.7 percent, and the
Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, and the Speaker are all women. A number of women
mayors have been elected. The Government increased the number of reserved seats for women in
parliament from 45 to 50 by the 15th Amendment of the Constitution on June 30, 2011. The majority
party’s (and fourteen parties’ alliance) manifesto, which includes commitments to ensure direct
election of women to 1/3 reserved seats in parliament, has not been implemented.
Women in Parliament:




In the 10th parliament, there are a total of 50 standing committees with a total number of 509
persons of whom 428 are male and 81 are female.
After the 2014 elections, there are 69 women parliamentarians of whom 50 are on the
reserved seats and 19 have been elected directly.
Only 27 out of a total of 540 candidates contested from different political parties (except BNP
and 19 parties alliances) of whom 19 won the elections.
Dr. Shireen Sharmin, first woman Speaker and new State Minister, is significant as she is the
first ever female parliament speaker in the history of Bangladesh.
Figure 5: Elected women MPs of Major Parties in the Bangladesh Parliament
Parliament
1st parliament
(1973-75)
2nd Parliament
(1979-82)
3rd Parliament
(1986-87)
4th parliament
(1988-90)
5th Parliament
(1991-95)
6th Parliament
(1996-96)
7th Parliament
(1996-2001)
8th Parliament
(2001-06)
9th Parliament
(2006-13)
Number
of
Reserved
Seats (R)
15
Women
MP from
General
Seats (G)
-
Women
MP from
AL
Women
MP from
BNP
Women
MP from
JP
Women
MP from
JEI
15 (R)
-
-
-
30
2
-
-
-
30
5
1(G)
30+2
(R+G)
-
-
-
4
-
-
30+4
(R+G)
4(G)
30
4
3(G)
-
2(R)
30
3
-
-
-
30
8
7
50
20
3+2
(R+G)
3+1
(R+G)
4+1
(R+G)
-
45
27+3
(R+G)
2(G)
28+1
(R+G)
30+3
(R+G)
3(G)
41+16
(R+G)
Source: Election Commission of Bangladesh, Report 2014.
36+4
(R+G)
5+3
(R+G)
-
4(R)
0+0
(R+G)
15
Two major points may be noted from the above figure: there is a positive trend among the women
leaders to be elected from the general seats, and the majority parties have used reserved seats as a
means of securing an optimum number to form a government or to confirm two-third majority in the
House.
Women in Local Government:





In 1976, the Bangladesh government adopted the Local Government Ordinance and
introduced a three-tier local government system.
Union Parishad Act (Second Amendment) 1997 allows for direct election of one chairperson
and 12 members to the Union Parishad, with three seats reserved for women members. Each
woman member represents a single ward.12
In elections held in 2003, 22 women were elected as chairpersons out of a total of 232 women
candidates who contested, and 79 won in the general seats out of 617 women candidates.
39,419 women candidates competed for 12,684 reserved seats.
The Upazilla Parishad Act 2008 reserved one seat for women among the two elected vice
chairpersons. In the latest Upazilla election held in February 2014, 115 women candidates
were elected as Vice-Chairman.
In elections held on January 22, 2009 under the RPO 2008, 480 women have been elected to
the reserved post of vice chairpersons in 480 Upazillas out of a total number of 1,936
contestants.
City Corporations:



10-30 seats were reserved for women depending on the size of the ‘pourasavas’/ city
corporation.
As per the local Government (City Corporation) Act 2009, one-third of the counselors’ seats
are reserved for women candidates, and women can also contest for direct election for the
general seats.
Elections to four City Corporations and nine pourasavas were held on August 4, 2008, in
which 194 (2.4 percent) women candidates contested for 39 reserved councilor’s seats. In
nine pourasavas, 120 (0.47 percent) women contested for 27 reserved seats.
Women’s representation in Political Parties:
Although women hold three of the most powerful positions in the country's parliament, their
representation in the decision-making bodies of the political parties is nearly non-existent.
12
Apart from the reserved seats, women can also contest for any of the general seats
16
Figure 6: Number of Women Members in the Five Party Hierarchies of Major Political Parties
in Bangladesh
Source: From the websites of all the political parties, accessed on May, 2014
The two main political parties headed by women have very few female members in their advisory
committees and national or executive committees. There is limited female involvement in party
hierarchical structures. However, the top leadership positions in each of the two largest parties are
occupied by women. Out of 1,567 candidates nominated by different political parties, there were only
64 women constituting about 4.08 percent of the total candidates who contested in the 2008 election.
Concerns:
While the reservation of seats for women in Union Parishads has given women the opportunity to be
visible in the public domain, rules and procedures still do not give women members equal rights
compared to those elected from non-reserved seats.
Women usually are given positions in committees, which are traditionally considered to be women’s
domain. Political parties show little interest in nominating women in general seats as they fear losing
seats in the election.
The demand for direct election from the women constituency was not fulfilled by the government.
Women’s participation lags behind the 30 percent called for by the Beijing Platform of Action. The
unequal distribution of powers and portfolios has created conflict among members of Parliament, local
government representatives, and local administration.
The responsibilities and duties of women representatives in local government are not well defined.
Budget allocation for women members of Local Union Parishads is also inadequate.
There are still no women members in the Election Commission.
Women’s participation at Union Parishad and Pourashava elections increased in numbers, but their
participation in the decision-making process is not established in reality.
17
Positive Efforts for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women












Maternity leave increased from four months to six months for every woman in the workplace;
Inclusion of the mother’s name on all official documents related to her child/children;
Introduction to Small, Medium Enterprises (SMEs) for women entrepreneurs with special
bank loans;
Equal wages for males and females;
High Court directives on Sexual Harassment to ensure safety and equality of women at the
workplace;
The quota system to ensure women have a presence in government jobs;
The National Education Policy 2010, which recommends that the gender inequality and
violence against women should be addressed through curriculum and text book reform
starting from 2012;
The government has approved the National Women Advancement Policy in 2011;
Bangladesh government has formed the National Wages and Productivity Commission and
the National Health and Safety Council in 2010;
Women Technical Training Centers in six divisional headquarters, one Labor Appeal
Tribunal, and seven labor courts were also established in 2009 by the government;
An amendment of Labor Law 2006 is underway to include agricultural work as “labor.” Out
of the total number of women in the labor force, 68.1 percent are engaged in agriculture;
Various Safety Net initiatives for the extreme poor and vulnerable women have been
introduced.
Recommendations









Maternity leave needs to cover both the formal and informal sectors, especially the Ready
Made Garments (RMG) sectors;
Ensure that values of gender justice and attitudes are mainstreamed into curriculum and
textbooks;
Create an independent National Women’s Commission that can safeguard, implement, and
monitor the rights of women in Bangladesh. The powers and duties of the Commission should
include but not be limited to: fact finding, data collecting, and adjudicating women’s rights;
Conduct sensitization programs and provide capacity building training to Law Enforcing
Agency (LEA) members;
The Government must enact legislation to introduce direct election of women to 100 reserved
seats in the National Parliament (100 reserved seats and 300 general seats);
At least one woman member should be incorporated in the Election Commission;
Laws — such as the RPO and the Women’s Advancement Policy provisions aimed at the
promotion of women’s full and equal participation in decision making in all areas of public,
political and professional life — need to be monitored and enforced by the Government;
Elected women representatives to public office need institutional support and resources so
that they can function effectively;
Capacity building and mentoring programs for women candidates and women elected to
public office should be institutionalized. Additionally, programs on leadership and
negotiation skills for current and future women leaders should be institutionalized;
18


The draft Civil Service Act and its bylaws, which are currently being finalized, is a key piece
of legislation and a priority. Therefore, it should be ensured that the act includes provisions to
promote and support women in civil service and their full and effective integration;
Most importantly, institutional support to improve gender balance should focus on the areas
of improving availability and quality of sex-disaggregated data to enable the tracking of
gender balance at various levels.
Concluding Remarks:
The commitment to bringing in women as a critical mass in decision making is yet to be fulfilled.
Though women are visible in all areas, their representation is often in terms of numbers and not
effective participation. It is important to reaffirm the pledges made by the government to increase
women’s representation and to take action in promoting women’s effective participation in decisionmaking and managerial positions by ensuring their presence, scope of action, and capacity.
References
Ali Ahmed (1984). Bangladesh Public Administration and Senior Civil Servants. Dhaka : Bangladesh
Public Administration Training Centre.
Bangladeshi women in politics, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Bangladeshi_women_in_politics
Bangladesh Public Service Commission (2010). Annual Report of Bangladesh Public Service
Commission. Dhaka : BPSC.
Draft Bangladesh Report, the Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action
(1995) and the outcomes of the Twenty-third Special Session of the General Assembly (2000),
May 2014.
Farah Deeba Chowdhury, Women's Political Participation in Bangladesh An Empirical Study,
Universal Press Limited, 2013.
K. M Hedayetul Huq and Hiralal Bala, Women in Civil Service of Bangladesh , 1972-86, June 1987.
Md. Rezaul Karim,Women in Bangladesh Civil Service: Vulnerability and Challenges, , Paper for the
12th World Congress of Rural Sociology, Goyang, Korea, 6-11 July 2008.
Momtaz Jahan, Gender Mainstreaming in Bangladesh Civil Service Prospects and Constraints Asian
Affairs, Vol. 29, No. 1, 41-72, January - March 2007.
Number of women rising in police force, available at
http://archive.thedailystar.net/beta2/news/number-of-women-rising-in-police-force/
Political Empowerment of Women (in Local Government) available at http://www.dwatchbd.org/sdc/sdc.html
The World Bank, Whispers To Voices, Gender and Social Transformation in Bangladesh’ Bangladesh
Development Series, Paper No 22, March 2008.
Universal Periodic Review (UPR), the United Nations Human Rights Council, Bangladesh National
Woman Lawyers’ Association (BNWLA), October 2012.
19
Women in Public Administration: the Bangladesh Scenario1
Nazmunnessa Mahtab
Professor of Women and Gender Studies, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh
Introduction
Throughout the world, women continue to face inequality in all spheres of life. Examples from
surveys will validate this statement. Gender inequality index data from United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) Reports from 1995 to the present reveal that women are treated more poorly than
men in 151 countries across issues such as poverty, education, basic health, employment, income,
violence, and participation in politics and administration.
In Bangladesh, women represent a disadvantaged minority in the social, economic and political
realms. Traditional Bangladeshi society is saturated with patriarchal norms of female subordination,
subservience, subjugation and segregation (Nelson and Chowdhury, 1994:94), beginning with
discrimination at birth and leading to deprivation and limited access to a variety of opportunities and
benefits in family and social life. Ultimately, gender-based discrimination places Bangladeshi women
in an extremely vulnerable and disadvantageous position.
As half of the country’s total population, Bangladeshi women represent half of the country’s potential
for development. In recent times, “gender equality” and “women’s empowerment” have been two of
the most pervasive and noteworthy themes in development. The economic, social, and political
empowerment and autonomy of women is no longer viewed as a human rights issue alone; it has
become a basic building block of any prospective agenda for the achievement of sustainable
development.
The government of Bangladesh has recognized the need to prevent discrimination as it presently
exists and as it may present itself in the future. Over the last four decades, emphasis has been on
ensuring gender equality and enhancing the position of women. All of the following are indicative of
the commitment of the Bangladesh Government to eradicate gender discrimination: the constitutional
guarantee of equality between women and men, the measures undertaken to reform the laws that
relate to women, the ratification of international conventions such as the CEDAW, and the provisions
of successive planning documents that enhance opportunities for women.
The Beijing Platform for Action (PFA) is being implemented in Bangladesh through two key
stakeholders: the National Policy for the Advancement of Women (NPWA) and the National Action
Plan (NAP). The government has adopted various strategies to implement the 12 critical areas of
concern identified in the PFA. To facilitate the process of implementation, monitoring, and evaluation
of policies, programs, and projects undertaken for women’s advancement, the government has
established institutional mechanisms across all levels of governance.
The study recognizes that various policies and measures undertaken by the international agencies and
national governments have impacted Bangladeshi women in a non-linear fashion. While
governments’ sincere commitments and efforts are praiseworthy, women’s lives and working
conditions over the last few decades call for further investigation on their experiences and impacts of
1
This paper is an abridged version of a study entitled “Problems and Prospects of Gender Mainstreaming in The
Bangladesh Civil Service” commissioned by ILO, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 2011.
20
these policy measures. This paper aims to raise questions on the efficacy of these policies to ensure
women’s advancement and gender equality as well as the role of different implementing agencies.
Against this background, the present paper has been written on the basis of a study undertaken to
assess the effective implementation of the National Action Plan for bringing about women’s
advancement in Bangladesh, with emphasis on achieving gender equality. However, focus has been
given to the position of women in the Bangladesh public administration, or women in the Bangladesh
Civil Service (BCS). The study included six specific Ministries of the Government of Bangladesh,
including:
1) Ministry of Planning and Economic Resources Division (ERD);
2) Ministry of Finance;
3) Ministry of Health;
4) Ministry of Labour and Manpower;
5) Ministry of Women and Children Affairs; and
6) Ministry of Education.
The main objective of the study was to examine the government policies and practices of achieving
gender equality and women’s empowerment in the relevant ministries selected under the study.
The specific, additional objectives were to:











Present a comprehensive view of the position of women in BCS cadres;
Conduct a perception survey amongst the female BCS officers on “gender equality;”
Examine the government policies and practices related to increasing women’s participation in
the cadre services;
Examine the availability of gender sensitive policies and measures in the work place of the
ministries under study;
Analyze users’ satisfaction with the services provided by the policies;
Analyze policy toward empowerment of women in Bangladesh;
Assess the implementation of women and gender related policies in Bangladesh;
Review the skills and capacity of the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs in dealing
with gender mainstreaming for effective implementation of national policies in bringing about
women’s advancement in Bangladesh;
Identify the gaps and challenges in existing policies and processes and suggest alternative
vision and agenda for the future;
Identify the barriers and obstacles, problems behind the low representation of women in the
BCS. In this perspective, identify cases of sexual harassment faced by women officials while
discharging their functions both at the national and local levels and suggest provisions for
creating a women friendly environment toward achieving women’s empowerment;
Suggest remedies to overcome the problems, to improve the overall situation of women, and
to face the challenges of achieving gender equality and empowerment through the prospects
of maintaining gender mainstreaming in all aspects of their life.
21
Methodology of the Study
The study was based on the on the collection of data based on primary and secondary sources. Data
was collected on a quantitative and qualitative basis.
Quantitative data focused on the number of women entering the Bangladesh Civil Services in the
different Cadres, including:

Review of previous number of women identifying the rate of increase or decrease of women
entering the services; and
 Review of relevant literature, official reports and documents, and policies and plans of the
Government of Bangladesh.
On the other hand, qualitative data was based on:







Meetings and discussions with BCS officers, including both females and male using an
unstructured questionnaire to assess their knowledge and perception about governance issues,
women’s issues and concerns;
Intensive interviews, meetings, and discussions with WID Focal Point officials of the
respective Ministries under study;
Participatory discussions held to obtain their opinion on several issues relating to their roles
and responsibilities, their expectations as women officials, and their relationship with their
male colleagues;
Meetings and discussions with concerned government officials of other ministries not within
the scope of this study;
Field visits were made only to the district of Barisal, including some Upizilas within the
district in order to assess the performance of both women and men officials posted in the
field and to identify the differences regarding working conditions and environment between
the national and field levels;
A focus group discussion (FGD) was undertaken with officers representing different
Ministries and Departments during their training program on “gender mainstreaming”
organized by the Department of Population Sciences, University of Dhaka. A total of 50 (25
in each group) officers were interviewed, and their opinions and views were taken into
consideration regarding their idea of gender mainstreaming and programs and policies of the
government offices or agencies represented by them;
However, as all the Ministries could not be covered as planned, detailed interviews were
taken from individual BCS officers working in different ministries and posted in different
places. These included officers from the Ministry of Information, The Directorate of
Education, and the BCS Academy (those attending training for the national level and also
field level officers). This provided us with the opportunity to identify the differences between
them in relation to provision of services and opportunities, which in turn affected the roles of
the concerned officers.
The Bangladesh Civil Service
This section of the report is mainly based on secondary literature survey, that is previous study or
research conducted on this subject (Jahan, 2007, Karim, 2008, Zafrullah, 2000).
22
The BCS (Bangladesh Civil Service) is a broad based service with all its member cadres as Class 1
Gazetted officers. Recruitment to the cadre services is done through the Public Service Commission
(PSC) on the basis of open competition. Following the completion of the selection process, direct
recruits to the BCS are assigned to an occupational cadre on the basis of performance, vacancies and
candidate preference.
The PSC, along with different ministries, are responsible for recruiting personnel in the BCS cadres.
There are three types of recruitment procedures for the different cadres of the BCS:



Direct recruitment through open competitive examination;
Recruitment through promotion; and
Recruitment through transfer or deputation.
Recruitment at the entry level is mainly done through direct method. The largest number of officials is
recruited by means of this procedure. A lesser number of officials are appointed through deputation,
but this process is currently suspended (Mahtab, 1995:92).
Selection Procedure for the Cadre Officers
As mentioned, the higher civil service in Bangladesh (BCS) is categorized horizontally into 29 cadres
and vertically into six ranks (Annex 1). Appointment to the BCS is usually at the rank of assistant
secretary or its equivalent in some other cadre (such as Magistrate at the Upazila level). The
classification of rank is being implemented since the British imperial rule and recruits are not
appointed to specific positions but to ranks, and they remain in the civil service doing a variety of jobs
until their retirement from the services (Zafrullah, 2000: 202).
Generally, the respective ministry informs the PSC about the number of vacant posts through the
Ministry of Establishment (The Central Personnel Agency). PSC makes the announcement
accordingly through national daily newspapers, inviting candidates to apply against the vacant posts
(Jahan, 2007:46). Recruitment is done through a competitive examination that assesses the
candidate’s performance in various subjects, including both compulsory and elective, followed by a
psychological test and an oral interview process. The overall performance is judged according to the
scores secured in each individual item. The Ministry of Establishment is the sole authority to give
final appointment of BCS cadre officials recommended by the BPSC.
Quota System in BCS
After achieving independence in 1971, Bangladesh’s new government introduced the quota system in
case of direct recruitment. It was evident that not only women were underrepresented in the public
service, but religious, ethnic groups and some other regions of the country were underrepresented.
Consequently, the Constitution called for the inclusion of the broad tenets of Equal Employment
Opportunity (EEO), which were to govern the recruitment and selection of public personnel
(Zafrullah and Khan, 1989:82). Ultimately, recognizing the urgency of the situation, the government
adopted quotas, which were included in the Interim Recruitment Policy of 1972. This policy is still
followed by all governments with various modifications from time to time with the objective of
23
achieving greater equity in the representation of all regions and groups in the civil service of the
country. The present quota system is represented in Table 1.
Table 1: The Quota System In Administration
Distribution of Vacancies
Gazetted Posts
(Class 1 & Class 2)
Merit
Women
Wards of Freedom Fighters
Tribal People
Others
Ansar and VDP
Non-Gazetted Posts
(Class 1 & Class 2)
45%
10%
30%
5%
10%
--
-15%
30%
5%
10%
10%
Source: Ministry of Establishment: GOB (1995)
As shown in Table 1, for the recruitment in cadre services, 45 percent of available vacant posts would
be filled on the basis of merit and the remaining 55 percent would be based on district quota. Special
quotas — like 30 percent for wards of freedom fighters, 10 percent for women and five percent for
tribals — would be adjusted from the district quota. Different special types of quotas will be
distributed among the qualified candidates on the basis of their merit in their respective group. (GOB,
1995).
As for non-gazetted officers, all vacant posts should be distributed district-wise but on the basis of
population of the concerned district. The other special quotas — that is, 30 percent for wards of
freedom fighters, 15 percent for women, 55 for tribal and 10 percent for Ansar and Village Defense
Party (VDP) — would be maintained on the basis of their merit. (GOB; 1995).
Women in the Bangladesh Civil Service: A Brief Historical Overview
The Civil Service of Bangladesh (BCS) is the direct inheritor of the British colonial administration. It
began in 1601 as merchant service in British East India Company, which later developed into the state
administration (Emazuddin, 1994). The Company staff that were not involved in military affairs were
classified as Civil Servants. (Malley, 1931). By 1765, the designation of “civil servant” was well
established. From around 1878 the civil service of India was established and employees started to use
the very prestigious ICS designation (Phinstone, 1989). The Indian Civil Service was not the exact
service that worked for the state and king in Europe; rather, it was an elite colonial cadre that served
as an extension of colonial rule in India. As a result, their work was not confined to only
administration, but they played an active role in the judiciary and government policy making at the
highest level.
Bangladesh inherited the civil service system developed in Pakistan, which was a forerunner of the
Indian Civil Service (ICS). The ICS was operated entirely by men. No women entered the service
until 1935. The Civil Service of Pakistan continued its progress, bearing the legacy of the ICS. During
the Pakistan regime, only unmarried women were entitled to join the service and were confined to
only four services: 1) Audit and Accounts Service; 2) Railway Accounts Service; 3) Military
Accounts Service; and 4) Income Tax and Postal Services. This restriction was intended to keep
24
women confined to desk positions within the government. Women were considered unfit for
inspection, maintenance of law and order, and collection of revenues, which were mainly viewed as
men’s occupations.
After liberation in 1971, the Bangladesh Civil Service was born. Under the 1980 reforms, there were
14 cadres and 22 sub-cadres. In 1987, it became 30 cadres, but at present, the BCS has 29 cadres.
Since 1972, women have been eligible for appointment to the BCS but have remained
underrepresented across all areas of service. Until 1980, there were no women in the administrative,
judicial, postal and communication cadre; only one woman was in the revenue department of finance
division; four women were in the foreign service; and six women represented the information
department. Prior to 1982, there were very few women in the civil service. Since then, an increasing
number of women have attempted the civil service examination, and women are being recruited to
various cadre services at an increased rate. By 1986, the number of women in BCS reached 1,417
(Haque and Bala, 1988). Recognizing this problem, the Constitution of Bangladesh has made
significant provisions to provide equal opportunity for males and females in every sphere of life. In
addition, the government adopted quotas for women entering the civil service and implemented many
policies not only to increase women’s representation in the civil service but to integrate women into
mainstream development initiatives as well (Mahtab, 2003). The government has made special
arrangements to enhance female participation in civil services, by reserving a 10 percent employment
quota for gazetted posts and 15 percent for non-gazetted posts for the females. Data from 1994 to
2002 show that there were only two female Joint Secretaries and eight female Deputy Secretaries in
the civil service (Mahtab, 2007).
Table 2: Representation of Women at Different Levels of Civil Service
Position
Secretary
Additional Secretary
Joint Secretary
Deputy Secretary
Assistant Secretary
Total
53
59
259
666
617
Male
53
59
257
658
594
Female
0
0
2
8
23
Source: Ministry of Establishment 1998-2002
Although the Government of Bangladesh has shown a strong commitment to gender equality at policy
and strategy levels, overall progress is inhibited by a failure to consistently translate this commitment
into action. The participation of women in Bangladesh civil service is still significantly low. Only
6.44 percent of women are employed in the civil service (Mahtab, 2007). Based on interviews held
with approximately 50 women officers working in the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs,
Ministry of Education, Ministry of Information, Ministry of Planning and Ministry of Finance, at least
70 percent assert that the quota system has never been followed appropriately or adequately in the
selection of women candidates for the various services. Eight officers (16%) responded that they were
not aware as to whether the quota system has been followed accurately as per rules, while the
remaining seven officers (14 percent) were not well-informed enough to comment on the issue.
Despite government’s initiatives, women’s participation in the civil service has not increased
dramatically during the last three decades. Tables 2 and 3 clearly depict the views expressed by the
women officers.
25
Table 3: Representation of Women at Different Levels of Civil Service
Position
Total
Male
Female
Secretary
Additional Secretary
Joint Secretary
Deputy Secretary
Senior Assistant Secretary
52
171
429
1418
1492
50
159
395
1248
1221
2
12
34
170
271
Assistant Secretary
941
695
246
Source: Ministry of Public Administration, June 16, 2010
In contrast to this, we received a complete different and opposite view from the male officers. During
a discussion with twenty-five male officers representing the various Ministries, a significant majority
(80 percent) spoke negatively regarding government policies on increasing the number of women in
the cadre services. Male officers expressed strong disapproval regarding the implementation of
gender-based quotas and provisions for women’s merit-based recruitment to civil services positions.
The male officers always apprehend a sense of risk and dislike when additional provisions of
appointment are given to female officers. Consequently, the male officers look down upon their
female colleagues as competitive rivals, which indicates a negative attitude towards them as well as
their performance. The male officers further remarked that the government has been very positive
towards the development and advancement of women and many measures and strategies have been
adopted by the government in achieving “gender equality and women’s empowerment” in
Bangladesh, which is in line with fulfilling the third goal of the Millennium Development Goals.
According to the male officers, the government has given top priority to improving the status of
women in Bangladesh.
Ministry of Planning
The Ministry of Planning has a designated female official working as a WID Focal Point. At present,
the officer acting as WID Focal Point is primarily occupied with duties in the power sector. Given the
present situation prevailing in Bangladesh, the responsibility of working on the power sector is a very
difficult and important one. As such, the appointed officer has very little time and concentration to
look into women’s issues and concerns. As a senior officer, she must also attend to other urgent
matters requiring immediate decision. In reference to her multi-level involvement, she stated, “Being
a senior officer I have always to represent the Planning Commission in diverse issues and in different
Ministries, Committees, etc., and this hampers my usual, routine work to a great extent.” This reflects
the lack of importance given to women’s issues and concerns.
The Ministry of Health
Compared to the other Ministries under the study, the Ministry of Health is in a better position with
regard to gender issues in Bangladesh.
A review of the activities included in the National Action Plan of the Ministry of Health and Family
Welfare clearly indicates that this Ministry has achieved progress in relation to the major areas of
concentration outlined in the plan. With regard to health issues concerning women, the Ministry was
involved in the National Action Plan developed by the MOWCA (2003-2007). This was prepared
26
after the completion of the period of the initial National Action Plan of GoB (1997-2002). The plan
addressed issues of:









Adolescent Girls;
HIV/ AIDS;
Disabled and mental health concerns of women and children under 18;
Reproductive health Problems;
Health care services for ageing women;
Care and treatment to patients with burns (due to violence and other causes);
Adequate measures within the health system to identify and respond to cases of
violence/sexual abuse against women;
Specific programs for men aimed at providing complete and accurate information on safe and
responsible sexual and reproductive behavior to support their partners and promote their
health during pregnancy, child birth and after child birth; and
Nutritional status of girls and women.
Ministry of Information
The Ministry of Information seems to be in a better position in relation to gender issues.There is
greater coordination between the WID Focal Points and the Sub-WID Focal Points, and coordination
meetings are held regularly between these officers. The officers are receiving training on different
issues related to gender. In this regard, the different training Institutes have been asked to adopt
measures for this purpose. As a result, the participation of women in these training programs has
increased.
Findings Based on Interviews, Discussions, Focus Group and Observations
To present findings on this part of the study we selected some relevant questions from the original
interview schedule and collected the views, opinions , and ideas from the different officers working in
different ministries, directorates, districts, and Upazilas, as well as many officers who were
participating in training programs at the BCS Academy Shahbagh or other institutions within the
country. A total of about 110 officers were included in this section. Officers represented different
batches and different cadres. The main questions focused included the following:
1. What are the opinions and perceptions of the women officers regarding joining the BCS?;
2. What are the merits and demerits of working as BCS officers?;
3. What are the benefits of service as compared with their male counterparts?;
4. What did they understand by ‘gender equality’ in the service? (both male and female);
5. How far has ‘gender equality’ being ensured in their workplace?
6. How do women officers consider their working situation?
7. What are the problems faced by them in their work place?
8. How do women officers adjust themselves with the situation?
9. What are their suggestions for solving existing problems and promoting a favorable working
environment?
27
Opinion and Perception for Joining the BCS
On the question of the choice of joining BCS, majority of the women officers (64 percent) expressed
their pride in joining the government service; some (20 percent) referred to the prestige and security
of joining government service as opposed to private service; while the rest (16 percent) mentioned
that they joined the service because of family’s decision. This finding clearly reveals that today in
Bangladesh educated girls, especially from the urban areas have the right and freedom to make free
choices regarding choice of making a career without family interference or objections.
Figure 1
Merits and Demerits of Working as BCS Officers
Regarding opinion of the women officers as to the merits and demerits of the service, 79 percent of
the officers mentioned about the system of the quota through which women could be recruited, while
about 21 percent expressed their dislike about the quota system because they thought that the system
of quota was an additional process of discriminating women from getting their usual share through
merit.
Figure 2
Benefits of Service
In comparison to their male counterparts regarding benefits received as BCS officers, the women
officers responded quite negatively. About 90 percent responded that they actually receive no benefits
28
regarding participation in training, delegation in foreign visits, representation in different decision
making committees. Only four percent mentioned that they seldom have the opportunity of
availability of such services.
However during our focus group discussion with participants selected for training on gender
mainstreaming, it was found that out of a total of 25 participants, there were only three women
participants. The reasons behind this were that women were not interested in taking any training on
gender issues under the assumption that they do not require any further knowledge on gender issues as
they are already assumed experts in this area.
Again it was pointed out by some male officers that when there is a provision for any training outside
the country the women officers show their interest and enthusiasm to participate despite their family
obligations. Even when there are no women either not participating or not selected, it is the male
officers who show their interest in including women officers in their group. However, this is usually
not because they are deprived of such an opportunity, but because they would prefer women as a
source of pleasure and enjoyment and take advantage of their sexuality. Here they consider women as
“sexual objects” rather than their colleagues. As one male officer remarked, “We would like to have
women officers in our group for enjoyment and pleasure.”
Another important issue covered in the study was that of promotion. In Bangladesh, career women, in
particular those who work in the government service or in other private agencies, not only have to
perform dual roles but also have to perform their roles simultaneously. They have to look after their
household chores as well as fulfill the demands of their work. By attempting to perform both roles
appropriately and satisfactorily, they make compromises that often serve neither their homes nor their
work adequately. As a result of this, they are unable to meet both ends, and their commitment to their
careers suffers, and they are left to continue in their existing positions for years being unworthy and
unsuitable for promotion. As one senior officer remarked, “A majority of women officers are usually
placed in the lower rungs of the hierarchy, that is Assistant Secretary or Senior Assistant Secretary,
and they possess the same or sometimes greater qualifications, competence, sincerity, perseverance,
responsibility, and dedication than their male counterparts, but due to family pressures and
obligations, they are unable to meet their career requirements.”
Sometimes most women have to pay a very high price in order to advance their careers. Through our
interviews, we came to know that most women were extremely committed and always serious and
dedicated toward their work. Women were keen to advance their careers and expected their superiors
to take account of their “feminine” characteristics when appraising their work. As is evident from
earlier studies (Zafrullah, 2000: 205), women civil servants expressed concern that their colleagues
believed they have been promoted only because of their gender and not their qualifications or good
performance. During our survey, one officer lamented, “Male colleagues often teased her by
remarking that she would definitely get preference for promotion because of her ‘being a woman,’
and their sexuality is given preference.”
An important point worth mentioning here is that today in Bangladesh, political affiliation has
become an important criterion to determine promotion. Political connections influence the promotion
system in the BCS and anyone with relatives or who are friends of ministers or members of
Parliament have easy access to go up the ladder. Women, being at the lowest rungs of the career
ladder, are often debarred from this opportunity. In addition, the civil service (bureaucracy) has
become highly politicized in the sense that all recruitments and promotions are made on the basis of
29
politics as to which party they belong to. In this case, it is the men who receive all the favors. Women
lag far behind men.
Gender Equality
It was rather amazing to know from the male officers (about 65 percent) that gender equality was fully
achieved for women of the country. By this, they were emphasizing the policies of the government
with regard to provision of free education for girls up to Class 12, together with Stipend and
Scholarship, whereas boys were not been given any such additional advantages. According to men,
the quota system and efforts to increase the intake of women in the civil service and other public
agencies have been an important starting point towards gender equality in Bangladesh and an
additional preference accorded to women officers.
Some of the male respondents (35 percent) presented a completely different view regarding gender
equality. According to them, there is no need for any issue of gender equality for women when it is
clear that both women and men enjoy the same facilities in the services. They were refusing that any
element of gender equality were required for the women officers.
On the other hand, women officers (80 percent) were in denial regarding achievement of gender
equality. According to them, women were denied their basic human rights of enjoying freedom to
express their opinion, participating in the affairs of their departmental issues, and even taking part in
important decisions where they are not even considered. It is always the men officers who are taking
important decisions in departmental affairs. Men consider themselves to be superior to women in all
aspects of work and so it is them who should be involved in all important matters of the offices.
Working Situation of Women Officers
An attempt was made to interview some women officers to learn more and to explore their opinions
with respect to their work, working conditions, likes, dislikes, complaints, and attitudes. The working
situation of the women officers has been described by one officer, who has been struggling with this
situation for the last 18 years, as follows: “It is a ‘vicious circle of deplorable working condition,’ in
which the women officers perform their work in their respective offices.” The circle starts with: 1)
negative and uncooperative attitudes of the male officers towards their female colleagues; 2)
inferiority complex of male officers in comparing their wives (mainly a housewife doing household
chores) with their female colleagues (happily working in office), thus resulting in frustration and
unfriendly attitudes towards the female colleague; 3) observing the pretty, smart, beautiful female
colleague and developing a desire or aspiration to own her; 4) finding it difficult to accept the
dedication, sincerity, and efficiency with which the women officers work; 5) jealousy on the part of
other women officers who cannot work with equal skill or dedication. It is a very difficult and
degrading atmosphere that the women officers have to work and they themselves cannot come out of
this devastating and suffocating environment and ultimately succumb to the unwanted working
environment. A majority of women enter the service with high expectations about their future in the
civil service, only to be placed in difficult circumstances once they are admitted.
30
Figure 3: The Vicious Cycle of Working Conditions for Women Officers
An important issue raised by one woman officer at the rank of Senior Assistant Secretary is the
difference between women officers working at the national office (Dhaka) and those working in rural
areas (District, Upazila). Women officers who are posted at the district level or Upazila can wield
enormous power and influence at these levels by being the sole leaders representing these levels and
other officers working under their control. It is also these officers who adopt policies, take decisions,
and represent the district and Upazila at all places. When given the opportunity, they can also prove
their competence and work on par with male colleagues. In contrast, those women officers working at
the head office in Dhaka have to work within a rigid hierarchical structure where they have no
opportunity to take part in any decision but are always working at the mercy of their superior and
trying to please them amidst all odds. However two problems are vivid and inherent in such a system.
First, women are not usually posted as heads of district or Upazila because of the preconceived notion
of our government that women are not suitable to manage and work with dedication in dealing with
the affairs as heads of the district or Upazila. Women are portrayed as weak, unassuming, passive,
feminine, compliant and dependent. This inferior status shapes discriminatory attitudes that women
are less capable physically, mentally, and emotionally in certain challenging jobs; they are
temperamental and lack motivation. They do well in traditional stereotyped roles as school teachers
and health and welfare officers, rather than administrative and leadership positions (Zafarullah, 2000:
199). This idea became completely erroneous to us when we found one woman officer at Barisalwho
became successful working incharge of three important affairs. As she stated, “It is not a matter of
whether we are women or men, we get importance according to the position we hold. During my
study at the University, I have been dreaming of serving in the BCS Administration Cadre, and I have
been successful in overcoming all the barriers of a patriarchal society and pass all the stages of office
hierarchy to reach this position today.” She further stated categorically that, “women will always face
patriarchal obstacles, but it is they themselves who should try to overcome these through their
diligence, perseverance, dedication, and commitment. It is also essential that the family, society and
31
state should extend their cooperation. Education of women is the right weapon to struggle against all
problems.”
Second, another problem arises from the male officers who feel uncomfortable working under a
woman boss and sometimes do not want to accept a woman boss.
Problems Faced By Women Officers
One woman officer from the Information Ministry remarked, “As per service rules, we are entitled to
20 days casual leave (to be taken as three days at a time), and 10 days of earned leave, but
unfortunately we cannot enjoy the leave any time we ask for. Whenever a woman officer submits her
application for leave, she is usually denied, even if it is for some urgent reasons. There may not be
any valid reason for refusal except that she is a woman.”
Whenever a women officer is absent from office without notifying her superior she is often harassed
by her boss and usually hears objectionable remarks, which she cannot disclose or share with anyone
as it becomes a matter of losing her prestige. On the other hand, many male officers are generally and
frequently absent from their office premises, often to have tea, smoke, or see a friend in another
department without informing anyone including his boss. Most of these officers often stay beyond
office time to make up for the time spent otherwise and try to demonstrate their dedication and
sincerity towards their work, thus pleasing or satisfying their superiors.
Apart from this, if any woman officer excels in her performance she is usually criticized as trying to
please her boss, and her work is never given any recognition. Sometimes when women have to stay in
the office over time, they are not entitled to any transport facilities to return home, and they may face
insecurity in staying so long at the office.
The Government of Bangladesh had reconfirmed its commitment to women’s advancement and
gender equity and equality at the international level through formulating a scheme for reducing
poverty known as PRSP. The government has also made its commitment to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals.
Regarding these provisions and special measures adopted by the government, the women respondents
stated with much regret that “the women’s position have not improved much, and more specifically,
women’s presence in BCS is still discouraging in numbers, grades and ranks. The most worrying
aspect is that women are not only underrepresented in the civil service, they are generally
concentrated in the bottom of the hierarchy.”
Our findings corroborate with earlier studies (Jahan, 2007: 57) and show that over 90 percent of
women are placed in Class 111 and 1V. This indicates that the vast majority of women in the civil
service are low paid clerical staff, having no say in either making or implementing policy. Women
constitute only 8% of Class 1 and 11 gazetted officers.
Problems and Challenges
In identifying the needs assessment of the different ministries under study, it was found that the
ministries are faced with numerous constraints and limitations that impede the proper and effective
implementation of all projects and programs undertaken by them. These are:
32









Lack of understanding of gender issues by the focal points;
Lack of proper understanding of gender mainstreaming;
Frequent transfer and ineffectiveness of focal points;
Overlapping and duplication of projects;
Lack of training skills;
Inadequate monitoring of activities;
Donor influence in project selection;
Institutional incapacity; and
Stereotyped mind-sets and negative and reluctant attitudes of males involved in women’s
development.
Apart from these general problems, individual ministries under the study indicated some specific
problems and needs assessments relating to their concerns. These may be summarized as follows:










Funding crisis;
Lack of appropriate training;
Health services infrastructure and hospital facilities, including weak or no monitoring
systems by the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs or the IMED;
Lack of coordination among the inter-ministerial and sectoral components addressing
women’s development;
Weak dissemination of gender issues;
Gender unfriendly work environment;
Lack of recognition of gender inequalities;
Unclear perception and understanding of “gender mainstreaming;”
Contradictory value systems on gender mainstreaming; and
Lack of commitment of the Ministries’ WID Focal Points (WIDFPs)
Conclusion
Although the number of women participating in the civil service examination and entering the service
has been increasing, they are mostly coming from urban areas. The majority, or those representing the
rural areas, is left out. Ineffective administration of the quota system has been a major problem in
establishing a balanced position in the distribution of positions among women in the civil service. The
vast majority of women, however, are in the lower ranks of the hierarchy, and women are very
scarcely seen in higher and mid-level positions. Despite constitutional guarantees and other
governmental initiatives to remove gender discrimination from the civil service, women continue to
fight against a variety of obstacles to advance their careers and achieve success. Positive
discrimination (quotas) for women is limited to initial recruitment; it has not been extended to include
promotion. The continuing discrimination against women in Bangladesh, especially in the civil
service, still remains a very critical issue of concern. Uncooperative and negative treatment and
attitudes of men and systematic constraints in career building and advancement have implications for
women’s morale, motivation, and performance (Kabir, 2008; 51). Thus, it is evident that women in
the Bangladesh civil service have to break both the brick wall and the glass ceiling to enter, work, and
survive in the unfriendly, deplorable environment and advance their career. Together with this, it is
extremely essential that our male counterparts change their stereotyped mindsets, attitudes, and
33
behaviors toward women at all stages of their life and show respect and honor in whatever situation
she may be, starting as a daughter, sister, niece, friend, wife, mother, mother-in-law, or even
grandmother.
References
Jahan, M. (2007). Gender Mainstreaming In Bangladesh Civil Service: Prospects and Constraints.
Asian Affairs, Vol 29, No 1, January-March , pp 41-72, Dhaka.
Kabir, S. L. (2008). Towards Gender Equality in the Bangladesh Civil Service. Empowerment, Vol
15, pp 41-54. Dhaka.
Karim, R. (2008). Women in Bangladesh Civil Service: Vulnerability and Challenges. Full Paper for
the 12th World Congress of Rural Sociology, Goyang, Korea, 6-11 July.
Mahtab, N. (2003). Performance Analysis of the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs in the Light
of the Micro Chapter related to Women and Children Affairs of the Fifth Five Year Plan.
(1997-2002), PLAGE, Dhaka.
MWCA (GOB) (1998): National Action Plan for Women’s Advancement: Implementation of the
Beijing Platform for Action (PFA), Dhaka, Bangladesh.
MWCA and UNDP (2004). Report of the Joint Strategic Planning Workshop on Gender
Mainstreaming. Capacity Building for Gender Mainstreaming Project (BGD/97/037, Dhaka.
MWCA (GOB) (2004). Report on the Thematic Group on “Women’s Advancement and Rights”
Contribution Towards Gendered Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) for Bangladesh,
Bangladesh Secretariat, Dhaka.
Zafarullah, H. (2000). Through the Brick Wall, and the Glass Ceiling: Women in the Civil Service In
Bangladesh. Vol 7, Number 3, pp 197-209, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, USA.
_______________ (2007). Women in Bangladesh: From Inequality to Empowerment. A.H.
Publishing House, Dhaka.
34
Women as Political Leaders: India the Success Story
and SAARC Countries
Vani Tripathi
National Secretary, Bharatiya Janata Party
Underneath four pipal trees in Dadar Kolhua village in Bihar, India, men and women are gathering for
a meeting. Sitting at a table in front of them is Amita Devi. Three years ago she wore a veil and rarely
left her house without a chaperone — addressing a 400-strong crowd would have been unthinkable.
But today Amita is President of the panchayat (village council).
"I never had the opportunity to study beyond high school," said Amita, "but I want the girls from my
village to go to university." Fielding questions on pensions for widows, road repair, and land rights —
subjects that matter to the villagers who elected her — Amita is one of 1.2 million women
representatives in rural India.
Sixteen years after the government reserved one-third of all panchayat seats for women, the first
nation-wide study on the institution counters a criticism commonly levelled against them. Women
enter local politics of their own will and no longer depend upon the men in their families to make key
decisions.
For most women, reserved posts offer the only real opportunity to bring change to their communities.
When these seats are coupled with new skills — from public speaking to budget management — they
are better prepared to negotiate the political space that has opened for them. Women are re-elected
because the whole village knows they can deliver.
India is a great success story as far as women-related leadership issues are concerned. The Indian
diaspora has not only given representation to them but has also ensured it in so many ways.
The greater amount of political leadership of women in India is due to women’s well-informed
empowerment and education which has led many to become more aware and awakened leaders.
South Asia and its Vibrant Women Political Leadership
South Asia is a region where women have ruled as heads of state, Prime Ministers, and Presidents. In
1960, Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike made history by becoming the first female Prime
Minister of Sri Lanka and the first female Prime Minister in the world. Many other women quickly
followed suit. Indira Gandhi became the first female Prime Minister of India in 1966, Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunga became President of Sri Lanka in 1994, Khaleda Zia became Prime
Minister of Bangladesh in 1991, Seikh Hasina Wazed became Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1996,
Sailaja Acharya became Deputy Prime Minister in 1991 in Nepal, Seikh Hasina Wazed has been
elected twice as the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. Additionally, major ministries — including the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Home Affairs, and Ministry of Agriculture — are being run
by female ministers in every South Asian country. Now, South Asia is second only to Scandinavia in
having had more women heads of government than any other region in the world. Women leaders are
well empowered both in the government and major opposition in most South Asian countries, namely
India, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. Most of the powerful women leaders of Asia are
from influential political families, either they are daughters or wives of leaders. As a Prime Minister
and President of their respective countries, their performances were similar to their male counterparts.
35
They were unable to increase the participation of women in politics, especially at the decision-making
level, due to their representation from feudal and capitalist societies.
Apart from Indira Gandhi, there have been many great women leaders in India like Sushma
Swaraj,Vasundhara Raje Scindia, Mayavati, Jayalalitha, Sonia Gandhi, and Mamta Banerjee; all of
them major achievers and great leaders who made it to the center stage of Indian politics despite great
difficulties.
In fact, the Indian sub-continent has a woman External Affairs Minister (Mrs. Sushma Swaraj), a
woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Mrs. Sumitra Mahajan), and four Chief Ministers of States who are
women (Mrs. Anandiben Patel and Mrs. Vasundhara Raje, Mrs. Jayalalithaa Jayaram, and Mrs.
Mamata Banerjee).
Women’s Political Participation in South Asia
India’s 73rd and 74th amendments to its Constitution in 1992, reserving one-third of all seats for
women in its local governance structures, generated tremendous interest in the other countries of the
region. In 1997, both Nepal and Bangladesh introduced women's reservation in local bodies. While it
was 20 percent in Nepal, in the case of Bangladesh it was one-third of seats in all four tiers of local
government. In Pakistan, one-third of seats are also reserved in local bodies, which is visible in the
current figures of women's political participation.
As an outcome of women's movements in many of the South Asian countries, the demand for positive
intervention in the form of reservation of seats for women in the governance structures has been met
to some extent. This policy has clearly assisted women's participation, which would have been denied
given the deep-rooted patriarchal traditions wherein men wield power.
Women in Parliament (%)
Country
Maldives
Sri Lanka
India
Bhutan
Bangladesh
Nepal
Pakistan
Percentage
of Women
6.5
5.8
10.9
6.9
19.7
33.2
19.7
Source: HDR 2014.
Prior to the phase of recognizing the need for reserving seats for women, there was an assumption
about women's passivity regarding their interest in and understanding of political matters. Subsequent
to the amendments and provisions being made, the debates have focused extensively on the inabilities
of women, given their illiteracy and lack of understanding regarding political matters (Mazumdar, et
al., 2001). In India, as elsewhere, there is substantial propaganda against such reservations on the
pretext of misuse (Buch, 2000; ISS, different years). Women also face a backlash in the form of
violence since they are seen as altering the power equation and challenging the status quo.
In fact, in the year 2007, the Bharatiya Janata Party made a historic announcement in India to give 33
36
percent reservation to women in its organization, a one-of-a-kind effort given that BJP became the
first political party of Asia to do so.
Women in politics are subject to a range of violence and intimidation and practices that adversely
affect their active participation in decision-making processes. Such forms of violence include, but are
not limited to, honor killings, violence and the threat of violence, psycho-social torture, humiliation,
degrading treatment, intimidation, character assassination, and sexual harassment — all of which can
target women, their relatives, and supporters.
Abuse of religion, culture, traditions, and patriarchal practices subvert and undermine the interest of
women. Additionally, they inhibit and prevent the scope of women’s political participation in
decision-making processes as well as negate the overall development of South Asia. This leads to an
increase in sensationalized reporting on matters concerning women which lack gender sensitivity.
Participation of Women in the Parliament in the SAARC Countries
Participation of women can be observed through the actions of women in parliament and local
government. Participation of women in the parliament depends on the availability of women leaders
and their influence in their political parties. Women as a category and South Asia as a region for
analysis brings up the issue of heterogeneity vs. homogeneity.
South Asia comprises seven different sovereign nations, with diverse socio-cultural and ethnic
populations, a range of religious faiths, legal frames, economic and political forces, all of which
impact upon the lives of women in the region. Within these diversities, the region stands together on a
number of counts, and the women of South Asia as well face similar conditions on various fronts.
South Asia is a highly populated, agriculture-dependent, and poor income region, often identified as
the most deprived region in the world. The region is also recognized as a “patriarchal belt,” where
women are subordinated to men in a kin-ordered social structure, have low status, little or no access to
property and land, and suffer from a lack of recognition for their work which is largely unpaid.
Socio-cultural practices, based on a strong patriarchal ideology prevalent in the region, curtail
women's mobility and prevent them from utilizing opportunities to enhance capabilities. Not all the
spheres of gender discrimination are quantifiable, but even within the limited arenas of labor markets,
socio-cultural influences on education, nutrition, health, and political participation, women in most of
the South Asian countries face unequal treatment. Since our emphasis is to deal with the aspects of
gender inequalities based on quantitative indicators, certain equal, if not more critical, dimensions
such as violence against women or the influence of legal institutions are not dealt with.
Aggregation of the situation of women in South Asia is feasible in quantitative terms only in certain
spheres, as in the case of sex ratios, education, child mortality, fertility rates, and so on. In other
dimensions such as work participation, political participation, and violence for instance, the
definitional categorisation, level of data availability, and its periodicity are all extremely varied across
the different South Asian countries. Therefore, an average taken for the region as a whole can be
questionable if attempted. In such cases, individual country-level analysis is undertaken.
Since 1975, coinciding with various international efforts, most of the South Asian countries have also
intensified their respective country-level endeavors to assess the status of women, comprehend the
nature of gender inequalities, and introduce institutional mechanisms to enable movement toward
equality. By the end of the twentieth century, gender equality and empowerment have become
accepted norms in any discussion on development. The gender-neutral approaches hitherto adopted
have been questioned by the recognition of the asymmetrical impact of development and poverty on
women and men. Gender inequality is a global phenomenon, with variations only in terms of degrees
of discrimination and biases against women (UNDP, 1995).
37
Equality refers to equal opportunities in terms of access to sources of livelihood, health, and
education, as well as to social, economic, and political participation without discrimination. Gender
inequalities stem from relations of power and authority, class-religious-caste-ethnic hierarchies, and
socio-cultural traditions, customs, and norms (Kabeer, 1994; Carr, et al., 1996). Empowerment is the
process of transforming these structures and institutions, thereby ensuring equality.
Over the years, in a number of well-being indicators, South Asian women are seen to be better off
today than they were a few decades ago. Their survival in terms of life expectancy has been
improving, more women are educated and working, many women have entered politics at least at the
local governance level, and there is an increasing recognition of the need to address women's issues
specifically to understand gender relations and work towards equality and empowerment for women.
Despite these improvements, the aggregate picture of women's development reflected in the
quantitative indicators in any of these spheres reveals that the journey has only begun and there are
many more processes that require transformation.
1. Take Measures to Ensure Women’s Full Participation in Power Structure and
Decision-Making
Positive developments over the last decade include the increasing visibility of women in local levels
of decision making, although it is not clear how many women in such positions are actually acting on
their own and with the ability to “feminize” the agenda of local and political action. But the numbers
are impressive, and the great effort that has gone into this change needs to be applauded. It is reported
that there are a million and a half women in institutions of local governance, and 200 in parliaments
within the region.
The participation of women in politics and decision making is influenced by the actions of political
parties and the extent to which parties are committed to the promotion of women’s involvement in
politics. Quotas and reservations are a first step in increasing women’s participation.
Women in Power and Decision-Making Positions
Every political party has a women’s wing to encourage women to join politics at the national and the
local levels, and NGOs, women’s organisations, and civil society organizations have been active in
this regard. The Parliamentary Committee for the Ministry of Women’s Affairs conducts regular
meetings.
Fifty Women in Development focal points in government ministries and departments have been
established. At the local level, the reserved seats for women are equivalent to one-third of the number
of commissioners fixed by the government. The women ward commissioner is elected directly. In the
1998 local government elections, more than 12,000 women members were directly elected for
reserved seats. Before the Pourshava Ordinance (1998), there were no women candidates. The
government has also initiated different programmes for locally-elected women so that they can play a
proactive role in the decision-making process.
In Bhutan, there has been an increase in the percentage of women representatives. In 2003, 14 out of
99 elected representatives were women, and one of the six Advisory Councilors was a woman. At the
local level, the participation of women is low. Findings from a 2001 baseline study suggest that while
women are under-represented in block and district development committees, their participation in
village meetings is high.
In India, women were 8.8 percent of the members in the Lok Sabha and 10.3 percent in the Rajya
Sabha in 2004. At the subnational level, 33percent of seats in all local bodies (panchayats and
municipalities) have been reserved for women by the 73rd and 74th Amendments passed in 1993, and
this has brought over a million women into Panchayats and urban local bodies. In some states, further
38
efforts have been made. In Madhya Pradesh, one-third of the participants in the regular open village
meetings must be women before the quorum is fulfilled. Kerala earmarks ten percent of all
development funds received by local councils for women’s development.
The Government of Maldives ensures women the right to vote in all elections. Women are eligible for
candidature to all elected and public bodies except for the Head of State. Women are not represented
in the Maldives Chamber of Commerce or the Maldives Traders Association for Tourism Industries.
In 1990 as well as in 2004, women held six percent of the seats in the majlis.
In Nepal, a democratic Constitution was put in place in 1991 under which it is mandatory to nominate
at least five percent of women candidates for the House of Representatives, the Lower House and at
least three women in the Upper House. In 2004, women were 5.9 percent in the Lower House, and
there were nine women (15 percent) in the Upper House. The Government of Nepal passed the Local
Self-Governance Act in 1999 which foresees at least 20 percent representation of women in local
bodies. It is estimated that in 2004, as many as 40,000 women were brought into local governance. In
1999, this number was 10,000.
In Pakistan, 60 out of 342 seats have been reserved for women in the National Assembly and 17 out
of 100 seats in the Senate. In the six provinces, the 17 percent quota is applicable. In 1990, women
constituted two percent of the National Assembly, and this went up to 20.8 percent in 2004. In local
government, a 33 percent quota has been reserved for women.
In Sri Lanka, women’s political representation has declined from 5.5 percent in 1989 to 4.4 percent in
2004 even as human development has improved substantively. In principle, the Cabinet has approved
the reservation of 33 percent of seats in local authorities for women. A cabinet subcommittee has been
appointed to study the required amendments to the law and modalities for implementation. At the
elections in April 2004, there were 337 women candidates but only nine were elected to Parliament.
Overall, the presence of South Asian women in decision making and legislative positions is quite low.
2. Increase Women’s Participation and Leadership through Capacity Building, Gender
Training and Awareness Raising
As women are relatively new to politics at the local level, capacity-building and training in political
processes is extremely important across South Asia. In Bangladesh, gender training is being
conducted in the National Institute for Local Government for government officials. The programme
schedule includes women’s empowerment, gender and development, and women’s rights awareness.
Programs are also conducted by NGOs on awareness raising and sensitization for political
empowerment of citizens. In India, both government and non-governmental organizations conduct
capacity-building programs for elected women members. In Kerala, systematic gender training
programs for women in Panchayats have been conducted and technical training on gender budgeting
imparted.
In Maldives, programmes on legal literacy for women have been held to create awareness in the five
wards of Malé in 2001.
The Ministry for Women, Children and Social Welfare in Nepal has initiated coaching classes for
women. To empower women, training is also being provided to women ward representatives with the
help of various NGOs. In Pakistan, the Women’s Political Participation project trained about 37,000
women councilors in four phases in the last two years.
Awareness campaigns for political participation are being conducted through the media in Sri Lanka.
An intensive media campaign against the spread of political violence during elections was organized
by the Sri Lanka Women’s NGO Forum. In view of the provincial council elections in 2004, the
39
Forum launched a campaign to appeal to the political parties to include more women candidates in
their electoral lists and to address women’s concerns in their campaign manifestos. They encouraged
more women to vote and appealed to all citizens to ensure a violence-free election. Once the 33
percent quota comes into effect, 1287 women will hold office in local government authorities
throughout the country, and there is now the challenge of training potential women contestants.
It is clear that women's leadership in panchayats is transforming India. These elected women, now
role models to the other women in their communities, are altering the development agenda to address
issues critical to village life.
The success stories number in the millions. Women throughout India – from Orissa to Assam to Uttar
Pradesh to Bihar – are ensuring that roads are repaired, electricity is brought to their villages, schools
are built, latrines installed, medical services are available, water sources are made safe, local savings
groups are formed, the list goes on and on.
Having women as at least one-third of all local elected representatives is beginning to transform
gender relations and call into question the deeply entrenched patriarchal system. Old prejudices are
dissolving, and new partnerships between women and men are developing.
Women would play an extremely important role in shaping this vision. History proves that societies
where men and women have played equal roles have been more balanced and prospered faster than
those which have either been patriarchal or matriarchal. Women, more than ever before, will play a
significant role in development of society. The role of women in shaping the future of India and South
Asia can never be underscored enough.
Does gender matter in leadership? Is there any difference between women as leaders and men as
leaders? Yes, women possess the unique qualities to be effective leaders as they are assertive and
persuasive, more willing to take risks, found to be more empathetic, and have strong interpersonal
skills — all of which make their constituents feel more supported and valued. Therefore, pressures of
a dynamic, talent-driven, and global benchmarking of the corporate world make organizations focus
on the demographic pool of women executives. So, today we come across many amazing women who
broke the traditional glass ceiling by successfully climbing up the socio-political ladder.
40
Women and Political Participation in India
Priti Dhawan, Vice Principal, Lady Shri Ram College for Women
Krishna Menon, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science,
Lady Shri Ram College for Women
Politics and women have been in a difficult and estranged relationship. Politics, derived from the
word ‘polis,’ was employed by the Greeks to evoke a shared context of community living and
decision making. Pertinently and not surprisingly, it did not include women. Women were relegated
to the ‘supposedly’ apolitical sphere of the family. The struggle to challenge this assumption has been
a long and heroic one, and South Asia has been the theater of many such struggles.
The modern understanding of the political hinges upon a division between the private and the public
that has excluded women from the public and thereby from the political. This exclusion has been
further consolidated through laws, economic arrangements, cultural assumptions, literature, and the
media.
Despite the promise of universality and equality that heralded modernity, women have remained on
the margins of decision making and public office. The thrilling account of women’s ongoing
challenge to this marginalization and underrepresentation is very inspiring. The question that women
are asking is very simple: why should women not be a part of the decision-making processes that
impact them?
In India, colonialism brought with it modern political ideas and institutions. While the Indian man
with the advantage of western education found a voice and a place in politics and public life, women
had to wait longer. While some men took it upon themselves to ameliorate the Indian women, there
were remarkable women like Pandita Ramabai, Manorama Majumdar, Swarna Kumari Debi, and
many others who decided to take charge of their lives. In fact, Swarna Kumari Debi was one of the
first women to be elected to the Indian National Congress from Bengal to represent the State at
the1890 Congress session. Kalpana Joshi and many other women like her in the early decades of the
last century did not shy away from making difficult political choices involving guns and guerilla
hideouts.
The twentieth century saw more Indian women joining mainstream politics, including the Congress,
the Communist party, and other political formations. Women were inspired by Gandhi’s call to join
the movement for national independence based on the idea of individual worth, self-regulation, and
freedom and sovereignty (Swaraj). Women moved out of conventional domesticity and lived and
worked together with their comrades and friends. Many women took to a public life of social reform,
social change, and intellectual and literary engagement, thus preparing their claims over the political.
This vibrant and active presence of women in nationalist politics meant that post-independence India
gave to itself a Constitution based on the deepest and most intricate network of rights to equality,
liberty, justice, and dignity. The inauguration of the new Constitution heralded a new kind of politics
based on universal adult franchise.
The reality of Indian politics and public life, however, tells a rather different story. India today is
embarrassingly ranked 111 among the world’s representative bodies with regard to women’s
41
representation. Women have a limited presence in decision-making bodies and public offices despite
the Constitutional provisions.
As early as 1974, the Committee for Status of Women in India reported the near absence of women in
public institutions and decision-making bodies. This resulted in many constitutional amendments and
changes to ensure increased participation by women, including the 73rd and the 74th Constitutional
Amendment Acts (1993) which both reserve 33 percent of the seats in local bodies at the village and
town level for women. With these Constitutional Amendments, over three million women have
become part of the decision-making bodies at the village and municipal levels. A silent revolution in
the villages and municipalities of India has begun; women are no longer shy and reticent in public.
They speak up in gatherings and articulate their concern. They are able to influence the planning
process, resource allocation, and resource utilization at the micro level. Indian women can hardly wait
for the benefit of women’s participation in politics to reach the Indian Parliament.
Repeated attempts to introduce the Women’s Reservation Bill have not yet been met with success.
The Parliament in India has witnessed bitter and acrimonious debates around this issue, and
meanwhile, women continue to be underrepresented, unheard, and excluded from decision-making
processes at the highest level in the country.
The women’s movement has made the concerns of women heard. It now needs to transcend the
politics of protest to demonstrate women’s ability to undertake the difficult and onerous task of
governance and decision making. The overall social and cultural context, steeped as it is in misogyny,
is hardly conducive for women’s entry into politics. On the contrary, it is rather hostile and
intimidating.
Women in India, like elsewhere, have challenged the structures and practices that keep them out of
leadership and decision making. Women’s untapped leadership potential — their grit and
determination in public service — has now been established very clearly. Young women today have
the opportunity to learn from and observe many women in positions of responsibility and key
positions of public service and leadership.
It is time that voices from the margin are heard in the corridors of power and decision making. Groups
from the margins, including women, have been challenging the universalist claims of modern liberal
democracies. A substantive transformation of the formal practices of democracy can happen only if
women align with other groups from the margins and together further an agenda for change.
42
Women’s Political Participation in Nepal, an Opportunity and Challenges
Pushpa Bhusal
Former Member of Parliament/ Central Member, Nepali Congress
In Nepal, women are more than 50 percent of the total population. Therefore, we cannot think of
development in any sector if half of the population remains absent from the mainstream of the state
structure. It is said that the democratic system is related to the voting rights of the people and the
participatory democracies have to give honor to the people’s feelings and demands. Democratic
systems have already been established in Nepal, but debate is still needed about the complete
participatory process. The primary definition of democracy is to honor inclusion. We need to redefine
our democracy with a rights-based approach.
Everyone agrees on the demand for the equal participation of women, but not for the equal
representation with a strong role and responsibility. The fact is that women over the world have been
excluded from representation must be taken as the starting point, not the abstract principles of
representation.
Nepal is known as a multi-cultural, social, and religious country. Nepal women still face a lot of
challenges in leadership due to the existing patriarchal values and norms, lack of strong institutional
support, culture of impunity and political violence, lack of adequate women representation in all state
structures, and lack of political commitment and political culture.
During each and every democratic movement, Nepali women played a vital role to bring about
change. Women leaders associated with different political parties started their politics during the Rana
Regime visibly since 1946.
With the leadership of late women leaders — Ms. Mangala Devi Singh, who represented democratic
ideology, and Ms. Sahana Pradhan, who represented communist ideology — many women activists
followed them and came into the streets together for the first time to fight for the voting rights of the
Nepali women, and they succeeded to get that right legally. Gradually Nepali women got property
rights, abortion rights, and citizenship rights due to the unity of women for this common agenda.
The role of women was vital in the restoration of democracy in 1991. After the restoration of
democracy in 1991, participation of women in politics has been growing. Women issues have been a
priority in national and international fora. Women leaders from different political parties and women
activists from the society started to raise a strong voice for women’s rights. The Nepal government
has ratified more than 23 international conventions, including CEDAW and ICCPR. From 1996,
Maoist conflict has started in Nepal. More than 40 percent women combatants were involved in that
conflict. In 2006, a peace agreement has been started between political parties and Maoists. In 2006,
after the restoration of parliament and the peace process, Nepali women started to get more
opportunities in politics. The political scenario of Nepal has changed. The new Interim Constitution of
Nepal 2007 transformed Nepal from a monarch to a republic system, from a unitary to federal system,
and from a liberal to inclusive democratic system. This Interim Constitution was the compromising
document between the political party and Maoists. Many provisions concerning women’s rights were
maintained in this Constitution, such as measures against violence against women were recognized as
a fundamental right for the first time. Thirty-three percent women candidacy has ensured for the
Constituent Assembly elections a mixed electoral process (FPTP and Proportional). Due to this
43
provision, thirty-three percent women members were elected to the Constituent Assembly in the first
election in 2008, and about thirty percent women members became involved in the Constituent
Assembly the second time in 2013. This has given them a second chance to strengthen the voice of
women’s rights.
Now in Nepal, women are fighting and raising their voices for a new democratic constitution based on
female jurisprudence and obtaining transitional justice. The Nepal government has already passed UN
Security Council Resolutions1325 and 1820, and they gave commitment to provide transitional justice
to women. Apart from that, the following tables show that the situation and representation of women
is not so good.
Table 1:
Status of women in Nepal
Attributes
%
Population
51.50
House-Heads
25.73
Access to Land and House
19.7%
Literacy Rate
57.4
CBS, 2011
Table 2:
Women in Justice
Court
Female
Male
Supreme Court
1
12
Appellate Court
4
72
District Court
1
125
TOTAL
6
199
Supreme Court 2008
44
Table 3:
Women in Security
Nepal Army
Nepal Police
2.58 %
5.75 %
NWC, 2011
Police Headquarter
Table 4:
Women in Parliament in Nepal
1991-2013
35
33%
30%
30
25
20
17.3%
15
10
5.85%
5
3.41%
3.41 %
1991
1995
0
1999
2007
Percentage of Women Elected
2008
2013
45
Table 5:
Women in Constitution building in Nepal
Year
No of women
Total
Nepal Government Statutory Law 1947
0
6
Interim Governance Statute 1951
0
10
Constitution of Kingdom in Nepal 1959
0
5
Constitution of Nepal 1962
1
6
Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990
0
9
Interim constitution Drafting Committee 2007
4
16
Constituent Assembly of Nepal 2008
197
601
Constituent Assembly of Nepal 2013
172
601
Table 6:
Representation of women in Central Committee of
Political Parties
Name of the Party
Total No of Central No of Women
Committee
No of
Men
Women in
Percentage
UCPN (M)
231
31
200
13.4
CPN-M
45
7
38
15.5
Nepali Congress
85
68
20.9
17
CPN-UML
Madheshi Jana Adhikar
Forum- Nepal
Madeshi Jana Adhikar
Forum- Democratic
TMDP
159
29
130
18.0
22
4
18
18.2
51
7
44
13.7
50
6
44
12
Conclusion
In the last few years, the status of women in Nepal has improved because of efforts taken by women’s
empowerment movements. After the restoration of democracy in 1991, in order to ensure women’s
rights, sister wings of political parties, and different women’s organizations have come together to try
to make a common agenda. Due to the development of media technology, women have started
activities outside of their home. As a result, the society has increased opportunities for women.
46
Gender equality and social inclusive policy has been implemented since 2010 by the Nepalese
Government. Additionally, the 30 percent seat policy has ensured for women’s representation in
community-based government organizations, like the consumer committee and other committees.
In order to empower women and to encourage development of the country, a lot of effort is needed.
For protection of rights and respect to women’s issues, we need a strong safeguard mechanism.
Making and promulgating a new democratic constitution will be a strong instrument for the Nepal
women. To end the discrimination and ensure equality and the transformation of society, it is
important to improve our legal system. Within our multiparty system, internal democratization within
the political party is necessary. Political parties should amend their party constitution based on the
liberal and inclusive approach. If we can solve and manage our social and cultural barriers, I believe
Nepal women will achieve their goal.
47
Women and Political and Public Participation in Nepal
Sapana Pradhan Malla
Member, Nepalese Constituent Assembly
Although women constitute 51.44 percent of the population while men constitute 48.56 percent of the
population in the country,1 there is a huge disparity between men and women’s participation in public
and political life.
Until Nepal’s first Constituent Assembly/Parliament election held in 2007, very few women
participated in Nepal’s national legislature. Women were represented in the parliamentary elections
held in 1991, 1994, and 1999 but never gained more than six percent of the seats in parliament. The
first time the number of women increased was in 2006 in the Interim Parliament, and women’s
participation increased to 17 percent due to the Maoist inclusion of 40 percent women in their part.
The first time it went up to 33% was in 2008. As a result, Nepal had the highest number of women
parliamentarians in Asia. This increased ratio is the result of a commitment to inclusion as well as the
constitutional provision that guaranteed affirmative action. The provision outlines 33 percent
reservations regarding candidacy for CA and a legal provision for a proportional election system that
reserved 50 percent candidacy with a closed list.2 However, the percentage of women has decreased to
29.5 percent in the 2013 election, and it may further decrease as the government has yet to nominate
26 persons from nationally renowned personalities.
Nepal’s Interim Constitution in 2007 guarantees the right of women and says no discrimination of any
kind shall be made against women by virtue of sex.3 To ensure social justice, the Constitution says
that women, Dalits, indigenous peoples, Madhesi communities, oppressed classes, poor farmers and
labors shall have the economic, social, and educational right to take part in the structures of the State
on the basis of the principle of “proportional representation.”4 Similarly in the formation of the
Constituent Assembly — while selecting candidates and political parties to take into account the
principle of inclusiveness and in enlisting candidates — political parties shall ensure proportional
representation of the women, Dalit, oppressed communities, indigenous peoples, all regions, Madhesi
communities, and other classes as provided by law. At least one-third of the total number of
candidates nominated shall be women.5
In the last local election held in 1997, women’s representation as members of VDCs and
municipalities increased by 20 percent due to the decentralization law, which set a 20 percent
reservation of seats for women. The local government was dissolved in July 2002, and now there is a
demand for 50 percent affirmative action in the local government election.
Women’s representation in state organs and political parties is equally dismal. The percentage of
women’s representation in the Cabinets formed following the elections in 1991, 1994, 1999, and 2008
is 8.6 percent, 9.1 percent, 23 percent, and 17.4 percent respectively (WDN and RSN 2009). This has
again decreased to 12 percent and five percent in the present government (2013-2014). Women’s
representation in Civil Service is only 13 percent and even lower in key decision-making positions.
1
Census of Government of Nepal 2011
Constituent Assembly Election Act
3
Article 20 of the Interim constitution of Nepal 2007
4
Article 21 of the Interim constitution of Nepal 2007
5
Article 63(5) of the Interim constitution of Nepal 2007
2
48
Although reservations have been introduced in civil service (33 percent out of 45 percent), no special
measures have been introduced when it comes to the senior level.
Women’s participation in the judiciary is only 3.64 percent, and at present, there are no women judges
in the district court. Although there is a constitutional provision for the direct appointment in the
district court in the interim parliament, there are no laws enacted for this. Since there is no affirmative
action in the judiciary, participation in the judiciary is quite low.
Women’s representation in constitutional bodies is very low. No woman ever headed a constitutional
body until the present (2013) and in the Public Service Commission. There is only one woman in the
National Human Rights Commission and Election; however, there were no women in the Commission
on Abuse and Authority until now. As the constitution says, one woman is encouraged, and politicians
do not appoint beyond that, and where there is no mention of such provision, there is resistance in
appointing women. The assumption that women do not have the capacity is yet to change.
Trade unions are important institutions which could help raise women's status in the labor movement
through advocacy and by promoting women to leadership positions within the unions. In Nepal, three
trade union confederations have been registered so far. In all confederations, women occupy only 12.6
percent of leadership posts and 11.95 percent of leadership posts in national affiliates.
Women have participated in all of the people’s movements to support democracy, coming out in large
numbers during the 1990 democratic movement, the 2006 people’s movement, and the insurgency
which was comprised of 40% women. However, women have been sidelined with the ebbing of street
activism. For example, no women participated in the talks that led to the peace agreement in
November 2006 made between the CPN (Maoist) and the Seven Parties Alliance, marking the end of
the decade long conflict in Nepal. As a result, the peace agreement failed to address the different
needs and aspirations of women affected by conflict as raised by UNSCR 1325 and 1820.6
Women's participation in political parties is only 10-12 percent. When it comes to the central
committees, it is even lower. On average, it is 6% and 9% respectively in the district level of political
parties. Thus, in the major political decision-making process, women are excluded. However, despite
political parties’ commitment to inclusion, they do not want proportional representation in the parties.
Although women’s participation has been on the rise in recent years, women are still invisible in
political structure. Realizing that the legal requirement is critical, there is not yet a law to increase
women in the judiciary and in local government. Even as a voter, the number of women voters is
lower than men voters with 50.43 percent men and 49.47 percent women. The election environment
is not sensitive to women voters. Women still lack control over resources. For example, in urban
areas, 26.77 percent of households show female ownership of fixed assets. In rural areas, it is only 17
percent. There is still no law that recognizes political violence against women as a crime. There is also
no sharing of responsibilities at home, including in household work and in taking care of the child.
Social and cultural barriers to ensure participation in political life have yet to be addressed. Education
is key to prepare for political life and to have adequate strategies for achieving equal results in
education and women’s economic empowerment.
6
Shadow report on the Fourth and fifth Periodic Report of the government of Nepal on CEDAW.
49
Pakistani Women and Politics
Farahnaz Ispahani
former Member of the National Assembly of Pakistan
Since its founding in 1947, Pakistan has had a tumultuous democratic experience. Frequent coup’s
undermined any attempts by civilian governments to effectively run the country and enact positive
change for their constituents. These male-dominated military dictatorships specifically impact the
nation’s female population, as women’s experiences and voices are often undermined. In spite of this
history, Pakistan has made significant progress in the recent years to maintain democratic process and
include women in government. This paper seeks to assess the role of women in Pakistan’s elected
governments, specifically those of 2008 and 2013.
In Women in South Asian Politics (1987), Rounaq Jahan goes into some detail about how women in
the region gain access to political power. She notes that female leadership in South Asia can be
divided into two categories: feminist movement leaders and populist leaders, who adhere to mass
political agendas (Jahan 850). When discussing the latter, focusing on women such as Indira Gandhi
and Benazir Bhutto, Jahan states that these women can be placed into a category of leaders whose
“assumption of power was mediated by a male relative” (Jahan 850). She suggests that such women
on a lower level of party politics are chosen not for their political expediency but for their political
inexperience (Jahan 851). Overall, Jahan’s analysis suggests that women in South Asian politics are
heavily influenced – if not directly controlled – by male party leaders. As Jahan’s paper is dated, our
analysis of Pakistani women’s political participation will assess whether her conclusions still ring true
in 2014. Furthermore, this paper will compare the political participation of women in the two
governments of 2008 and 2013, which were dominated by different political parties.
For context, we will first discuss Pakistan’s most recent military dictatorship and the nation’s struggle
to achieve a democratic process. In 1999, Pakistan’s democratically elected government was ousted in
a coup by General Pervez Musharraf. Musharraf stayed in power for nine years until an impeachment
movement successfully removed him from office in 2008. During his time in power, Musharraf
maintained authoritarian control of the country while keeping up a democratic façade. There were
elected national assemblies, but their power was limited relative to that of the President General.
Some important developments during his regime, however, include the increased representation for
women in government. In a 2002 bid, the President increased the number of reserved seats for women
by 17 percent. In addition to this, the Local Governance Order created a 33 percent quota for women
in all local governing bodies. Although under an authoritarian leader increased representation does not
translate to actual political power, these changes influence the status of women in Pakistani politics
today (Yusuf 2013).
After Musharraf was removed from office, in the 2008 election Pakistan saw Asif Ali Zardari and a
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) led coalition ascend to power. Zardari, husband of the former Prime
Minister Benazir Bhutto, was a member of a party that had been headed by a woman. While the PPP,
which is considered more liberal on the political spectrum, has had a woman at the highest political
position, this is not the case for the younger and more conservative Pakistan Muslim League (N) or
PML-N. The PML-N won the 2013 general election with a large percentage of votes — only six seats
short of attaining a majority. The paper will thus analyze the composition of the two National
Assemblies, including the number of women in seats and the number of women appointed to positions
of power, specifically federal ministers.
50
The 2008 election which led to a PPP victory was certainly a positive step for women in the national
assembly. From the onset, the PPP stands out as a more pro-female party as it had more women
contesting seats — 11 in Punjab, three in Sindh, and one in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly North
West Frontier Province) — than any other political party at the time. While the PPP put forth 15
women contesting seats in the National Assembly, PML-N only had 6 women contesting seats — five
in Punjab and one in Sindh. While most women who would receive seats in the national assembly
were due to reserved seats for women, one of the most prominent non-reserved victories was of Dr.
Fehmida Mirza (NA-225) who as a result of the PPP and Peoples Democratic Alliance (PDA) win,
became the first female Speaker of the National Assembly (Gender Review of Political Framework
for Women’s Political Participation 2010).
In addition to Mirza’s position as the first female speaker, the PPP-led coalition also brought women
into the cabinet. Samina Khalid Ghurki was appointed Minister for Social Welfare and Special
Education, and in 2011 Minister of Environment. Dr. Firdaus Ashiq Awan was initially Minister for
Population Planning and was later appointed Minister of Health. Mehreen Anwar Raja became the
Minister of State for Law and Parliamentary Affairs, and Hina Rabbani Khar was the first Minister of
State for Finance and Economics Affairs. In 2011 when the cabinet was downsized, after serving as
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs for a brief period, Hina Rabbani Khar assumed the higher post as
the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Sherry Rehman also served as Minister of Information and
Broadcasting, and later in 2011, she served as Pakistan’s Ambassador to the United States (Saeed
2008; Ghauri 2011). In addition to this, Ms. Farzana Raja was appointed a Federal Minister without
Portfolio and was made the chairperson of the Benazir Income Support Program (BISP).
The 2008 Cabinet, which was later downsized in 2011, brought forth many women into high-powered
leadership positions and led to many positive changes in the Pakistani government and constitution.
During this time, the women’s parliamentary caucus was also established; this caucus focused on bills
emphasized gender equality, touching on subjects such as sexual harassment (Gender Review of
Political Framework for Women’s Political Participation 2010). The 2008 Assembly also passed a
bill against Acid Violence, a form of domestic violence that disproportionately impacts women in
Pakistan.
Following the 2008 cycle, Pakistan began to see an increase in female participation on all fronts. In
2013 and leading up to the general election, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) reported a
129.8 percent increase in women contesting elections throughout the country through both political
parties and independently (Imran 2013). Many women were also contesting the 2013 election from
outside the mainstream political parties. Notably, while women did contest elections independently,
no female won a seat in the national assembly as an independent candidate. The number of women
who did contest general seats in the national assembly increased from 34 in 2008 to 36 in 2013 (Yusuf
2013).
Ultimately, only nine women won seats in the NA — significantly fewer than the 16 women who won
general seats in 2008. Of the female winners, four are members of the PML-N (Ghulam Bibi
Bharwana, Saira Afzal Tarar, Shazia Mubashar, and Sumaira Malik), and the remaining five belong to
the PPP (Faryal Talpur, Arza Fazal Peechu, Shazia Marri, Shamasun Nisa Memon, and the former
Speaker of the National Assembly, Fehmida Mirza) (Wagha 2013; “16 Women Elected on General
Seats” 2013). However, while nine were elected, Sumaira Malik was later disqualified from her post
by the Supreme Court of Pakistan due to allegedly obtaining a fake degree from the University of
51
Punjab (“Procuring a Fake Degree: Top Court Disqualifies PML-N’s Sumaira Malik” 2013). Thus
only three women from the PML-N or eight women in total are currently in the National Assembly on
general seats—half the number of women that sat in general seats following the 2008 election.
While the PML-N in the most recent election primarily focused its platform on the economy with a
slogan of “Strong Economy – Strong Pakistan,” their 2013 manifesto did include some rhetoric about
their pledge to women in Pakistan. The PML-N addressed their plans to pass legislation against
violence towards women, promote women’s education, and “promote participation of women in
national development and their social, political and economic empowerment by recognizing their role
as agents of change” (Pakistan Muslim League (N) 2013). This last statement should imply the
measures that the PML would take to include women as agents of change or in positions of power
should they dominate the 2013 election. While the PML-N did have a notable victory in the 2013
election and thus had the highest number of women in the national assembly due to allocated reserve
seats, the presence of women in power has been weaker than in 2008.
Although the PML-N platform indicated interest in promoting women in Pakistan, only two women in
the PML-N party received positions of power in the Nawaz Sharif’s 2013 cabinet, compared to the
PPP cabinet (see Table 1). Saira Afzal Tarar, who won a directly elected seat to the National
Assembly from Punjab, was appointed Minister of Health, and Anusha Rehman became the Minister
of State of Information Technology and Telecom. However, the present government still has time to
prove its commitment to women’s rights, and one hopes to see more positive changes taking place in
the next few years.
Overall, when we think about the recent developments in Pakistan with reference to Jahan’s 1987
writing, it becomes clear that her blanket statement about South Asia no longer applies. Women are
slowly making waves in Pakistan’s political sphere; their influence and importance is only growing
with time. We must note that there is a significant difference in how various political parties chose to
prioritize women’s issues; however, this does not change the fact that those women in power have the
agency and opportunity to exact positive change.
Table 1: Female Cabinet Ministers 2008 – Present
PPP Government 2008 – 2013
Name
Party
Affiliation
Position
Hina Rabbani Khar
PPP
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Mahreen Anwar Raja
PPP
Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs
Shagufta Jamani
PPP
Minister of State for Religious Affairs
Samina Khalid
Ghurki
PPP
Federal Minister on Social Welfare and Special
Education
Sherry Rehman
PPP
Federal Minister on Information and Broadcasting
52
Firdaus Ashiq Awan
PPP
Federal Minister of Health
Farzana Raja
PPP
Federal Minister (without portfolio)
PML-N Government 2013 – Present
Saira Afzal Tarar
PML-N
Minister of Health
Anusha Rehman
PML-N
Minister of State of Information Technology and
Telecom
Source: “Fahim among 40 New Ministers,” 2008, dawn.com; “Federal Cabinet Unveiled: Enter the
Ministers”, 2013, Ghauri, tribune.com.pk.
Bibliography
“16 Women Elected on General Seats.” 2013. The Nation, May 17.
“Fahim among 40 New Ministers.” 2008. Dawn, November 4.
http://beta.dawn.com/news/328486/fahim-among-40-new-ministers.
Gender Review of Political Framework for Women’s Political Participation. 2010. Islamabad:
National Commission on the Status of Women.
http://www.ncsw.gov.pk/prod_images/pub/StudyonWomenPoliticalParticipation.pdf.
Ghauri, Irfan. 2011. “New Cabinet Ministers Take Oath.” Express Tribune, February 11.
http://tribune.com.pk/story/117326/cabinet-dissolution-zardari-accepts-resignations/.
———. 2013. “Federal Cabinet Unveiled: Enter the Ministers.” The Express Tribune, June 8.
http://tribune.com.pk/story/560553/federal-cabinet-unveiled-enter-the-ministers/.
Imran, Myra. 2013. “129.8% Increase in Women Contesting Election.” The News, May 7.
http://www.af.org.pk/Elecion%20Monitor/ISB%207%20May%2013/TN%20clipping%20129
.8pc%20increase%20in%20women%20contesting%20election.pdf.
Jahan, Rounaq. 1987. “Women in South Asian Politics.” Third World Quarterly 9 (3): 848–70.
Pakistan Musim League (N). 2013. National Agenda for Real Change Manifesto 2013. Pakistan
Muslim League (N). http://www.pmln.org/pmln-manifesto-english/.
“Procuring a Fake Degree: Top Court Disqualifies PML-N’s Sumaira Malik.” 2013. The Express
Tribune, October 29. http://tribune.com.pk/story/623944/procuring-a-fake-degree-top-courtdisqualifies-pml-ns-sumaira-malik/.
Saeed, Abrar. 2008. “28 New Ministers to Join Cabinet.” The Nation, November 3, sec. Politics.
http://www.nation.com.pk/politics/03-Nov-2008/28-new-ministers-to-join-Cabinet.
Wagha, Wasim. 2013. A New Generation of Women Legislators Arrives. 41. Legislative Watch. Aurat
Foundation. http://www.af.org.pk/newsl/1390295273.pdf.
53
Yusuf, Huma. 2013. The Evolving Role of Women in Pakistani Politics. Expert Analysis. Norwegian
Peacebuilding Resource Centre: NOREF.
http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/c832356e4ede2cff5
68363e27bb152b0.pdf.
54
Women in Politics and the Politics of Women in Sri Lanka1
Maithree Wickramasinghe, Professor, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
Chulani Kodikara, Senior Researcher at the International Center for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka
Introduction
In the past few decades, Sri Lanka has — along with India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh — been touted
as testifying to gender equality when it comes to women’s political representation due to the striking
presence of its women leaders. The two figures of Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika
Kumaratunga have become emblematic of women’s representation in Sri Lanka especially for the
West. In 1960, Bandaranaike gained global renown as the first democratically elected woman Prime
Minster in the modern world. In 1994, her daughter, Kumaratunga, was elected as the country’s first
woman Executive President. Yet in stark contrast to such pre-eminence, only a fistful of women
politicians (4.07 percent of all political representatives) represent women as a collective sex/gender
which constitutes 51 percent of the Sri Lankan population.2
The scope of politics is, of course, vast and varied: it embraces a wide spectrum of social structures
engaged in promoting socio-political change and raising the political consciousness of citizens.
Politics for Sri Lankan women have also spanned action by the Women’s Franchise Union in 1927,
the Eksath Kantha Peramuna in the late 1940s, the Northern and Southern Mothers’ Fronts in the
1980s, and the women cadre of the LTTE in more recent times. This article confines itself to a
consideration of electoral politics vis-à-vis the formal political institutions in Sri Lanka, which have
set the parameters within which the representation of women is possible, determined, and advanced. 3
The objective of this article is to explore political representation vis-à-vis its women citizens and
gender issues. Firstly, to what extent has the Sri Lankan state been representative of women as a
collective? Secondly, what are the dominant political representations of women within the state?
What or who do women politicians in Sri Lanka represent? What are the problems relating to such
representations?
Our focus is on considering the political representation of women as a collective identification despite
the latitude of the concept to encompass heterogeneity (constituting differences of race, religion and
ethnicity; class, economic status, language, education, profession, and geography; age, sexual/gender
status and orientation, disability, and health among other factors).4
1
An earlier version of this article was published under M. Wickramasinghe and C. Kodikara, (2013)
“Representation in Politics: Women and Gender in the Sri Lankan Republic”, in A. Welikala (ed.), The Sri
Lankan Republic at 40: Reflections on Constitutional History, Theory and Practice (2013) Centre for Policy
Alternatives (CPA) with the Friedrich Naumann Stiftung für die Freiheit (FNF) pp. 771 - 820.
2
The term ‘sex/gender’ is used to indicate the argument that men and women are both biologically and socially
constructed beings within what Sandra Harding conceptualises as a socially constructed sex/gender system that
trigger gender inequality and inequity, patriarchal institutions and the oppression of women. See S. Harding,
‘Why Has the Sex/Gender System Become Visible Only Now?’ (2004) Discovering Reality (Synthese Library)
161: pp.311-324.
3
The formal political structure in Sri Lanka comprises of an Executive President, a Parliament of 225 members,
8 Provincial Councils, 12 Municipal Councils, 38 Urban Councils, 257 Pradeshiya Sabhas.
4
While identification is undertaken for the strategic purpose of writing this article, the danger in considering
women as a collective identity or identification founded solely on sex/gender is that it ignores and obscures the
differences of other intersecting identities. S. Evens (1979) Personal Politics: The Roots of Women’s Liberation
in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (New York: Alfred A. Knopf); b. hooks, ‘Sisterhood: Political
Solidarity between Women’ (1986) Feminist Review 23: pp.125 – 138.
55
Thus, this article5 rests on the somewhat rudimentary assumption that a democratic state should
constitute of political institutions that represent men and women in equal if not near equal numbers;
moreover, that they should also represent not only the shared interests of both men and women, but
also their gender-specific interests6 as well as their heterogeneous interests as a sex/gender.7
Consequently, this article approaches Sri Lankan women’s political representation (materially and
ideologically) from gendered and feminist perspectives. It will rely on numbers, legal discourses,
theoretical concepts, and parliamentary speeches to do so.
Women’s Representation: Beginnings and Stereotypes
Sri Lanka gained universal voting rights in 1931, and for the most part, has a reputation for a political
culture that is founded on heavily contested electoral politics marked by sporadic flares of violence. 8
In addition to being a majority in voter turnout, women have been present in electoral politics since
1931 with the entry of the first woman State Counsellor, Adeline Molamure (a Sinhala woman
representing Ruwanwella) to the State Council through a by-election on the death of her father;
followed in 1932 by a Tamil woman State Counsellor Naysum Saravanamuttu (representing Colombo
North) after her husband was unseated by an election petition. These legislators were observed as
characterizing local political interests of prominent families representing their communities in an era
when there was no official recognition of political parties but a transition period portending
independence from British colonialism.
During the ascendency of the Left parties in government (from 1947-1977), more women who were
committed to the different strands of the socialist cause were able to come into Parliament. These
include Florence Senanayake and Kusumasiri Gunewardena of the LSSP9 who entered the First
Parliament,10 Tamara Illangaratne (Independent), Doreen Wickremasinghe (CP11), Vivienne
Gunewardena12 (NLSSP), and Soma Wickramanayake (LSSP). Historically, given their socialist
5
The article was based primarily on literature surveying; but it has also been augmented by interviews with
politicians, women political activists, lobbyists, and party members and by our own experiences as political
observers.
6
Gender-specific interests refer to the common interests of women or men as a sex/gender; these are based on
sex and gender differences.
7
Diversified interests or heterogeneous interests refer to the differing individual interests of women or men
within a sex/gender (which could also intersect with ethnicity, religion, age, language, educational ability,
sexual orientation, etc.).
8
Aside from electoral aggression, Sri Lanka has been in the grip of intermittent communal rioting between the
Sinhalese and Muslims / Sinhalese and Tamils, two violent student revolutions of 1971 and 1988/1989 crushed
by the respective governments of the time, and the lingering ethnic conflict of over twenty-five years (primarily
between the Sinhalese and Tamils), militarily repressed in 2009.
9
The Lanka Sama Samaja Pakshaya (LSSP) was established in 1935 and is the oldest political party in the
country, though its political power is seen to have diminished considerably today.
10
Under the Soulbury Constitution (1947) in terms of which Ceylon obtained independence, Parliament was a
bicameral legislature comprising the House of Representatives and the Senate. This replaced the State Council,
the unicameral legislature under the previous Donoughmore Constitution (1931).
11
Communist Party
12
The only Leftist woman MP (from the Nawa Lanka Sama Samaja Party) to become a Deputy Minister (Local
Government and Administration).
56
ideological leanings and their submersion in class politics, many of these women seem to have made a
strong case for women’s rights while in Parliament.13
From the two parties that have predominantly straddled Sri Lankan politics for over 60 years, Wimala
Wijewardena was the first woman elected to Parliament from the SLFP in 1956 (and became the first
woman minster in the country) while Wimala Kannangara came in from the UNP in 1965. On the
whole, the consistent presence of women from the SLFP and the UNP can be observed only after
1965. The second Tamil woman, Ranganayaky Pathmanathan (UNP) was elected to Parliament only
in 1977 followed by Rita M. Pulendran (UNP) who was appointed in 1989 after her brother was killed
by the LTTE. In contrast, the first Muslim woman Member of Parliament, Ferial Ashraf (SLMC), was
elected only in 2001 after the death of her husband in a helicopter crash. This was alongside Anjan
Umma who was appointed on the National List of the JVP. No woman represented Jaffna until 2004
when Pathmini Sithamparanathan was elected from ITAK. There has been no representation of
women from the Indian Tamil community or any Burgher or Malay women hitherto. Table 1 at the
end of this article shows that the percentage of women in the State Council and Parliament did not
exceed 3.8 percent until 1977.
Women’s political representation in the Senate14 also included women from its inception with Adeline
Molamure who was elected by the House of Representatives of the First Parliament (subsequent to her
stint in the State Council), and Cissy Cooray who was an appointed member. Later on, Adeline’s
daughter Sita was also appointed to the Senate, making them the first mother-daughter duo in politics.
Another distinct phenomenon of the time was that of political couples.15 These marital and family
combines strengthened and consolidated power, firstly within prominent families and then later on,
within political parties. All in all, there have been seven woman Senators during the 24 years of its
existence with Sirimavo Bandaranaike who started her career in electoral politics after first entering
the Senate. At the level of local government, this period also saw Ayesha Rauf, the first woman to be
elected to the Colombo Municipal Council in 1949, who later became the Deputy Mayor.
Since 1931, there have been a total of 59 women representatives in Parliament. Fifty women were
Sinhalese, six Tamil, two Muslim, and one Anglo-Sri Lankan. Of the 59 women elected, five were
appointed to represent various districts (without a by-election) in the lead-up to the constitutional
changes of 1978. Since then, six women have been appointed to Parliament on the National List.
Thirty-eight women parliamentarians have been involved in another profession before entering
politics, the most common being teachers or administrative secretaries; thereby negating “the common
perception of these women politicians as uneducated, inexperienced nonentities” as expressed by one
of our respondents (a women’s rights activist). In fact, all current women parliamentarians (bar one)
have been working in some capacity or another before entering politics.
13
De Silva (1999); K. Pinto Jayawardena & C. Kodikara (2003) Women and Governance in Sri Lanka
(Colombo: ICES); W. Muthiah, S. Thiruchandran & S. Wanasinghe (Eds.) (2006) Socialist Women of Sri Lanka
(Colombo: Young Socialist); P. Liyanage (2012).
14
The Senate, the Second Chamber of Parliament (in operation from 1947 to 1971), constituted of thirty
members elected by the House of Representatives or appointed by the Governor General on the advice of the
Prime Minister.
15
Examples include Adeline and A.F. Molamure, Kusumasiri and Philip Gunewardena, Tamara and T. B.
Illangaranta, Vivienne and Lesley Gunewardena as well as Kusuma and K.M.P. Rajaratna.
57
Chandra de Silva contends that historically women came into electoral politics on the basis of what
was identified as a “stop gap situation,”16 when women relatives of male members were nominated to
contest by-elections or elections, or when women were appointed by a political party to replace family
members due to death or dislodgment arising from electoral petitions. Thus from early times, women
politicians were primarily recognized and represented in relation to their family affiliation to wellknown male politicians, and they were considered as representatives of family-led constituencies, not
of the interests of women as a collective sex/gender. For instance, Adeline Molamure replaced her
father on his death; Naysum Saravanamuttu’s husband, a former Mayor of Colombo, was unseated on
an election petition; and Sirima Bandaranaike was the widow of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and daughter
of ex-Senator Barnes Ratwatte. From the Left, Kusumasiri Gunewardena was the wife of Philip
Gunewardena and Doreen Wickramasinghe was the wife of the Communist Party leader S.A.
Wickramasinghe. Of course, there were interesting exceptions of women who came in on their own
(sans political family connection at the time), such as Wimala Wijewardena and Wimala Kannangara
(though they too had some social connections).
With the heightening of the ethnic conflict from the 1980s onwards and the assassination of
politicians in a number of high profile instances, the phenomenon of “widows, wives and daughters”
coming into politics “over the dead bodies” of their family members were felt to be more
pronounced.17 However, it is important to re-assess this popular stereotype18 in representing women
politicians, as stereotypes not only exist in the individual mind but at a collective level as well. Of the
total 59 parliamentary representatives, 34 women have come into electoral politics to either replace a
male family member or due to some connection with a male political relative. Yet despite the
common perception of dead men opening doors for women, only 18 women representatives have
actually taken on the mantle of parliamentary politics as a direct outcome of death. Interestingly, 24 of
the 59 women representatives do not seem to possess any explicit family connection to politicians.
Thus this overturns the stereotypes concerning the representation of women politicians (as devoid of
their own political agency due to family connections or status as a replacement or as lacking in
education or formal experience). Furthermore, even though historically women in politics have been
portrayed as capitalizing on family affiliations, this is not a political phenomenon associated solely
with women contestants. In fact, political parties actively seek out candidates (both women and men)
with family political connections as an easy strategy to garner what they believe to be an existing vote
bank.19 Thus whether male or female, a number of our respondents have pointed out that new entrants
to politics, who have existing family connections to politics, have an advantage. This reliance on
political connections to consolidate votes has become even more marked under the proportional
representation (PR) system of the 1978 Constitution and the preferential voting feature established in
1989. Nepotism is thus not only a customary political stipulation, but it has also become an acceptable
political practice.
16
De Silva (1999).
Pinto Jayawardena & Kodikara (2003).
18
The danger in representing women as stereotypes is that they are then often taken to be the dominant ‘reality’
and accepted uncritically, and not as a category that has been socially or culturally constructed. W. Enteman,
‘Stereotyping, Prejudice and Discrimination’ in P. Lester (Ed.) (1996) Images that Injure – Pictorial
Stereotypes in the Media (London: Praeger).
19
This was clearly evident from the interviews with political party officials and women’s organisations working
to increase women’s nominations at the 2011 local government elections.
17
58
Representation of Women: Constitutional Supports and Challenges
As observed by one of our respondents (a party leader), the two Sri Lankan constitutions instituted in
the 1970s reflect the social movements and political developments of the period. The 1972
Constitution was drafted to pacify the Sinhala Buddhist forces, for instance, by repealing Section 29
of the previous Soulbury Constitution (which protected non-Sinhala ethnic and religious sections from
discriminatory legislation). This Constitution therefore combined ethnic Sinhala nationalist ideas with
a socialist ideology.20 Similarly, the 1978 Constitution was intended to revise the perceived excesses
of the existing electoral and governance system (evoked by the first-past-the post-system) and to bring
a degree of stability through the inclusion of the proportional representation scheme, a mechanism
that was felt would reflect the wishes of the majority of voters.21
The 1970s was also a period of political interest and fermentation vis-à-vis women’s status, roles in
development, and women’s civic rights, with local and international consciousness reaching a
highpoint as a result of the United Nations sponsored International Year of Women (1975) and the
subsequent International Decade of Women (1975-1985). However, such interest was not seen to be
reflected in the constitution making of the era. While the two Sri Lankan constitutions incorporated
elements of internationally accepted norms of citizenship, they did not absorb the developing
international standards on women’s rights. Germanely to the 1970-72 constitution-making process (in
which the principal political objective was the establishment of a republic by repudiating the British
Crown), Rosemary Hunter observed in relation to the Australian debate on republicanism that,
“The constitutional sphere is not one where women are obviously oppressed, and the
problems we do experience there, such as disproportionately low political
representation and the construction of citizenship in masculine terms, are not ones
that would be necessarily resolved by a shift from a monarchical to a republican form
of government.”22
It may therefore be important to consider what Hunter means by the construction of citizenship in
masculine terms in the context of the 1978 Constitution, since this is what affects us today. While
“masculine” may be too essentialist a term,23 it is possible to see that the 1978 Constitution was built
on certain overriding legal/theoretical/ideological assumptions about life that left out what were
considered to be “minority” or “lesser” experiences. For instance, the 1978 Constitution enshrines the
assumption and affirmation of a general principle of formal equality of all citizens on the basis that
like should be treated alike.24 Article 12(1) on the right to equality strives to ensure that all persons are
equal before the law and are entitled to the equal protection of the law. In addition, Article 12(2) goes
20
R. Coomaraswamy, ‘The Politics of Institutional Design’ in S. Bastian & R. Luckham (Eds.) (2003) Can
Democracy be Designed? The Politics of Institutional Choice in Conflict-torn Societies (London: Zed Books):
p.149.
21
It was felt that the first-past-the-post system does not provide an accurate representation of the overall vote
given that in some historical instances, despite the winning parties obtaining a majority of seats in Parliament,
they did not command the majority of votes in the country.
22
R. Hunter, ‘Working the Republic: Some Feminist Reflections’ (1996) Journal of Australian Studies 20(47):
pp.57-66.
23
Assigning inanimate objects with attributes of femininity and masculinity essentialises sex/gender differences
as pure, total and irrevocable, when in reality they are merely social constructions.
24
S. Goonesekere (n.d.) The Concept of Substantive Equality and Gender Justice in South Asia, available at:
http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/2011/“the-concept-of-substantive-equality-and-gender-justice-in-southasia”-by-savitri-w-e-goonesekere/.
59
on to specify that there should be no discrimination on grounds of race, religion, language, caste, sex,
political opinion, and place of birth, thereby recognizing categories that may be open to
discrimination. However, age has been excluded from the list of discriminatory categories. The
constitutional also does not provide for non-discrimination on other vital grounds such as gender,
marital status, maternity, disability, parental status, sexual orientation, transgender status, or being
HIV positive. In this instance, the scope of the constitutional provisions may have been constrained
by the extent/state of technical knowledge and ideological considerations of the time.
Constitutions tend to conceptualize citizenship in terms of formal equality without recognizing that
formal equality can often operate as an inclusionary or exclusionary mechanism. Thus, Article 4(e) of
the 1978 Constitution confers the right to vote on all citizens over eighteen years of age as an exercise
in sovereignty. This provision is effective only to the extent that men and women are able to exercise
their vote.25 For numerous reasons, including electoral violence and the practice of staggered elections
(at provincial and local government levels) as well as a possible disillusionment with the political
process, the overall voter turnout has been decreasing over the last few years, conveying an erosion of
public confidence in the political culture and institutional framework that form the context for the
meaningful exercise of this right. Furthermore, disadvantaged groups such as migrant workers (60%
of whom are women) and displaced peoples (most of whom are Tamils and Muslims) are de facto
denied the fundamental right to vote due to a lack of supportive provisions that enable their vote. 26
Consequently, the sovereignty of these groups has yet to be formally and substantively protected. This
suggests that formal equality of treatment is conceptually inadequate to deal with the specificities of
disadvantage imposed due to sex or ethnicity.
Similarly, Article 90, which establishes the qualifications for election as a Member of Parliament,
gives the right to all citizens over 18 to stand for political office. Yet going by the numbers (see next
section), women have not experienced the realization of this right on equal terms with men in terms of
results; in other words, they have not achieved substantive equality,27 or more precisely de facto
equality, or to be even more precise, gender equity.28
This is despite the fact that Article 12(4) allows for special legal provision to be made for the
advancement and protection of disadvantaged groups, which includes women, children, or disabled
persons. However, the state has hardly used this. For example, they’re not used to reserve quotas for
women in political representation, despite continuing evidence of gender inequality. One reason for
this may be the fact that the state as a republic does not conceptualize women as the majority of the
Sri Lankan populace. In fact, women are conceptualized as an innately vulnerable special group
(alongside children or disabled persons), rather than as a collective political identity in the sense
defined by Sonia Kruks:
25
R. Lister (1997) Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives (London: Macmillan).
M. Wickramasinghe (2012) Towards Gender Equity / Equality: A Scan of Gender Sensitive Laws, Policies
and Programmes in Sri Lanka (Colombo: ILO).
27
Goonesekere, Savitri (undated) The Concept of Substantive Equality and Gender Justice in South Asia,
http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/2011/“the-concept-of-substantive-equality-and-gender-justice-in-southasia”-by-savitri-w-e-goonesekere/
28
Gender equity originates in the recognition that men and women have differing interests, needs and priorities
depending on their biological sex and their gendered life experiences. Furthermore, different groups of women
and men prioritise different issues from one another. Thus, ‘achieving gender equity’ requires fulfilling these
differential and heterogeneous interests. Wickramasinghe (2012).
26
60
“What makes identity politics a significant departure from earlier, pre-identarian
forms of the politics of recognition is its demand for recognition on the basis of the
very grounds on which recognition has previously been denied: it is qua women, qua
blacks, qua lesbians that groups demand recognition. The demand is not for inclusion
within the fold of “universal humankind” on the basis of shared human attributes, nor
is it for respect “in spite of” one’s differences. Rather, what is demanded is respect
for oneself as different.”29
This is an argument going beyond formal equality: to acknowledge, understand, and account for
primary differences, historical situations of powerlessness, and the social structures and ideological
forces that perpetuate disadvantage.
If Article 12(4) is to be meaningful for women, it needs to be strengthened so as to ensure that the
clause allowing special provisions cannot be disputed through the constitutional provisions on nondiscrimination. A recent determination of the Supreme Court (SC (SD) Nos. 2-11 of 2010)30 took the
view that this section cannot be used as a ‘weapon’ in order to depart from the basic principles laid
down in Article 12(1) (the equality clause), thereby negating the objective of this provision.31
A step towards acknowledging the sex/gender difference (even if not going so far as to reconceptualize the state and citizenship from a position of difference) would be to fulfill the state’s
obligation of transforming the state policy on women articulated in the Sri Lanka Women’s Charter
(approved by Cabinet in 1993) into legislation so that it becomes legally binding.
Despite these gaps and inconsistencies, the state has consistently pledged allegiance to international
standards on gender equity/equality; successive governments have subscribed to various dominant
discourses on women’s political participation; the state has signed and ratified a number of
international conventions and standards; and correspondingly, individual political parties have
pledged to increase women’s political representation. These international instruments include the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR); the UN Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment (CAT); UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW) as well as its Optional Protocol; the UN Declaration on the Elimination of
Violence Against Women; and the UN Millennium Development Goals.
However, it needs to be cautioned that UN standards do not always have mechanisms of enforcement.
They are thus often reliant on the ethical, moral, or political obligations of the state for execution.
Consequently, attempts at transforming international standards into legislation have given rise to
bitter allegations of the infringement of the people’s sovereignty.32 For example, an attempt to enact
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women through domestic
legislation in the form of the Women’s Rights Bill was abandoned due to accusations that the measure
promoted “Western” values claimed to be at variance with the local culture.
29
S. Kruks (2001) Retrieving Experience: Subjectivity and Recognition in Feminist Politics (New York: Cornell
UP): p.85.
30
Supreme Court Special Determination on Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Bill (SC (SD) 10/2010).
31
M. Wickramasinghe & C. Kodikara (2012) Changing Minds – Nominations and Votes for Women – A
Participatory Evaluation (internal document) (Colombo: UN Women’s Fund for Gender Equality / Women and
Media Collective).
32
Pinto Jayawardena & Kodikara (2003).
61
Similarly, efforts by women’s organizations in 1995 to penalize marital rape and liberalize abortion
on behalf of women as a sex/gender have failed, mainly due to opposition from minority parties in
Parliament (who had interestingly gained political power under PR).33 Thus, women have not been
able to rely on the state to deliver on their rights in the face of other dominant identity interests and
politics (especially when founded on religion and ethnicity). Women have not governed by personal
laws benefitted from gender-equal legislative change as evinced by the following instance when
general law came into conflict with customary law. When the state raised the age of marriage for men
and women to 18 years of age in 1995, no corresponding change was made in the Muslim law on the
grounds that the Muslim community was entitled to be governed by their own laws, usages, and
customs. Muslim girls/women were thus conceptualized first and foremost in terms of their ethnicity
rather than in terms of their sex/gender. The state did not think it fit to provide girls/women the option
of subscribing to either general law or customary law as a way of resolving the apparent clash
between legal uniformity and differences of culture.
In this context, it is worth noting that nearly 52 percent of Sri Lanka’s formal laws are either partially
compliant or fully non-compliant with the CEDAW benchmarks according to a review of benchmarks
on legal compliance on gender equality based on the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW) published by UNDP.34 Thus, there seems to be a persistent gap between
what is articulated at the level of discourse or policy and what takes place at the material level in
terms of political culture and practice. The extent to which women have been able to bargain with the
state is clearly dependent on contesting forces and prevailing blocs of power. Bina Agarwal conceives
these multifarious contestations within the state in the following terms:
“The State itself can be seen as an arena of gender contestation between parties with
varying understanding and commitment to reducing (or reinforcing) gender
hierarchies. These contestations can be between state officials within a department,
between different tiers of the state apparatus (such as policymaking and policy
implementing bodies), and/or between different regional elements of the state
structure…”35
In Sri Lanka, the foundations for these contestations have been related to culture but only when it
comes to women’s rights. The sex/gender identity of a woman is regarded as subservient to her
cultural identity, thereby reasserting the burden on women to be markers of culture.36 However, it is
possible to see a double standard when it comes to traditional penal and commercial laws, as many of
them have been allowed to expire without the reference to a cultural argument.37
33
The PR system allowed for a number of new identity-based political parties like the Sri Lanka Muslim
Congress (SLMC), the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) to enter
electoral politics.
34
H. Cheema, ‘Diversity within Family Laws may Undermine Women’s Rights in Sri Lanka’ in (2010)
Benchmarking National Legislation for Gender Equality: Findings from Five Asian Countries (Bangkok:
Human Development Report Unit UNDP Asia-Pacific Regional Centre).
35
Agarwal cited in Pinto Jayawardena & Kodikara (2003); B. Agarwal (1994) A Field of One’s Own: Gender
and Land Rights in South Asia (Cambridge: CUP): p.79.
36
R. Muttettuwegama, (1997) Parallel Systems of Personal Laws in Sri Lanka, Muslim Women’s Research
Action Forum / WLUML.
37
Ibid.
62
Women’s Representation: Current Numbers and Concerns
The UNDP’s latest GII Indicators of 2012 gave Sri Lanka’s an overall Gender Inequality Index Rank
of 75 and Gender Inequality Index Value of 0.402. 38 However, women constitute only 5.8 percent
MPs in Parliament. In comparison, women are 6.5 percent in the Parliament of the Maldives, 10.9
percent of the Indian Parliament, 13.9 percent in Bhutan, 19.7 percent in Bangladesh, 21.1 percent in
Pakistan, 27.6 percent in Afghanistan, and 33.2 percent in Nepal. The higher percentages in other
South Asian countries are attributed to quotas and reservations for women at varying political levels.
A look at the three tiers of government in Sri Lanka, parliament, provincial councils and local
government (see tables at the end of this article) demonstrate the following points.
In Parliament, women’s representation is currently 5.8 percent (see Table 1). There have not been any
significant changes in the representation of women over 66 years as an independent state, except that
there are more women are in Parliament since 1989 for the reason that the overall number of members
in Parliament increased from 101 to 225. Even though the percentage of women in Parliament also
increased marginally, this cannot, by any means, be compared to galloping male representation. It is,
however, possible that in instances where there have been sharp electoral divisions between the two
main parties in the polity, women may have fared marginally better under the first-past-the-post
system. For instance, in 1956 and in 1977 respectively when the SLFP and the UNP came into power
with landslide votes, there were marginal increases in women’s representation. There was also an
increase in the period after the institution of the new constitution in 1978 when the governing party
(UNP) began to appoint women relatives to parliament to capitalize on the voter base of deceased
members.
When it comes to political representation by appointment, what could well have been used by parties
to support Article 12(4) of the constitution on special provisions is the National List. Yet, since 1989,
there have only been a minimum number of women (limited to one or none each term) on the
National List until the 2010 election, which saw the entry of three women to Parliament. These
women seem to have been selected by political parties for very political reasons: family representation
to preserve a vote-base (Anoma Gamage); new celebrity entrants to garner a presumed fan-base
(Malini Fonseka); and an old party stalwart who has supported the SLFP for decades (Kamala
Ranatunge).
Within provincial councils (established as a second tier of government in response to demands for
devolution of political power by the Tamil community),39 the representation of women is even lower.
Of a total number of 455 Provincial Council members across the country in nine councils (elected at
the 2012/2013/2014 elections40), there were only 20 women. This constitutes 4.39 percent of the total
38
“The Gender Inequality Index (GII) reflects women’s disadvantage in three dimensions – reproductive health,
empowerment and the labour market – for as many countries as data of reasonable quality allow. The index
shows the loss in human development due to inequality between female and male achievements in these
dimensions. It ranges from 0, which indicates that women and men fare equally, to 1, which indicates that
women fare as poorly as possible in all measured dimensions”, cited in United Nations Development Program
(2011a) Gender Inequality Index, in Human Development Indicators, available at:
http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/gii/.
39
The Provincial Councils were instituted in 1987 through the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution and
the Provincial Councils Act No. 42 of 1987.
40
This is due to the current political tactic of holding staggered elections (the Uva Provincial Council election is
yet to be held).
63
elected (see Table 2). Currently, of a total of 4,466 elected members to local authorities, there are 91
elected women, making them 2.03 percent of the total number elected (see Table 3).
The dearth of women’s nomination by political parties has been commonly identified as the reason for
this poverty in numbers. In recent times, however, women have found their way into the nomination
lists of the surging number of smaller parties and independent lists headed by men under PR.41 A
number of women candidates who contested through independent groups in 2011 were not able to win
any seats. This is because these groups have begun to nominate women simply to fill the requirements
of the nomination list; these women candidates do not win, nor are they expected to win.
In comparison, women who are outsiders to mainstream politics and who have contested
independently of major parties have fared no better. The Sinhala Tamil Rural Women’s Network
(STRWN) based in Nuwara Eliya was among the first independent women’s groups to contest the
provincial council elections in 1999. STRWN42 decided to contest elections mainly to address the
marginalization and pauperization of vegetable cultivators in the area but failed to win a single a seat.
This was also the fate of two other independent women’s groups. One contested the Colombo
Municipal Council elections in 2002 with a list constituting various professional categories of women.
The other women’s group contested the Kurunegala Pradeshiya Sabha in 2006.
Yet simply gaining nominations even from the major parties do not guarantee election as evinced
again at the 2011 local government elections. While island-wide official statistics on nomination
disaggregated by party are not available, a baseline survey of nominations by the UPFA and UNP in
the five districts of Badulla, Galle, Moneragala, Kurunegala, and Trincomalee indicates that out of 46
nominations for women by the UPFA, 11 women got elected. Out of 66 nominations for women by
the UNP, only two women were elected.43
The reasons for the underrepresentation of women in politics are many, and have been extensively
analyzed in a number of studies.44 The current PR system with its preferential voting mechanism has
come under criticism from a number of respondents from women’s groups for creating a political
culture that is inimical to women’s entry into politics. Sunil Bastian argues that the initial motivation
for introducing PR was to create a stable government, to stop individual MPs from crossing over and
to further the interest of capital.45 Increasing the representation of minorities or women was not part of
the agenda of electoral reform. While PR did result in increasing ethnic minority representation within
political bodies, it had no significant impact on the representation of women except negligibly at
parliamentary level. The electoral threshold, which was originally fixed at a minimum of 12.5 percent
or one eighth of the total number of valid votes received by a party, was later reduced to 5 percent due
to concerns expressed by minority parties. While the 5% cut off point opened the door for a number of
41
Sometimes these candidates / groups contest as one-off political strategies, especially if they have been denied
nomination from their own parties; or as a means of infringing on the votes of other parties and individual
candidates rather than in a serious effort to get elected. They also field candidates in ‘dummy’ lists on behalf of
larger parties so that their agents can gain greater access to polling and counting centres on election day:
Wickramasinghe & Kodikara (2012).
42
A community-based organisation working on issues of poverty alleviation, micro credit, health, education,
environment and peace, with a membership of approximately 29,000 members.
43
See Kodikara, Chulani (2012a) Women in Local Government from 2006 to 2011: A Comparative Analysis of
Representation of Women and Nominations for Women, Colombo, International Centre For Ethnic Studies.
44
De Silva (1995); Liyanage & Rajendran (2012); Kiribamuna (1999); Pinto Jayawardena & Kodikara (2003).
45
Bastian (2003).
64
smaller parties to get elected, it has still proved to be too high for independent women’s groups
seeking to win a few seats at the local government level.
The reason for this could be attributed to the particular type of PR adopted in Sri Lanka. Though the
number of seats per district increased under PR, the electoral unit also became larger, coinciding with
the “district” conceptualized for administrative and development purposes. This means that candidates
have to canvass for votes within a much larger electoral unit. While this has proved to be difficult and
expensive for any contestant, women have found it even more so given their historically low
economic status in general. Furthermore, under the open list PR system or the preferential voting
mechanism, the voter has the ability to influence which of the candidates on the party list should be
elected by first voting for the party and then casting three preferences for three candidates on the list.
Importantly, this reinforces the notion that within Sri Lankan politics, people’s representation is
signified first by the party and then by the political representative.
The poverty of numbers in nomination lists reflects the fact that despite the platitudes and pledges of
mainstream political parties, they have been disinclined to nominate women as representatives of a
sex/gender.46 Rather, as noted by one of our respondents (a party official), potential candidates are
selected on their capacity to command votes – irrespective of their sex. This seems a rational and
impartial observation that subscribes to the concept of formal equality as discussed above. However,
it does not acknowledge the fact that women as a sex/gender are disadvantaged in this equation given
that a majority of women face structural and attitudinal drawbacks and discrimination. Consequently,
women’s capacity to commandeer votes may be hindered other than in exceptional instances. Thus,
formal equality by emphasizing sameness in treatment without considering impact and circumstances
denies the significance of disadvantage that could result in different outcomes when people placed in
different circumstances were treated in the same manner.47
On the other hand, instances considered to be advantageous in obtaining nominations from
mainstream political parties at the last local government elections included being an incumbent in a
local council; having a close family relationship to a retiring local council member or a party powerholder; the capacity to bring over the voter base of an opposing party (by crossing over); the backing
of a party stalwart /organizer; and the post-war, multi-ethnic areas where there was political apathy
and a disinterest on the part of men to contest.48
Once nominated however, contestants, aside from the reasons discussed above, have also found it
difficult to compete equally with male contestants within their parties. One reason is the apparent
patriarchal party culture based on social practices and camaraderie between male party members,
which is advantageous towards men. 49 The voters, on the other hand, have continued to disregard
women candidates as suitable politicians notwithstanding continuous media campaigns by women’s
organizations appealing to voters to vote for women.50
46
Kodikara (2009); Pinto Jayawardena & Kodikara (2003).
Goonesekere (undated).
48
Wickramasinghe & Kodikara (2012).
49
Respondents (including a defeated local government contestant from the UPFA) talked of male bonding
arising from ‘drinking parties’ and overnight stays at funeral houses in villages - social practices that generally
do not include women or are gender segregated.
50
Kodikara (2009).
47
65
Women’s Representation: the Continuing Demand
The demand for affirmative action as a crucial remedy to address the underrepresentation of women in
political institutions in Sri Lanka has been articulated since the late 1990s, both by women’s
organizations as well as the National Committee on Women. For instance, when constitutional reform
was still on the political agenda in the late 1990s, women’s organizations lobbied for constitutional
reform. Even as such reform became unlikely, women’s groups focused their energies on legal
reform. Recent attempts at advocacy have been on two fronts, with political parties and with the
Parliamentary Select Committee on Electoral Reform.51
In 2003 and 2006, women’s organizations engaged with the Parliamentary Select Committee on
Electoral Reform (PSCER) by making written submissions and giving oral evidence before the Select
Committee on a quota for women at the local government level.52 The Interim Report of the Select
Committee53 recognized the need to increase women’s representation in political institutions, but
inopportunely made it only a weak recommendation to the effect that: (i) political parties should
include provisions in their policies to ensure nominations of women candidates in order to guarantee
better representation of women in parliament, provincial councils, and local government bodies, and
(ii) necessary legal provisions be formulated to make it mandatory that every third candidate
nominated by a party secretary from the National List be a woman candidate. 54
However, despite an earlier version of the Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Bill providing
that “25 percent of the total number of candidates and additional persons whose names appear in each
nomination paper…may consist of women and youth,”55 the Act was passed in 2012 with absolutely
no mention of a quota for women. It had also dropped the 40 percent youth quota, which had been in
place since 1990.
Hitherto discussions on quotas have fallen far short of what is needed to increase women’s
representation at the local level. In the first instance, political parties considered a combined quota for
women and youth with no specific guarantee of a reserved quota for women. Conceptually, women
continue to be categorized as “a special group” (see previous section), despite being more than half
the population. Secondly, it is seen only as a discretionary provision, which has no legal consequences
in the case of non-compliance. This dialogue, therefore, does not legally bind political parties nor hold
them politically accountable.
There is no doubt that political parties have discursively recognised the problem of women’s underrepresentation as evinced by their political rhetoric, going to the extent of committing to increasing
women in politics in their election manifestos. Yet, concrete action continues to remain elusive. In
comparison, the European Union, Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States
provide public subsidies for political parties with the aim of enabling disadvantaged groups.56 In
addition, there are women’s funds to specifically target women candidates.57 In Ireland, there is new
51
Ibid.
The PSCER was originally established in 2003 but reconstituted in 2006 after a change of government.
53
This was dated 5th June 2007.
54
Interim Report of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Electoral Reform, 5th June 2007.
55
Section 22(4)(2b) of the Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Bill (emphasis added).
56
R. Austin & M. Tjernstrom (Eds.) (2003) Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns (Stockholm:
International IDEA).
57
J. Ballington, ‘Gender Equality in Political Party Funding’, ibid.
52
66
legislation that encourages the selection of a greater number of women candidates by political parties
who will face a cut of half their state political funding if they do not have at least 30 percent women
and 30 percent men candidates at the next general election.58
In the absence of a quota, a number of women’s organizations have, in recent times, consistently
lobbied political parties to include more women on their nomination lists. Their campaigns have
characterized women’s political representation as a fundamental right, highlighting the injustice of
numbers when it comes to women’s political participation as a sex/gender and requesting the public to
vote for women on this basis so as to rectify a historical wrong. In fact, the 2011 local government
elections saw at least four programs by separate women’s networks to increase nominations. 59 These
programs identified women aspirants for local political office and introduced them to the local
leadership of mainstream political parties; some of them also engaged with the national level
leadership on the need to give more nominations to women. However, the incumbency of sitting
members emerged as the biggest obstacle to increasing women’s nominations. The average
percentage of nominations for women by the UPFA, UNP, and JVP in the districts of Badulla, Galle,
Kurunegala, Moneragala, and Trincomalee collectively was only 3.4 percent, 4.8 percent and 7.5
percent respectively. The TNA had the best nominations record with 16.5 percent of nominations for
women in the district of Trincomalee.60 But in reality, beyond the symbolic inclusion of one or two
women in nomination lists, the major parties have not taken steps to seriously address the
underrepresentation of women even at local government. It is therefore important to reiterate this gap
between policy discourses and political practice.
The absence of affirmative action for women at any level of government in Sri Lanka stands in stark
contrast to what has been described as “quota fever,”61 or an international consensus on the need for
increased representation of women in elected political bodies. To date, more than 100 countries have
adopted some form of reservation or quota for women at least at a local level.62 Of 29 countries that
have reached or exceeded the target of 30 percent women in parliament, at least 24 have used
quotas.63 Furthermore, South Asian countries such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Pakistan
58
“When citizens of this country look at our national Parliament, they should see something more akin to their
own reflection looking back at them” (Phil Hogan, Minister of Environment, Community and Local
Government), Environment, Community and Local Government (2012) Hogan brings groundbreaking
legislation before the Seanad,
http://www.environ.ie/en/LocalGovernment/Voting/News/MainBody,29339,en.htm.
59
The 2011, local government elections were held in the five districts of Trincomalee, Galle, Moneragala,
Badulla and Kurunegalla. Four separate programmes, led by the Women and Media Collective (WMC) and the
International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES); International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination
and Racism (IMADAR); the Centre for Women and Development in Jaffna; and Women for Peace and Good
Governance worked, firstly, to obtain nominations, and secondly, seats for women candidates at local
government elections via a number of political parties.
60
Kodikara (2012a).
61
D. Dahlerup, ‘Comparative Studies of Electoral Gender Quotas’, paper presented at the International IDEA
Workshop on The Implementation of Quotas: Latin American Experiences, Lima, Peru, 23rd – 24th February
2003.
62
M.L. Krook, ‘Campaigns for Candidate Gender Quotas: A New Global Women’s Movement’, paper presented
at Women’s Movements Worldwide: Flourishing or in Abeyance? Roundtable, International Political Science
Association, World Congress, Fukuoka, Japan, 9th July 2006.
63
R. Majumdar, ‘South Asian Women Parliamentarians Take the Lead’ (2012) Asia – Weekly Insight and
Analysis from the Asia Foundation, available at: http://asiafoundation.org/in-asia/2012/07/11/south-asiawomen-parliamentarians-take-lead/.
67
have a constitutional quota in their national parliaments.64 Quotas have become almost a norm in postwar and transitional contexts where there are fresh opportunities for change when new constitutions
and legislative structures are being put in place. For example, quotas have been implemented in
several post-conflict countries: South Africa, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Liberia, Burundi, and Iraq.65 We
are therefore left with the question: what might be at the root of the resistance to quotas or affirmative
action in Sri Lanka? Is it because of a dominant subscription to formal equality while merely paying
lip service to substantive equality/gender equity? Is it because the Sri Lankan republic has historically
privileged abstract individual rights over the specificities of sex/gender and other identities in
conceptualizing equality in citizenship? Is there a rigid refusal on the part of dominant power blocs to
recognize inequality and discrimination of groups whether based on gender or ethnicity? Or is it
because of dominant representations, prejudices, and stereotypical perceptions about women and
politics that prevent the issue from being approached realistically? The answer may lie in all of the
above as well as how women have been politically represented and how women representatives
represent themselves politically.
Representation by Women Representatives
“The issue of women’s participation in politics is no longer in contention. What is central to the debate
now is how to make their participation effective enough to influence the governance agenda and make
it responsive to women’s interests, needs, and concerns.”66
In keeping with this point made by Miria Matembe at the South Asia Women Parliamentarians’
Conference in July 2012, the struggle for representation within political structures discussed in this
article so far should not obscure the fact that feminist demands for political representation is not
merely a demand for numerical representation but also a demand ranging from political voice to
policy outcomes.67
Yet there is no straightforward line between getting women into political office and the
pursuit/support of issues of gender equality/equity by those women representatives. It is questionable
whether the relationship between some of these women’s representatives and their constituency is
“descriptive” (where representatives share key characteristics with the group they represent), or
“substantive” (where representatives in some sense promote their constituency’s interests).68 This is
because women do not necessarily constitute a distinct political constituency, nor are women’s and
gender concerns considered crucial political issues. Nonetheless, do these representatives even
possess or express perspectives or viewpoints on issues that promote gender equity and equality?
64
“In Bangladesh, at least 25% of seats are reserved for women in Union Councils (1996 legislation); in India
not less than 33% of seats are reserved for women and other marginalised groups in all Panchayats or Local
Bodies (1992 Constitutional Amendment); in Nepal 20% of Village and Municipal Councils are reserved for
women (1990 Constitution); and in Pakistan 33% of seats are reserved for women at the Union, Tehsil
(Municipality) and District level (2000 Devolution Plan): see C. Kodikara, ‘A Perennial Struggle: Women’s
Political Representation in Sri Lanka’ Groundviews, 14th January 2011, available at:
http://groundviews.org/2011/01/14/a-perennial-struggle-womens-political-representation-in-sri-lanka/..
65
Waring (2010).
66
Cited in Majumdar (2012).
67
S. Hassim (2009) Rethinking Gender Politics in a Liberal Age: Institutions, Constituencies and Equality in
Comparative Perspective (Geneva: UNRISD): p.2.
68
A. Phillips (1995), The Politics of Presence (Oxford: Oxford University Press); H. F. Pitkin (1967) The
Concept of Representation (University of California Press).
68
Even during 1994-2000 when both the President and the Prime Minister of the country were women
(with considerable executive and legislative power at their disposal), there was no evidence of
meaningful leadership designed to address women’s critical concerns. For instance, when the Penal
Code was amended in 1995 (a hundred years after its enactment), in response to demands by women’s
organizations, it was the then Minister of Justice who took the issue on board.
Women cabinet ministers in successive governments since 1972 have preferred to take on social
service and welfare issues or children’s issues rather than tackle hard political problems pertaining to
women, according to one of our respondents (a retired parliamentary official) who had an
administrative ring-seat in Parliament for many years.
Parliamentary debates on gender issues, in fact, provide insights into the ideological views of women
members. Did they possess visions to change gender power relations or did they perpetuate
perceptions of inequality and discrimination? During the debate around the Prevention of Domestic
Violence Bill in Parliament in 2005, many women MPs did not speak at all on the issue, signaling
clearly that they did not consider themselves as representatives of women’s or gender issues, and
through extension, perhaps even women as a sex/gender. One of the few women who did speak,
Sujatha Alahakoon (JVP) expressed deep anxieties about the impact of the Bill on the sanctity of the
family:
“This word domestic violence is too heavy for our society. This is the reason for it.
We are not a western county. When we hear the word domestic violence it inspires
fear in us about the most important institution, the most noble institution, and at the
same time the institution which ensures the continuity of our society – the family.
There is violence everywhere – in our schools, in our universities, even in this
institution (parliament)… The solution to this problem is not to take these disputes to
the police or to the courts. But to another proximate social unit – then we will be able
to protect our society. If we are able to address this problem through an open and
amicable dialogue, it is my belief that it would be better.”69
This declaration essentially repudiates the very existence of domestic violence in families in favor of
preserving the family unit as a social structure. Interestingly, it does not do so in favor of children but
in the implied interest of social stability on the basis of Sri Lanka’s non-western status. In fact, she
seems to advocate de-criminalizing violence when it is within the family. The violated woman /others
are obscured, silenced, and denied. The fact that the Bill had been drafted because “open and amicable
dialogue” had already failed was completely ignored by this parliamentarian.
This is in stark contrast to the statement made by Upeksha Swarnamali in 2011, who dauntlessly
spoke on her own experience of wife battery, appealing for the assistance of all 225 parliamentarians
to eradicate domestic violence.
“After my experience of violence, I reflected on it and I tried to find out more about
this. I found that 60 percent of Sri Lankan women are beaten and 44 percent of
69
Parliamentary Debates, 22nd February 2005: Col.1022, cited in Kodikara, Chulani (2012b) Only till the Rice
is Cooked? The Domestic Violence Act, Cultural Narratives and Familial Ideology in Sri Lanka, ICES working
Paper No. 1, International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Colombo.
69
pregnant women are also beaten. These women are traumatized and suffer because of
men’s violence against them. I want to assist such women. I hope that all
parliamentarians will join me to address this problem. Domestic violence should be
eradicated from this country.” 70
Former Minister of Health and Women’s Affairs, Renuka Herath (UNP), the woman MP who spoke
on abortion, also supported stronger punitive measures against those who commit violence against
women as well as advocated sex education in schools and measures to increase awareness that
contraception was essential if the problem of unwanted pregnancy was to be addressed.
Some women parliamentarians, along with some of the more progressive male representatives,
supported bills that supported stronger punitive measures against those who commit violence against
women and advocated sex education in schools and measures to increase awareness that contraception
was essential if the problem of unwanted pregnancy was to be addressed,71 sometimes backed with
research on the topic.72 Other women representatives seem unable or unwilling to grapple with these
reformist bills formulated to address long overdue social needs (safety from violence within the
family and the freedom to abort a pregnancy when detrimental to the mother’s health). 73 However,
their speeches were mostly rhetorical, not hinged on factual evidence. Overriding rationales in their
arguments were the protection of the family notwithstanding the injury to women and the need to
establish a non-Western cultural identity at the expense of women’s health. These are arguments that
have been used against Sri Lankan women frequently: the cultural thread extending from the antiimperial to religious rights and the family thread steadfast in conceptualizing women as dependents. 74
It seems therefore pertinent, at this juncture, to return to a few essentialist questions: are women
representatives to undertake women’s issues and gender concerns because they are women?
Moreover, are they to represent a gender-sensitive perspective because they are women? If so, what
about the party interests that the Sri Lankan PR system requires them to represent?
Ultimately whether male or female, elected members are accountable to their political parties, and it is
only rarely that parties have displayed a proactive interest in women’s issues or allowed a free vote in
Parliament. This may have led to women representatives downplaying their sympathies on these
issues; given that, as Shireen Hassim points out, inclusion (in politics) is an ambivalent position, as it
seduces women by its promise of power but also implicates them in the operations of power.75
In the recent history of parliamentary politics, Rosy Senanayake (UNP) is another woman who has
raised women’s concerns, including the need for a quota for women in political institutions. The
argument for a minimum quota or reservation of 30 percent of women in political institutions is based
on the assumption that a critical mass of women can begin to challenge party structures and develop
70
Kodikara (2012b).
S. Abeyesekara, ‘Abortion in Sri Lanka in the Context of Women’s Human Rights’ (1997) Reproductive
Health Matters 9: pp.87-93.
72
Y. Tambiah, ‘(Im)moral Citizens: Sexuality and the Penal Code in Sri Lanka’ in A. J. Canagaratna (Ed.)
(2004) Ethnicity, Pluralism and Human Rights: Neelan Tiruchelvam Commemorative Conference Papers
(Colombo: ICES), records the parliamentary discourse by male parliamentarians.
73
While a watered down version of the Prevention of Domestic Violence Bill was passed, the Penal Code
amendment on abortion was withdrawn.
74
Tambiah (2004); Abeyesekara (1997).
75
Hassim (2009);
71
70
mechanisms of support.76 To this effect, women’s parliamentary caucuses, cutting across party lines,
have sought to identify and prioritize vital issues for action and build confidence and support among
women MPs in order to raise these issues in political forums. In Sri Lanka, while women from across
party lines have come together from time to time as a caucus,77 they have not followed up on these
initiatives, possibly due to the paucity of women representatives, the lack of party support, and
polarized party politics.
Outside the formal political structures, the campaigns conducted by women’s organizations at the
2011 local government elections were, in fact, silent on the role of women representatives once
elected: should they be political delegates (representing the standpoints and preferences of their
constituencies) or political trustees (having the autonomy to express their own views according to
their own judgments)?78 Moreover, what should their role be vis-à-vis the women’s networks and
organizations that supported them?
The activists who steered the programs did not necessarily view their women representatives as either
political delegates or political trustees. They were, in fact, quite clear that simply increasing women’s
representation would not logically lead to the fulfilment of women’s rights or the needs of women as a
sex/gender.79 Hence, the programs trained potential women candidates not only in political leadership,
local governance, campaigning and electioneering, but also women’s rights and gender issues with the
expectation of sending gender-sensitive women to elections.
Here, it is important to distinguish between assumptions about the championing of women’s rights
and the assumption about a “feminization of politics.” For instance, a study by Kamala Liyanage
records the assumptions about public expectations from women politicians that they would understand
local government issues (of safe drinking water, garbage disposal, unauthorized building
constructions, public toilets, day-care centers, domestic violence, drugs, alcohol, and security) better
given their gender roles in the family and community.80
At the same time, Liyanage’s interviewees had also assumed that women’s “different characteristics
and behavior patterns” would create a more “decent atmosphere” in political institutions.81 Such a
“feminization” is expected through the sheer presence of women in politics. This discourse seems to
emanate from an understanding of a deterministic argument of women based on biology, which
conceptualizes of women (and men) possessing ‘innate’ moral characteristics. The extension of this
essentialist argument is that this makes women morally superior by nature as opposed to men who are
then implied as being “naturally” bad.82 The problem of such an understanding is that it does not
76
D. Dahlerup (1988), ‘From a Small to a Large Minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics’, Scandinavian
Political Studies, 11 (4), 275-298
ibid: p.11.
77
The UNDP, for instance, played an important role in the Women’s Parliamentary Caucus of 2006 that led to a
submission calling for a quota system to the PSCER.
78
A. Rehfeld, ‘Towards a General Theory of Political Representation’ (2006) Journal of Politics 68: pp.1–21.
79
This was stated unequivocally by respondents who conducted some of these programmes.
80
Liyanage’s interviewees include elected and defeated LG candidates, administrators and activists: Liyanage
(2012): p.5.
81
Ibid.
82
J.R. Martin, ‘Methodological Essentialism, False Difference, and Other Dangerous Traps’ (1994) Signs
Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19(3): pp.630–657); T. de Lauretis, ‘The Essence of the Triangle, or
Taking the Risk of Essentialism Seriously: Feminist Theory in Italy, the US and Britain’ (1989) Differences: A
Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 1(2): pp.3–37.
71
account for arguments of social construction/conditioning and sees gender/sex identities as bipolar,
permanent, and homogenously defined without any possibility of change. 83
This is the reason why there is a need to theorize women’s representation and the representation of
women from standpoints that appreciate commonality and difference, the individual and the
collective, and the equal and equitable.
Conclusions
This article looked at women’s political representation in Sri Lanka from the varying angles of
numerical representation, policy discourses, substantive gains, ideological perceptions, and sociopolitical practices.
The promise of the early history of electoral politics in the country beginning in the 1930s has not
blossomed into the equal political representation of women. Neither has the burst of activity around
the United Nations appropriation of the cause of women’s rights in the 1970s (and 80s) reflected in
the constitution-making activities of the 1970s. Suffice to state, they do not contain any overt bars or
barriers to women’s political participation. The 1977 constitution, though promoting formal equality,
is indecisive when it comes to special provisions on the basis of equity and therefore has not
translated into gains in terms of substantive equality/gender equity. Consequently, it is essential that
the state is committed to women and gender issues from the combined perspectives of commonality
and difference so as to attain outcomes of gender equality and equity.
On the one hand, the republican state has pledged allegiance to international standards on gender
equity/equality; successive governments have subscribed to various dominant discourses on women’s
political representation; and individual political parties have pledged to increase nomination for
women. On the other hand, as far as numerals are concerned, women’s representation has remained
between 1.9 percent and 6.5 percent in Parliament, between 3.2 percent and 5.00 percent in the
Provincial Councils, and 1.5 percent and 2.0 percent in local government authorities for the last 66
years. Thus, there seems to be a stark fissure between policy and practice, and between discourse and
action.
While political parties have not hesitated to exploit women’s connections to prominent male
politicians and families (especially in the event of death during the recent violent history of the
country), this is not exclusive to women. It seems to be the general political practice in political
parties so as to maximize on a particular vote base. The perception and representation of women
entering Parliament only in the event of dead political relatives needs to be questioned given a
considerable number of women parliamentarians that have no explicit connections to political family
members, let alone to deceased politicians.
Women’s organizations and political activists have continually expressed their demands on electoral
reforms and a women’s quota; independent women’s groups have contested elections; and feminist
groups have run media campaigns asking for votes for women, based on a women’s rights discourse.
But these have had limited success within the Sri Lankan state. Perhaps for the reasons that women do
not necessarily compose a distinct political constituency; women’s rights organizations do not
comprise a power bloc; and women representatives have not necessarily taken it upon themselves to
83
A. Oakley (1972) Sex, Gender and Society (London: Temple Smith).
72
represent women’s and gender interests. In fact, until recently there does not seem to have been any
cohesion between the political voices of women representatives (especially in Parliament) and the
political action of women’s groups.
Recent experiences at local government elections have shown that simply including women on
nominations lists (in this instance through political advocacy based on the goodwill of political
parties) will not necessarily lead to women being elected given the lack of other structural, sociopolitical supports, and attitudinal backing. Not only does this reinforce the urgent need for a quota, but
the fact that the quota should be in the form of the reservation of seats for women (rather than at the
point of nomination) on both electoral and national lists, at least until such time that the electoral
process becomes more contestant-friendly.
The representation of women’s issues in Parliament has been few and far between. Furthermore, a
majority of women parliamentarians have not necessarily evinced a progressive understanding of
women’s issues and concerns. Prevailing conservatism vis-à-vis the family unit and culture have been
exploited at the expense of women’s rights and gender equity/equality. Thus, it is doubtful that
attaining gender parity in numbers will guarantee the support of the women’s and gender agenda, or
leading to progressive political and social change – until and unless women representatives and male
representatives become more conscientious and convinced about fighting for gender equity/equality.
73
Table 1: Percentage of Women Elected to the National Legislature / Parliament 1947 – 201084
84
Year
Total Elected
No. of Women
Elected
% of Women
1947
101
3
3.0
1952
101
2
2.0
1956
101
4
4.0
1960 (Mar)
157
3
1.9
1960 (Jul)
157
3
1.9
1965
157
6
3.8
1970
157
6
3.8
1977
168
11
6.5
1989
225
13
5.8
1994
225
12
5.3
2000
225
9
4.0
2001
225
10
4.4
2004
225
13
5.8
2010
225
13
5.8
Source: Department of Census and Statistics (2007) and Kiribamune (1994:91), updated by Kodikara.
74
104
Total
4
7
Wom
5.7
121
6.7
%
34
52
33
104
Total
3
1
3
1
2
Wom
1.8
5.1
2.9
5.8
2.9
1.9
%
44
55
58
34
52
33
104
Total
1
1
5
1
4
1
6
Wom
2.3
1.8
8.6
2.9
7.6
3.0
5.7
%
44
55
58
34
52
33
104
Total
1
1
4
1
***2
1
6
Wom
2.3
1.8
6.8
2.9
3.8
3.0
5.7
%
44
55
58
34
52
33
104
Total
2
1
3
1
2
1
7
Wom
4.5
1.8
5.1
2.9
3.8
3.0
6.7
%
Table 2: Women’s Representation in Provincial Councils 1993 – 201486
Western
33
3
0.0
58
1
2.3
2012/2013/201488
North Central
52
0
1.7
55
1
2008/200987
North Western
34
1
3.6
44
2004
Uva
58
2
2.3
1999
Central
55
1
1993
Southern
44
Province
Sabaragamuwa
2.7
5.2
1
4.4
2
37
20
38
2.7
455
**
1
4.1
**
37
17
**
417
*
5.0
*
19
*
380
*
3.2
*
12
*
380
*
4.7
*
18
*
380
North85
Eastern
Total
* Elections not held.
** Elections to be held. *** Three women were elected when elections were held, however one
woman Councillor passed away in September 2009 and was replaced by a male candidate.
85
Source: Adapted from Department of Census and Statistics (2007). Statistics for 2008/2009 were personally compiled with
assistance of officials at Department of Elections by Kodikara (2009).
86
Although the normal practice is to hold Provincial Council Elections for all provinces on the same day, these elections were
staggered over several months.
87
Elections were held on 8th September 2012, 21st September 2013 and 29th March 2014. The Uva province statistics are
however from 2009.
88
The North and East were merged following the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord to form one administrative unit, having one
provincial council, subject to the holding of a referendum in the Eastern Province on or before 1988 to decide whether the
East should remain linked to the North. The referendum was never held, but the merger was challenged in the Supreme Court
In October 2006, in a case filed by the JVP, where it was ruled that the merger of the North and East was unconstitutional.
Following this decision, elections to the de-merged Eastern Provincial Council was held in May 2008
75
Table 3: Women’s Representation at Local Government Level188
Year
88
Total
1966
1.5
1970
2.1
1979
2.5
1982
1.5
1991
1.7
1997
1.9
2006
1.8
2008-2011
2.03
Source: Department of Census and Statistics (2007) and updated by Kodikara.
76
Does It Matter: Women in Public Service
Lise Grande
Head of UN Operations in India
The views expressed in this article are her own.
If anyone says that the global women’s movement isn’t important or that its achievements don’t matter,
they’re wrong. When I joined the United Nations 20 years ago, only 11 percent of parliamentarians were
female and only seven heads of government were women. These figures have now doubled; so too has the
number of women in charge of defense, foreign affairs, and cooperation ministries in their countries.
Progress, although slower, has occurred in the private sector as well. Fifteen years ago, only one percent
of Fortune 500 companies were led by women; now nearly five percent have women CEOs.
Greater female participation in public life is a major achievement, arguably one of the most important and
transformative of the many changes occurring in the past generation. The benefits are incontrovertible.
There’s strong evidence that countries that have higher levels of gender equality tend to do better
economically. In South Asia, for example, Sri Lanka, which scores the highest in the region on UNDP’s
Gender Inequality Index, has an equally high rate of growth.
The global management consulting firm McKinsey and Company has done research showing that
companies which have more women on their boards and senior management have higher returns. In a
recent study, companies with gender-diverse management teams experienced a much higher stock price
growth compared to their industry average. Data from the European Commission confirms the same
finding. Companies with the highest share of women on their boards have a 41 percent higher return on
equity compared to companies with no women on their boards. There are great examples from India. Nine
Indian companies run by women outperformed the 30 leading listed firms on the Bombay Stock
Exchange in year-on-year growth rates from 2004 to 2009.
Parliaments with more women take up a wider range of gender issues, including health, education, antidiscrimination, and child support. The Parliament of Rwanda, for example, passed a law to combat
gender-based violence when women constituted 56 percent of the house; the Parliament of Costa Rica
passed legislation ensuring free health services and education for adolescent mothers when 39 percent of
seats were held by women. Research by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD) points to a correlation between women’s leadership and public trust; in countries like Norway
and Sweden, where over 50 percent of ministers are women, people’s confidence in government is
notably high whereas in countries with few women ministers, confidence is often much lower.
The good news about women’s participation should not hide the difficulties they face in public life. A
senior UN woman leader addressing younger managers recently said, “Don’t forget; it’s not just the glass
ceiling we’re facing, it’s also the glass wall.” In many countries, the absolute number of women in public
administration conceals the reality that women lag far behind at all levels of decision making. Although
many more women are in the top positions, there are still only nine women who are serving as head of
77
state and 15 as head of government. In only a few countries do women occupy more than 40 percent of
the highest civil service positions. Even when women are in public service, they are overrepresented in
the social or “soft” sectors — culture, education, and health — and underrepresented in the departments
overseeing finance, the economy, and security.
Although women’s lack of experience or willingness to join public life is usually blamed for low levels of
participation, UNDP’s 2014 Gender Equality in Public Administration report shows that women face
multiple barriers at every level. These include biases against recruiting women because of their gender,
fewer promotion opportunities especially at senior levels, lack of gender sensitivity and discriminatory
attitudes among management and colleagues, and inadequate family support. Men do not face these
barriers, and because they don’t, they often outpace and outrank women in public service, although rarely
outperform them.
Where countries make an effort to increase women’s participation, the investment pays off. This is true
even in countries in conflict and transition. In both South Sudan and Afghanistan, for example, targeted
recruitment drives for women police officers have resulted in more women joining these institutions.
Countries that introduce quotas do particularly well. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, of the
48 countries holding elections in 2012, electoral quotas for women were used in 22, resulting in women
winning 24 percent of seats. Where no quotas were used, women won just 12 percent of seats, well below
the global average. India has one of the most impressive quota records. In 1993, legislation was adopted
reserving one-third of local government seats for women. Many of India’s states have achieved
participation rates well above prescribed quotas promoting the government to raise the reservation to 50
percent.
Political will can be decisive. In 2012, Albania ranked eighty-fourth in the world in terms of women
ministers. It now ranks twenty-seventh with 30 percent of ministers being women following the decision
of new Prime Minister Edi Rama to make women’s political representation a top national priority.
Globally, the time is right to put women’s participation at the top of the international agenda. Countries
are racing to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) before they expire at the end of 2015,
introducing path-breaking initiatives to improve social conditions, reduce poverty, and empower women
and youth. Countries are also preparing for next year’s review of the Beijing Platform of Action, taking
stock of their progress in reaching the targets agreed by 189 governments in 1995. Perhaps most
importantly, countries are already debating the new global social compact which will replace MDGs. A
standalone goal on women’s equality is being proposed. It is a tribute to the long decades of the women’s
movement that a specific target ensuring women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities
for leadership at all levels of decision making in political, economic, and public life is also on the table.
There are things we all can and should be doing to increase the role of women in public life. My own
view is that nothing is more important than helping women to enter politics, remain there, and become
national leaders. In many countries, political parties play the role of “gatekeeper,” keeping women on the
outside. This has to change — parties have to become the legitimate vehicle for meeting the aspirations
78
and demands of women for equality. This means that women have to be given preference as candidates by
political parties and receive funding and other resources to run their campaigns.
Reforming the work place culture is equally important and certainly no less urgent. Every public
institution has to make sure that gender is actively taken into account during recruitment and promotion.
This means instituting affirmative action in favor of female candidates and colleagues; it also means
making work places supportive for women (i.e., through special facilities for mothers). There should be
no question that women are given priority in capacity building, training, and professional development
and that public institutions have balanced work-life policies and encourage women’s networking and
mentoring.
At a global level, not enough is being done to systematically track women’s progress in public life. The
importance of doing this cannot be underestimated. Gender disaggregated data is the best way to dispel
myths and know what needs to be done. A good example of this point is the case of Baluchistan, where
low levels of women’s participation have been traditionally attributed to lack of interest in public life.
Data have shown that this explanation doesn’t capture the reality of the situation. During a six year
period, the Baluchistan Public Service Commission collected gender disaggregated data on women’s
applications. Far from not being interested in public life, more than 8,600 women applied for 2,800
advertised posts. The problem wasn’t that women didn’t want to hold public office and contribute to the
public affairs of their communities — they did. The data told a different story; the problem lay elsewhere,
perhaps in recruitment, perhaps in retention, perhaps in remuneration.
My final point is in fact my original point. The achievements in women’s participation over the past 20
years have been due to the extraordinary efforts of the global women’s movement and the many national
movements that have fought to give women their rightful place in public life. Future progress depends on
these movements remaining steadfast and adaptive and receiving political and public support so that their
aims are met not just in one country or a few countries, but in every country.
79
Educating Women for Public Leadership:
Reflections on the Role of Academic Institutions in South Asia
Savitri W E Goonesekere
Emeritus Professor of Law, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka
Introduction
South Asia is a region of contradictions. It is a region that has perhaps produced more women Prime
Ministers and Presidents than any other. It has countries like India that have become a powerhouse of
economic growth, while still others that are struggling with a lack of economic resources and poor
development indicators. Social indicators even in India do not reflect the elimination of great disparities
among its diverse populations. Some South Asian countries have introduced quotas for women’s political
participation in national and local government legislative bodies, while other countries like Sri Lanka
have less than five percent women in all government institutions, even 60 years after independence from
colonial rule. Impressive progress in some areas has improved the quality of women’s lives. However, as
in many other regions throughout the world, the promise of full and equal citizenship, personal security,
and freedom from gender-based violence has eluded women living in these societies and communities.
Diversity in ethnicity, religion and culture, and the reality of identity politics have prevented the
recognition of a norm of gender equality for all women. Academic institutions therefore face special
challenges in carrying forward an agenda of educating women for public leadership.
Academic institutions should not consider improving leadership opportunities for women in the region as
a stand-alone agenda. Interventions must be linked to a broader agenda of creating and sustaining an
environment that will improve leadership opportunities for women and recognize gender equality as a
meaningful value in our societies.
If we reflect on our realities from an intergenerational perspective, we see some commonalities in the
region. Some of us of an older generation followed those who were the “midnight’s children,” the sons
and daughters of freedom and independence from centuries of western colonial rule in South Asia. There
were many women who represented diverse role models of leadership in a common cause: the quest for
freedom for our nations. In Sri Lanka, pre-independence policies that gave women access to statesponsored and non-fee levying schools and universities ensured that many of us were privileged to access
that cherished public good of education. Our careers usually began in public administration, academia, the
non-governmental and service sectors, and the media. Few or none were able to break the glass ceiling in
politics or the private sector. In my experience, our male colleagues accepted us as equal partners whether
in the class room or the world of work. We were comfortable with our femininity because we were not
required to deny it in order to find our space in the world of work outside the home. Multitasking at home
and work was not difficult or stressful because of extended family support and affordable domestic help.
It was not unusual to take off for post-graduate training or professional work for long periods, leaving our
families behind us. Feminist movements and ideologies and the internationalization of gender-based
discrimination issues from the 1970s, rather than lived experience, provided many of us “educated
women” with the inspiration to address these realities in our communities.
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More than five decades later, my young colleagues and students, “the educated” women in Sri Lanka who
have the potential to become strong leaders, describe a different reality. They have accessed the public
good of education through equal opportunities, but they are not assured employment of their choice.
Gender parity has been reached in my country in many academic disciplines because of access to free
education and health, but the unemployment rate of women has remained stubbornly double that of men.
Women employed in responsible public and private sector jobs rarely occupy seats at the top table in
management or the boardroom. Lack of wider family support and child care facilities force career
choices. Women complain that the competitive work environment and the commodification of women in
media messages and advertising encourage sexism and discriminatory treatment among male colleagues.
Femininity is either trivialized or trapped in male perceptions of sexuality. When a work/life balance is
impossible to sustain, a male partner’s income is incentive to stop working outside the home and to avoid
taking on responsibilities as managers and administrators. Authoritarianism that undermines democracy
and good governance as well as the shrinking space for dissent and extremist religious and or ethnic
movements also pose special threats to women’s leadership. Some of these common factors and realities
are reflected in the progress reviews of South Asian countries, all of whom are State parties to the UN
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
An environment where gender equality values are not internalized encourages a very male-dominated
model and concept of leadership. South Asia has had many women leaders from political families.
Almost every single woman who has served as Minister of Women’s Affairs in Sri Lanka has suffered the
trauma of personal loss of a spouse. Our Presidents and Prime Ministers and Party leaders share this
experience. Their “history” is often used to undervalue their qualities of leadership and courage which
enabled them to overcome this great personal loss and enter the competitive and often violent area of
national politics. Some of them, like Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan and Chandrika Kumaratunga of Sri
Lanka, have also lost a life or suffered severe physical injury. However, once in the seats of power, these
women political leaders are accepted as the absolute equivalent of the powerful male “boss.” This male
model of leadership is also reflected in those holding minor leadership roles as heads of institutions. In
the hierarchical societies of South Asia, power carries with it empowerment. Leadership positions,
therefore, provide a great temptation to perpetuate the notion of “power” rather than the responsibilities of
office. This is why empowered women in leadership positions do not always respect viewpoint
differences and can even promote a stereotype of other women in lower positions of public office; they
should be “quiet” and not be “troublemakers.” Women leaders can sometimes be more authoritarian than
men who hold similar positions.
We have had many South Asian women in key leadership positions, even as Presidents, Party Chairman,
and Prime Ministers. Yet, how many of them have contributed to addressing women’s concerns and
advancing the gender equality agenda? More women in the region now hold judicial office including in
the apex courts. Until recently, four of the judges serving in Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court were women. Yet
the performance of women judges on gender equality has been uneven. It is a rare judge, like Justice
Sujata Manohar who has created a feminist jurisprudence on violence against women and has helped
introduce change in the legal systems of our region. Even when women achieve success in the corporate
sector, break through the “boy’s club” phenomenon, and access the top table, their public statements
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indicate a lack of understanding of the critical need to introduce institutional and policy changes that can
help women to overcome the barriers they face in career advancement in a male-dominated world. “Don’t
expect to be treated differently in a male-dominated career path” is a familiar message that reinforces,
rather than undermines, the reality of inequality and gender-based discrimination in access to leadership
positions.
We are cynical about the quality of male representation in our parliaments and other institutions. It is also
a fact that education proven competence and professional experience has not necessarily been the path to
political leadership at the highest level in our region. Addressing and eliminating the problem of
institutionalized discrimination against women in our region surely calls for educated, professionally
competent, and committed men and women, who can be leaders that will champion gender equality
issues. Academic institutions have a major role and responsibility to contribute to this important national
need. If academic institutions are to contribute to the important task of educating women for public
leadership, they should also address the need to transform their societies and the model of leadership in
our region. We must address the current realities of the gendered nature of leadership, the broader realities
of gender inequalities, and the empowerment dimension of leadership.
Women’s Leadership and Secondary Schools
Giving priority to girl’s education as a public good must be very much a part of promoting women for
public and political leadership. South Asia has in general, with the exception of Sri Lanka and Maldives, a
poor record on investment in girl’s education, though women and girls invariably constitute 51 percent of
our populations. In Sri Lanka, free education policies of the 1940s and the passion and commitment of
early women educators in single sex schools created a cohort of achievers with self-esteem and leadership
qualities who shattered many glass ceilings in public life. The early and pioneering women educationists
promoted the idea of women’s leadership, social responsibility, and service in the community.
Over the years, the majority of secondary education institutions in Sri Lanka have become co-educational
schools. The quality of and amount of resources for teacher training has declined. Schools now perpetuate
stereotypical values on gender relations and poor self-esteem among girls. We see the impact at the
tertiary level which foreshadows the lack of women’s participation in the political system. The
contribution of women students in the student councils and unions is not as vibrant as it should be.
Women who reach the highest academic positions do not have a strong record of contribution in
increasing leadership in the university community on critical issues of concern regarding research,
academic life, and university administration. They tend to have little positive impact in university policy
bodies and are invariably silent observers. When women receive opportunities for leadership, it is
increasingly through a process of politicization rather than merit. This creates a context for politicized
decision making and abuse of academic and administrative leadership, creating a further negative
stereotype of “empowered women.” The failure of the co-educational system at the secondary school
level now raises the question of whether we need “women only” colleges at the tertiary level – an
initiative resisted by Sri Lankan women academics many decades ago. Our experience suggests that
academic institutions now need to focus on creating gender-sensitive professionals, particularly women,
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by giving priority to secondary education and teacher training to promote leadership on gender equality
issues in secondary schools.
Higher Education Institutions and Gender Mainstreaming
The pace of change in our societies suggests that it is no longer enough to establish gender studies
programs and gender studies units in universities that are often “ghettoised” in the system. Gender must
be integrated into university staff development programs to promote a model of responsible leadership
within the university and to show faculty attending the development programs that leaders can and should
spark change in their communities. Gender must be mainstreamed into courses in all faculties in higher
education institutions, and they need gender champions to do that. Mainstreaming gender is the only way
to create gender expertise that can impact women’s issues both within academic institutions and at the
national level of policy formulation, law reform, and resource allocation. Tertiary level academic
institutions can also make an important contribution to leadership by setting up institutions that will train
women and men, particularly in devolved legislative and administrative bodies and services, on the issues
of gender-sensitive good governance and the responsibilities of holding office. Cohorts of development
economists, lawyers, doctors, architects, and engineers can contribute at the national level to take our
societies forward and eliminate the persistent gender gaps that continue to await transformation and
change.
Such initiatives can also help these institutions to address primary and core issues like work/life balance,
sexual harassment, and gender-based violence that deny women the promise of equality guaranteed in our
national constitutions. Many women and men in devolved political authorities get involved in politics
because of grassroots political experience. They can be a powerful resource for perpetuating abuse of
power or giving leadership in democratic and accountable governance.
Conceptual Clarity on Women in Public Leadership
Conceptual clarity regarding what outcomes we desire by promoting women in public leadership is very
important. Violations of women’s rights to personal security and bodily integrity and the need for
protection from danger and risk of violence have become central issues of concern in all the countries of
South Asia, due to the high and diverse incidence of gender-based violence. It is argued that women’s
leadership can alter the “vision of security” for South Asian women, making this dimension the core of
full and equal citizenship for women. It is almost as if we have moved away from the discourse on
women’s empowerment that we used earlier because we have witnessed many decades of abuse of power,
whether in the family, as members of the community, or the world of politics and religion.
However, disempowerment due to abuse of power and exposure to the risk of violence is a common
experience for both men and women in our region. If power has negative connotations, how do we
internalize an alternative discourse that focuses on discrimination, including the special problem of
gender-based violence that women are exposed to in our region? The concept of women’s right to
equality and equal life chances seems to have continued relevance, and the concept resonates with our
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own experience as women in the region. This concept cannot be perceived as an alien Western value, as it
is a core principle incorporated in our national constitutions.
We have not yet overcome the challenges of achieving full and equal citizenship on the basis of women’s
indivisible and interdependent civil political and socioeconomic rights. Only a conceptually clear human
rights approach can help to address the phenomenon of multiple discrimination that women in South Asia
suffer due to factors such as economic disempowerment and lack of access to livelihoods, son preference,
family care responsibilities, and an imposed and single identity of members of a particular ethnic religious
or caste group. It is only when a culture of women’s right to substantive equality is internalized through
the implementation of international human rights standards of CEDAW and other Conventions to which
our countries are State parties that women will have the opportunity to reach their full potential as human
beings. We must not seek to “empower women” through a discourse that does not link to human rights
and therefore fails to promote the responsible exercise of power in leadership positions. We must also not
limit the concept of full citizenship to one that is confined to or focuses predominantly on women’s
security and exposure to the risk of male aggression and violence. The latter concept can encourage
“protectionist” approaches and perceptions of women as victims of violence rather than human beings
with full and equal citizenship rights to personal security and protection from violence. It is difficult to
realize a “vision of security for women,” protecting them from danger and risk, unless we recognize their
right to equality as members of their families and communities with equal access to the right of personal
security and freedom from violence. Women, too, must have equal civil, political, and socioeconomic
rights.
There must be conception clarity in regard to women’s leadership, which also requires us to focus on the
alternative discourse that women need “equity” rather than “equality” in their families, communities, and
countries. “Equality” and human rights are perceived by those who argue for this discourse as statist,
perpetuating male-centric laws and institutions and denying women’s experience. As lawyers, we know
that “equity” was a concept developed in English Law in the Lord Chancellor’s Court to take account of
and respond to the inadequacies of rigidity and formalism in the Common Law. Principles of Equity
based on discretion to deviate from the Common Law provided opportunities for taking account of
situation and context. However, the focus on interpreting equality, not just as de jure equality but as a
norm that requires addressing context, is inherent in the concept of substantive equality developed by
CEDAW and now recognized in international law.
An “equity” discourse that does not link to the human rights norm of substantive equality can justify
cultural relativist, selective, and discretionary approaches to women’s rights, including in the area of
public leadership. The State and other agencies will continue to justify discretion in regard to
interpretation of the constitutional norm of equality due to factors such as caste, ethnicity, and religion.
This can only feed into identity policies in our region, undermining the idea that all human rights,
including equality, are for all women. We must therefore not substitute substantive equality with a
concept of empowerment, security, or equity, but rather, we must integrate them into our interpretation
and understanding of substantive equality. If we do not do this, concepts such as equity can be used by
parochial lobbies that seek to advance extremist and sexist ideologies to legitimize women’s exclusion
from leadership in public life. It is a focus on all women’s rights to work toward substantive equality in
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their societies which can delegitimize oppressive forces and prevent them from distorting religious and
cultural ideologies.
Promoting a Norm of Substantive Equality as the Core of Women’s Leadership
Substantive equality requires moving beyond formal de jure equality to address the need to eliminate
disadvantages and discrimination in outcome and impact. Our failure to realize the promise of equality in
South Asian constitutions is due mostly to the failure to clearly understand and internalize a concept of
substantive equality in law reform and development programs. This is clearly demonstrated in the area
of women’s leadership, where formal equality of opportunity laws and even affirmative action for
increasing women’s opportunities for political participation and public office have not achieved expected
results in increasing women’s participation in leadership positions.
The CEDAW Committee has adopted a human rights and substantive equality based lens and evaluated
programs on women’s leadership in their review of country reports from South Asia. Concluding
Observations on reports indicate the gaps and what has to be done. The Sri Lankan review of 2011 even
asked for an interim report on the aspect of women’s leadership in politics and decision making because
of the gap between access to equal opportunities in other areas, and the poor indicators on women’s
participation in leadership positions. Several General Recommendations of the CEDAW Committee
especially 25, 29 (affirmative action and family relations) and 30 (armed conflict), give specific, useful,
and important guidelines relevant for achieving women’s participation in public life. GR 30 is
particularly important as it expands on Security Council Resolutions such as SC 1325 and others on
women’s leadership in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and transitional justice. This is an area where
women’s contributions are neither recognized nor provided for in the region.
Academic institutions therefore must play their part in promoting this concept of a woman’s human right
to substantive equality through their own programs and research so as to impact national law reform,
public policy, and resource allocation as well as internal administration. We have had a deficit in gender
sensitive legislators and administrators who can collaborate with activist women’s groups to introduce
needed changes in these critical areas that impact women’s lives. This is an important contribution to
creating support for a national and effective equality agenda that can really impact, and also lead to social
and economic transformation.
Gender Equality, Women’s Leadership and Democratic Governance
No effort to strengthen women in leadership can be a substitute for supporting women activists and
academic institutions in increasing the number of women in public leadership positions in order to
address deficits in democratic governance in our region.
There must be a sustained effort to resist forces that seek to enthrone authoritarianism in the country or
within academic institutions. Universities, particularly law schools, can incorporate clinical legal aid
programs that can sensitize future professionals in taking on pro bono work and public interest litigation.
In doing so, they can also provide what is perceived as a legitimate public service. There are many
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successful experiences in South Asia in this regard that can be shared. Universities and especially women
academics must also contribute to addressing the need to realize women’s socio-economic rights and
access health and education as basic rights. Programs in academic institutions on business studies must
not merely promote and create opportunities for women entrepreneurs and leaders in the corporate sector.
They must stimulate, through the experience of professional learning and knowledge, an interest and
passion for a gender equality agenda as part of corporate social responsibility. This can be an important
women’s leadership dividend in improving women’s working conditions and preventing exploitation and
abuse of women.
Harnessing women’s energies has been proven to impact on economic growth. Universities can become
centers of excellence in increasing public and political leadership to promote women-centered,
participatory development. Some eminent women economists and activists, particularly from India have
already articulated a professional voice in this regard for many years. There is now an even greater
urgency that the Southern voice is heard in the discussions and decisions on the 2015 development
agenda. Political authoritarianism combined with ruthless pursuit of economic growth that leaves women
behind can never help to achieve a gender equality agenda or leadership for women in public and political
life.
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Educating for Public Leadership
Vibha Puri Das
Former Secretary, Government of India
This paper will address the following questions:
1. What changes have been achieved in the social, economic and political security of women in
South Asia, and what remains to be done?
2. What are some of the suggestions you have for achieving full and equal citizenship for women?
I will answer these questions by highlighting a) progress along established parameters of socio-economic
development, and our ability to keep pace with global measures; b) women in leadership roles in the civil
service and changes therein; and c) features of a gendered leadership for effective delivery of national and
organizational goals apart from 50 by 50.
Introduction:
Equal citizenship is a large concept. Women’s quest for equality, empowerment, and inclusion is a
frequently documented and discussed topic in development studies. However, the themes outlining
political, economic, and social security on the one hand and equal citizenship on the other indicates a
moving away from generalized paradigms to a rights-based framework which will provide justiciable
rights to women and entail obligations on society. This rights-based paradigm has been worked upon and
expanded in India, and it is a source of deep pride to Indians contributing to the development debate.
Gender justice programs need to take a leaf out of this book and bring a broader, more horizontal
perspective to current vertically understood methods and practices.
Nearly 20 years ago, a UNESCO report listed indicators for a lack of women’s empowerment and
security despite the constitutional safeguards, which unfortunately continue to be just as relevant today,
even as some progress is visible on the policy and legal fronts to combat traditional stereotypes. These
indicators include:
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Limited access to education, especially higher education;
Discriminatory appointment and promotion practices;
The stresses of dual family and professional roles;
Family attitudes;
Career interruptions;
Cultural stereotyping;
Propagation of the glass ceiling syndrome which privileges covert criteria for advancement;
Sensitivity and awareness of policy makers and implementing levels; and
Absence of adequate policies and legislation to ensure the participation of women.
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What changes have been achieved?
While India missed the 2005 deadline for eliminating gender disparity in primary and secondary
education and is likely to miss the 2015 Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 3 deadline regarding
gender parity, the country has hastened progress, and the Gender Parity Index (GPI) for Gross Enrollment
Ratios (GER) in primary and secondary education has since risen. Given current trends, India is almost on
track. However, though some education conditions are improving as GERs, teaching positions, and the
number of PhDs for women are all increasing, dropout rates for girls continue to be higher than for boys
at the middle school level. Dropout rates for girls continue to be higher than for boys at middle school.
Achieving GPI in tertiary education also remains a challenge.
In addition, the labor market openness to women in industry and services has only marginally increased
from 13-18 percent from 1990-1991 and 2004-2005 and, in total, women’s participation in the work force
is decreasing. One million women representatives even though The Women’s Reservation Bill, which
would reserve 33 percent of all seats in Parliament and all state legislatures for women, is still pending for
lack of political consensus. As the Government of India’s 2009 MDG Report notes, “participation of
women in employment and decision-making remains far less than that of men, and the disparity is not
likely to be eliminated by 2015.” However, there have been great strides made for women in India in the
last decade. Between the 2001 and 2011 censuses, literacy rates went up from 53.6 percent to 65.46
percent; the Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR) was reduced from 301 to 254; and non-agriculture female
labor participation went up from 22.3 to 25.7 percent.
In general, though the level of education in middle class India is rising and salaries and wages are
increasing, social and family support for women is decreasing, which increases pressure on women,
ultimately decreasing women’s participation in society. It is clear that merely educating women is not
enough. Social infrastructure and political action which will ensure that more women participate in the
workforce has to keep pace and the need for a diverse workforce at each level must receive all around
endorsement.
Against this background, three specific aspects related to higher education and women emerge:
Firstly, women graduates are an essential part of the human resource base of each country. As such, they
have the right to the same access and career opportunities as their male counterparts. Discriminatory
practices are not only unjust but a flagrant wastage of valuable expertise.
Secondly, in higher education itself, a strong commitment to equipping women with the necessary range
of managerial skills to contribute to the overall renewal of this sector must emerge.
Thirdly, the nature of power, as it is used in positions of leadership and management, may need to be
conceived quite differently. Feminine leadership needs clearer analysis and definition and may be
preferred as a model.
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We must emphasize the important role that universities play in developing appropriate social science
thought to power this change. The double jeopardy women are faced with stems from deprivation in
access to education, particularly higher education. Subsequently, women are also denied economic
opportunities as well as the necessary enabling conditions to permit them to join the labor force at
different points in the value chain in larger numbers. A combination of factors requires work to ensure
that the number of women seeking and finding remunerative and leadership positions grows, and is
proportionate to their total numbers.
The civil service and opportunities of gendered leadership:
I joined the civil service in the year following the euphoria of the international year for women, 1975.
Women constituted roughly 15 percent of my service. Even now, apex and centrally recruited civil
service continue to get anywhere between 5.5 percent to 23 percent women (Indian Police Service and
Indian Postal Service, being at the two extremes respectively). The numbers were not such as to
necessitate a review of methods of administering either the cadre or the work. My generation worked less
on changing the rules of the game, and were more focused in trying to prove that we were as good as men
in the unfair world.
Civil service is caught in the ambivalent position of being both agents of the status quo and agents of
change, including dealing with programs and schemes that create bottom-up syndromes, and putting the
last first. Negotiating change entails negotiating uncertainties. More diverse civil service will contribute
to a more wholesome diversity in negotiating complex policy environments. With this, hopefully will
come a greater openness and willingness to accept one’s own mistakes from everyone involved in the
discourse. A critical mass is imperative for this to happen, and it is needed for effective discussion. It is
self-evident that women’s experiences make them better at understanding more complex realities.
Expanding choices for the target audience involves imagining many more choices in the policy realm.
For the system to permit room for multiple choices and corrections, a sufficiently diverse civil service is
imperative. This environment will be more suited to the needs of social development across all sectors
including higher education.
What is needed?
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Legislation for time-bound service delivery has been adopted as the leitmotif of today’s
governance framework. Increasingly, such legislations must cover gender-related services
and monitoring so that we do not miss any more deadlines and stymie more generations of
women leaders.
Social infrastructure and institutions are needed to provide innovative, flexible parenting
support, while schools adopt more proactive gendered policies in addition to providing
education. Using the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) window, schools must broaden
the base of the gender justice platforms from project and program based interventions alone
to demonstrate gaps in design and policy through actual innovations.
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Government and corporate leadership must accept and internalize the need for more diverse
leadership and management and devise strategies for ensuring the same. There is a great need
for a more textured affirmative policy. Horizontal representation is even more complex, but
there is no reason to give it up. Changes in rules of recruitment, promotion, and appointment
as heads of institutions must factor in the needs of women.
Women leaders dominate comparatively small institutions. Such institutions very often rank
high in excellence. Migration to large, diverse, and more visible institutions is, however,
inhibited by a range of factors. Qualifications for such institutions need tweaking to facilitate
diversity and women’s entry.
Defending institutional integrity is an overwhelming need considering how many institutions
are constantly under threat of internal subversion, and/or decimation for extraneous purposes.
Restoring, maintaining, and preserving integrity — demonstrated amply by women-only
institutions — is a crying need. Leadership of diverse institutions could benefit from this
experience. Norms of accreditation of educational institutions must factor in such parameters
for institutions and individuals.
Inclusive agendas are not negotiated by creating more and more exclusive institutions. Women only
institutions have validity up to a point, but leadership has to always be composite not segmented.
Universities must power the social science of inclusion and of women’s studies in particular and bring out
issues which need to be addressed. Finally, education is a generational exercise. Lost time and the need
to speed forward are not arguments to rush with ill-conceived or poorly thought through ideas. Because of
these factors, 50 by 50 is both a challenge and represents an opportunity.
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The Role of Women with a Specialization in Applied Sciences in
Shaping Policies: A Case Study
S. Lakshmi Devi
Principal, Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied Sciences for Women, University of Delhi
Education of women in India has greatly contributed to women achieving economic freedom and
bringing them on par with men in shaping the important polices of the country. Though women have
had a strong voice in all the important decisions of India throughout history, today the roles are
becoming very conspicuous as women are becoming not just followers but emerging as full-fledged
leaders of the country. In this paper, a case study has been enumerated of a 25 year journey to make
women of Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied College for Women stand on their own to become
leaders of a nation. This has been achieved successfully by imparting highly technical training and
education, which enables them to contribute their skills, expertise, and education to bring about
change and improvement in the various policies regarding women in their respective industries.
The Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied Sciences for Women was the University of Delhi’s initiative
in 1989 to offer degree programs to women in applied sciences. This was started with the view that
women could gain high- level training in technical fields to contribute their skills in various
industries. Three courses were started in the college, i n cl u di n g t he Bachelor of Applied Science in
Electronics, Instrumentation, and Food Technology. Initially, there were only 60 students in the
college (i.e., 20 students per course). The mandate was to have a curriculum which was
multidisciplinary in nature and with hands-on training in cutting edge technologies. As a course
curriculum, students had to complete a training program in an industry in the second and third years of
their studies for a period of eight weeks. This was to prepare students for life after graduation. The
industries were not accustomed to training students of this kind; therefore, they had to be made
aware of the importance of applied sciences and professional training for women.
In the past 25 years, the college has been able
occupying senior positions in the corporate sector,
higher studies in India and abroad. Some of them
associate professors or research scholars in colleges
to train nearly 2,000 students who are now
starting their own enterprises, or are pursuing
have joined the education field as assistant or
and universities in India and abroad.
In 2012, a new, mo d e r n college building was completed on nine and a half acres of land in
Vasundhara Enclave. Today, the college is running in the new campus with five applied science
courses, including the B.Sc. (Hons) Electronics, Instrumentation, and Food Technology;
Biomedical Science; and Computer Science. The college started with just 60 students and now has 700
students. More than 70% of the women come from lower middle class families; therefore, they do
not have the soft skills required by the industry and are not confident speaking in a classroom setting.
After studying in the college for three years, they emerge as confident young women who either enter
the industry or become young entrepreneurs ready to face the challenging world before them.
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The college attempts to keep abreast of modern trends by organizing workshops and seminars where
industry and academic leaders come together to provide real life training to the young students.
Initially, only 16 companies trained the students, but today more than 200 companies are training the
students and absorbing them in their companies. Faculty members of the college are also sent to the
corporate sector in order to understand the needs of the industry, which helps in turn to improve the
teaching of the syllabi for the future students.
As mentioned earlier, students go for internships in the different industries. At one internship site, the
students showed their leadership skills. During the internship, there were six students who were told to
work in the production unit, although all of them wanted to work in the quality assurance laboratory.
However, the manager would not train them there, as he thought they were incompetent. One day, the
scientists of the quality assurance (QC) laboratory were on leave, and there was a dilemma as to who
would test the samples. The interns offered their services and did the work so successfully that they
were allowed to get trained in the QC labs.
In a span of twenty-five years, the college has developed international collaborations, which have
helped students and faculty to understand how other colleges train women to acquire leadership
qualities. The college in turn shared its experiences and leadership training model. It became clear that
the college of applied sciences for women was a unique model in the world when a paper was
presented entitled “College of Applied Sciences for Women: A case study” in the 8th International
Organization of Science Technology Education Symposium (IOSTE) in Alberta, Canada in 1996.
Additionally, only two women’s colleges of the University of Delhi were invited to be the members of
Women’s Education Worldwide and one of them was Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied Sciences
for Women. A paper was also presented in 2007 entitled “Strategies to Develop Leadership Qualities in
Women: Best Practices” in Bellagio, Italy, wherein the college shared best practices in shaping young
women to become leaders.
One of the major achievements of two of the third year students of the college was that they represented
our college at the Women’s Education Worldwide student leadership conference in 2008. Three of
our associate professors participated in the international conference “Teaching Globally” in 2011. Both
of these conferences were organized by Mount Holyoke and Smith Colleges under the banner of
Women’s Education Worldwide. This exposure has helped train young women to become leaders in
society. Further, a weeklong International Institute was conducted on “New Frontiers in Global Learning
and Communication” which was organized for faculty from all over India by the college in
collaboration with the faculty from University of Massachusetts, Boston. At the Institute, the faculty
from University of Massachusetts, Boston conducted a mini workshop on career counseling for the
students of the college, which helped our students to understand how they can work in a global
environment.
Nearly 2,000 students have graduated from the college and are occupying senior positions in the
corporate world as well public sector. They are also employed in various leading institutes and
industries in India and abroad. They are already shaping policies both globally and locally. Many are
pursuing research in frontier fields in science and technology. The students at the World Health
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Organization are suggesting ways and means of prevention and diagnosis of diseases. The
students working in t h e United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)
are carrying out the energy audit of the industries in India and abroad. An alumnus employed with
Varian USA is making a third generation quadruple mass spectrometer. One of the students
employed with the Ministry of Women and Child Development is taking care of all aspects of
nutrition of women and children in India. Additionally, one of our alumni is with the Indian Space
Research Organization (ISRO) and is contributing towards policies in space research. Some alumni
have started their own enterprises, and thus, they are generating employment for others,
Many alumni are in the food industry, especially in regulatory affairs or as food auditors who check
on food safety aspects of various food processing industries. One of our alumni is with the United
Nations World Food Program and is framing policies with regard to food security in India and working
in the area of Targeted Public Distribution System so that food reaches the right beneficiaries. One
of the organizations looking after food safety in India, the Food Standards and Safety Authority of
India (FSSAI), has employed some of the students, and a few alumni are expert members in their
panels. Additionally, a few students are serving as information specialists with the USDA. Export of
food is also an important aspect, and a few students are even working as Assistant Directors at the
Bureau of Indian Standards and the Export Council of India (EIC), which is an apex body established
by the government of India that advises the government on the measures to be taken for the enforcement
of quality control and inspection of commodities intended for export.
Looking at the above narration, it is evident that women in applied sciences are already contributing by
shaping policies in areas of health, nutrition, food, energy, space research, packaging, software
development, export of commodities, and environmental concerns. The women are now entering
into the mainstream of National Development in the areas of pure and applied sciences. This shows
that given the right kind of education and training in applied sciences, women scientists can secure
top positions, become part of decision-making bodies, and shape policies at the national and global
levels. However, many more colleges that can train women in applied sciences are required so that
women can contribute by shaping policies both at t he global and local levels.
Acknowledgements: I wish to thank Dr. Tara Devi S. Ashok, University of Massachusetts Boston, for
helping me with the writing of this manuscript
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Women in Politics in South Asia: A case for quotas?
Rita Manchanda
Director, South Asia Forum for Human Rights
I
In the global landscape of gender and political participation, South Asia as a region presents some of the
most intriguing and contradictory features. Here are tall dynamic women who were the first in any
democratic political system around the world to become Prime Ministers, Leaders of the Opposition,
Chief Ministers, Foreign and Defence Ministers and perhaps most importantly, to be fast tracked in
significant numbers into public office at the local and national levels through constitutionally assured
quotas. But the social context of this remarkable political articulation is the region’s structures of extreme
gender inequality and discrimination which is legitimated by oppressive layers of religio-culturally
enforced patriarchal ideologies and traditions. The region’s countries crowd the bottom end of the global
Gender-related Development Index (GDI) (except Bangladesh which is closing the gender gap). Globally,
three of the countries singled out by gender experts where women are ‘most at risk’ in the region –
Afghanistan, Pakistan and India- are due to more for structural reasons than conflict conditions.
(Thompson – Reuters poll 2011). A recent study on Violence Against Women in Politics showed that over
60 percent of the women polled in Nepal, Pakistan and India identified violence as inhibiting them from
participating in politics, and 90 percent said that violence broke their resolve to join politics. The socioeconomic divide and the existing structure of power were held responsible for VAWIP (Centre Social
Research & UN Women 2014).
In a region where a fifth of the world’s women live, while there are positive trends in greater voter turnout
and growth in the number of women contestants, the percentage of women elected has steadily declined,
in negative contrast to surges in other regions which have pushed the global average to women
comprising 21 percent of national legislative bodies. For instance, in Pakistan’s 2013 national elections
only 3.7% women won in comparison with 12.8 percent in 2008 elections. Similarly, in the past four
elections in India, the percentage of elected women has steadily fallen from 17.2 percent in 1999 to 10.6
percent in 2009 elections, to rise marginally in 2014 to 11.3 percent..
More disturbingly, while the number of women contestants has expanded appreciably, the majority stood
as independents. Also, although powerful women head several of the major political parties, it does not
translate into more women being given a ticket. Sonia Gandhi heads the veteran Congress party which
had piloted the bill to introduce 33 percent reservations for women in Parliament, but when it comes to
choosing women as contestants, there is no evidence. Indeed the number of women has declined from 51
in 1999 to 43 in 2009, though the 2014 elections saw the party field 60 women contestants, a modest
increase in proportional terms from 10 percent in 2009 to 13 percent in 2014. (The bleak electoral
prospects of the Congress with many frontrunners fighting may have favored women). Mayawati’s party
the Bahujan Samaj Party, which represents the socially oppressed Dalit communities, has been singular in
the promotion of women’s participation, followed by West Bengal’s Mamta Banerjee led TMC with 28
women contestants. However her counterpart in the south, Jayalalitha of the AIADMK barely fielded four
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women contestants. Bharatiya Janata Party which swept the elections put up 38 candidates, a drop from
10 percent in 2009 with 44 women.
Political parties are the crucial gatekeepers to women’s entry, and many argue that reservations for
women are necessary to breech the masculinized public sphere. But that hurdle once overcome makes for
presence not for participation and it does not prevent the induction of the “bahu-beti” proxy women
syndrome. Also, it does not assure that women will not be marginalized and ghettoized in “women cells”
and “soft” ministries. Most importantly, violence remains a major deterrent to women’s entry into office
and the public sphere.
Should violence against women in politics (VAWIP) be conceptualized as a distinct category of genderbased violence? Or, is it better understood through the analytical lens of the gendered continuum of
violence — from acts of violence that women experience in their everyday lives to heightened situations
of political violence — that is rooted in the socially subordinate unequal status of women in all our
societies, cutting across class and caste? Here, the VAWIP is distinguished by women transgressing into
the male monopoly of political power and leadership, overturning their socially sanctioned role of
submission and passivity. But how markedly different is it from the backlash women face as they step out
of the personal sphere of women into the public sphere reserved for men, to travel on buses and trains and
work in offices and factories?
II
National level quotas exist in Nepal, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. For over two
decades, India has had quotas for women in the third tier of elected institutions at the village and urban
council level. Of the 28,00,00 lakh representatives in the Panchayati Raj institutions more than 33 percent
are women. However, India has failed to overcome opposition to women’s reservations at the state and
national level. Huge strides have been made in women negotiating the public sphere and taking up
leadership positions in South Asia. Below, I explore some of the complex empowering and
disempowering aspects of the gendered experiences of women in politics in Nepal, Afghanistan, and
India. In particular, there is attention to the workings of quotas as a tool or a trap.
Nepal: ‘we had the numbers but felt disempowered!’
In South Asia, Nepal had promised to be the trail blazer in ensuring political representation for women
and inscribing gendered rights in the constitution of a new, more equal Nepal after a decade long
revolutionary struggle which converged with democratic resurgence to remove the autocratic monarchy
and crack open its socio-political institutionalized exclusion, including women’s exclusion. The
provision of 33 percent reservation for women in the 2008 elections enabled 197 women to become
lawmakers in the Constituent Assembly. Expectedly, they were the wives and daughters of former Prime
Ministers, but for the first time there were also women from oppressed social groups - Dalit and Janajati
(indigenous). The Vice Chair of the CA was a woman, and seven women headed different legislature and
constitutional committees. There was a women caucus in the CA and a Women’s Committee in
Parliament.
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However, as cross party differences widened and ethnic identity politics further vitiated the consensus,
women’s alliance building foundered. This was evidenced in the setback to rights for women regarding
property and citizenship and the failure to defend the rights of former Maoist women’s combatants to be
re-integrated. Kalpana Rana, coordinator of the women’s caucus in the CA summed up their experience “We feel women (in the CA) are still supplicants – that position has not changed. Earlier men made laws
for women which were imbued with patriarchal values. Now we are 33 percent in the CA. We have our
own negotiating power, but we forget that we are not in the political decision-making bodies or the highlevel political committees. Women were not consulted when citizenship and the electoral system were
decided (to women’s disadvantage) despite our yearlong campaign. The CA kept back all disputed issues
to the last minute which meant they did not receive enough time” (Idea: interview Kalpana Rana 2012).
As the ‘peace’ momentum flagged, political decision making retreated from the democratic, transparent
forum of the CA (in which the established political class of Nepal was in a minority) to high level all
“male” political committees and informal secret parleys in smoke filled backrooms. It was a reminder of
women’s limited access to such “all-male patronage networks” where policy decisions are determined.
The Nepal experience with quotas showed that without inner party democracy, affirmative action can
make for the presence of women in party structures and legislatures but not effective participation.
It was striking that the majority of the Maoist women who achieved iconic status in the struggle for equal
rights in the movement and as important change agents in the CA were the ones who subsequently
distanced themselves from democratic peace politics. They joined the radical Baidya faction of the
Maoists which had rejected the road map to peace. By the time of the 2013 elections to the second CA to
complete the unfinished constitution, the moment for transformative politics was in retreat before the
reassertion of status quo forces. In the direct election process 10 women were elected only 4.2 percent,
leaving the remainder of the quota to be determined by party bosses through allocation of the
proportionate representation seats.
Afghanistan: ‘Proxy’ women
Shaking off the shackles of the gender apartheid years of the Taliban and the dislocation of the civil war,
Afghanistan’s 2004 constitution laid the foundation of a system of quotas to ensure women’s
representation in national and provincial level politics. As the public sphere opened up to women,
Massouda Jalal dared to contest the 2004 Presidential elections. Since then, the number of women voters
rose to 40 percent of the electorate, though the deteriorating security situation during the transition has
resulted in a sharp down turn. But interestingly there is no decline in the increasing number of women
contestants. In the 2010 parliamentary elections 69 women were elected to the 249 member parliament –
one more than the minimum quota. While quotas helped women access power, women’s rights activists
were concerned that women MPs lacked real decision-making power and were “proxy women.” Only a
few were appointed to the Cabinet and largely in the soft ministries. They were largely the widows of
warlords or backed by local power brokers: “A lot of women MPs are backed by the governor and the
chief of police, so they consider their backers’ interests, not women’s interests, not women’s rights,” a
female parliamentarian said (quoted in ICG Women in Conflict Afghanistan 2013:14). Moreover, in view
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of the increasingly uncertain, divided, and high risk security environment, “women in parliament felt that
we (women’s groups) cannot assure their security, especially when they see two Deputy Ministers of
Women’s Affairs (Najia Sediqi and her predecessor Hanifa Safi) killed in Lahman province (Mahboba
Soraj Afghan Women’s Network Interview, Kabul 26 April 2013).
Threats and insults from male legislators when the national and provincial assemblies are in session are
common. Speaking of a male colleague, a female member of a provincial council said, “He threatened to
cut my stomach open if I refused to vote the way he wanted me to.” Another female provincial council
member said, “I won’t be a candidate in the next elections, because I haven’t been able to work freely in
the past couple of years” (ICG, 14). The entrenched culture of impunity ensures that the perpetrators
remain “unknown.” Moreover, political parties rarely come to the support of even senior women
politicians who are targeted.
Violence against women in politics remains a major inhibitor to women participating in politics across
South Asia. Strikingly, VAWIP is absent from the public discourse. The VAWIP study on Nepal,
Pakistan, and India referred to above states that, “Its lack of recognition results from the prevailing
patriarchal mindset and the culture of silence within political parties, government agencies and more
broadly, the society” (VAWIP 2014, 3). Violence is normalized as a universal feature of politics. It
includes the humiliation and frustration of being sidelined and belittled in political discussions, verbal
harassment, character assassination, sexual exploitation, physical and sexualized threats, and assault.
Whereas in India VAWIP takes the form of physical assault, threats, and verbal abuse, in Pakistan and
Nepal it is character assassination and in the latter case emotional blackmail is significant (VAIP 44).
Nagaland (India): Agency & Resistance in the name of customary laws
Notwithstanding the contradictions surrounding the workings of quotas and the ongoing debates about
presence vs. participation and proxy women vs. agency, the power and fear of quotas to fast track women
in ‘formal’ politics can be dramatically understood in the dynamics of women’s assertion and patriarchal
resistance in Nagaland in Northeast India. Years of conflict and peacemaking, state and market
penetration have produced significant social churning in Naga tribal society. Protracted conflict had
opened up the gendered public space for women at the grassroots level and encouraged women
peacemakers with moral authority in the “informal” grassroots sphere of politics to assert their right to
participate in the formal sphere of representative politics (“modern” and traditional). This has produced a
fierce patriarchal backlash. “All these social changes — the inclusion of women in decision-making
authorities, will destroy our identity, our communities. It’s against our customary law and practices.” said
an adamant YansathungLotha, chairperson of the village tribal authority, Wokha (Interview Wokha
August 2013).
The gendered confrontation has been catalysed around Naga women’s organizations — Naga Mothers,
Watsu Mongdang, Lotha Eloe — claiming the right to 33 percent reservations in metropolitan and town
councils in accordance with India’s national policy. The Nagaland State Aassembly in 2006 had formally
extended the law to the state of Nagaland as necessitated by Nagaland’s special constitutional status. That
move was opposed as many considered it threatening to Naga identity and in violation of constitutional
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Article 371A which guarantees Naga customary laws and practices. The polarizing debate has dragged in
property rights for women, also denied under customary law. Women readily admit that the absence of
property rights (financial resources) is what holds women back from entering politics. Under pressure
from traditional patriarchies, the Naga state assembly repealed the enabling 2006 law. Meanwhile, the
women are in the High Court defending their right to reservations. The irony is that in 1979, without any
controversy, Nagaland agreed to 25 percent reservations for Women in the Village Development Boards
(VDBs). It should be noted that substantive funds – central and state – flow through the urban councils,
and the experience in the cash modest VDBs has been that women members have raised questions of
audits.
Do women leaders bring a different kind of politics, a less violent, more accountable culture? Is it the
masculinized culture of politics which makes for violence? Is the nature of political power and authority
characterized by violence, corruption, and ruthless hierarchies? Popular cultural representations of
women in politics in Hindi cinema — Hu Tu Tu by Gulzar and Godmother by Vinay Shukla — show
women politicians taking on negative male characteristics. Both films are inspired by real life political
leaders, Shantaben Patil and Santokbehn Jadeja. They are shown as baptized into a culture of violent,
morally corrupt politics, internalizing male values of brutal ruthlessness and manipulation in the pursuit
of power. The moral is explicit: the political road is not one that women should walk unless they are
prepared to become “males” wearing sarees.
Spin it around and there are many women politicians like the Sri Lankan (UNP) political leader Chandra
Ranaraja, the former mayor of Kandy (profiled on a website extolling women political leaders), who
explained her loss in the elections by a few preferential votes and said, “I can’t use intimidation and
impersonation.” As more and more women enter public life and assume leadership positions these
prejudicial stereotypes are already changing, and there is some evidence of “feminist” shifts in
institutional cultures and in ways of seeing and understanding issues. The extent to which women
politicians remain connected with women’s movements will have an important impact in ensuring that
women do not lose their way in the masculinized culture of politics.
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“Good Management” – Why Basic Management Practices are Critical to
Good Governance and Achieving Public Sector Outcomes
Raj Sharma
Member of the 50x50 Leadership Circle, Women in Public Service Project
and CEO of Censeo Consulting Group
As we aspire to grow the number of women in leadership positions in public service, we should also be
working diligently to arm these women leaders (as well as male leaders) with the tools that will help them
improve their societies at large. Broadly speaking, it is critical that we understand and implement the
concept of “good management” if we are to engender trust in government and solve major social
problems.
Trust in government all across the globe is at an all-time low. According to the 2014 Edelman Trust
Barometer, trust is at its lowest level of 44 percent.1 Why? The primary reason is the discrepancy between
governments’ intentions to improve the livelihood of its citizens and their lack of capacity to execute
those public missions.
Whether it’s the dissatisfaction with the Congress Party in India or the highly publicized failures around
healthcare and veterans services in the United States, the common link leading to falling trust levels in
government is ineffective and inefficient management systems that support execution of public policy. As
Fareed Zakaria, a leading commentator on public policy, confirms: the best way to improve government
is to focus on “improving the administrative structure, creating easier ways for talented people to enter
government, and providing the incentives for bureaucracies to work effectively.”2
In other words, focus on “good management.”
What is “Good Management”?
“Good governance” is often used to describe how public institutions and governments at large manage
public resources. Surprisingly, though, good management practices are frequently missing from good
governance discussions.
“Good management” in the context of government refers to the budgeting, measurement, and
organizational systems and processes that ensure the most effective and efficient use of public resources
to ensure public missions and outcomes. Without good management, we have ineffective governance at
best.
1
http://www.edelman.com/news/trust-in-government-plunges-to-historic-low/
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/fareed-zakaria-why-americans-hate-theirgovernment/2013/11/21/0fd0d32c-52de-11e3-a7f0-b790929232e1_story.html
2
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Why is Good Management important?
Politicians and policymakers naturally gravitate towards understanding societal needs and designing
policies to solve those needs. Unfortunately, what’s lost in the process is the need for management and
operational capacity that is critical for implementing policy. Even the most well-intentioned policies and
programs fail to realize results or outcomes when there is limited capacity to implement them. Of course,
cronyism and corruption are always present in public spending, but poor management is just as often a
culprit; intentions may be good, but are leading to enormous waste nonetheless.
What specific management failures need to be addressed, and how do we fix them?
1. Problem: Lack of problem or desired outcome statement
A government program often starts without a clear articulation of the problem it is trying to fix or the
outcome it is trying to achieve. Given the number of stakeholders involved with often different and
competing agendas, this is easier said than done. However, it is perhaps the most critical thing we can do
when embarking on any public mission, be it improving economic mobility, reducing racial prejudice, or
decreasing unemployment.
Solution: Bring together stakeholders
You must first identify the key stakeholders that are direct participants, influencers, or interested in the
outcome and then work to engage them on these questions. The best results happen when we get the most
important stakeholders in a room together and get then to talk collectively and collaboratively. Just by
this mere step, we have already started on a path towards solving the problem.
Solution: Define and align around outcomes
Whenever you start any public program, ask a few basic questions of your stakeholders:
o
o
What problem are you trying to solve?
What does success look like if the problem is solved? In other words, what will have changed?
It is critical that this thinking not be done in a vacuum. The key to all of this is bringing together and
communicating with stakeholders. I cannot stress that enough; without engaged stakeholders, nothing can
be done.
2. Problem: Poor allocation of resources
Most public bureaucracies have an ineffective flow of resources. While economic theory holds that
resources flow to the sources that generate the most value, in the public sector funding is often driven by
political agendas, special interests, or simply the habitual allocation to programs that have existed for
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years/decades. Instead, what we need is a flow of resources towards approaches that are proven to achieve
the outcomes we are trying to generate.
Solution: Identify practices that are proven to work
Once you know which outcomes you are trying to achieve, identify practices and programs that are
proven to achieve those outcomes. It’s important to be objective in this process and not get driven by
preconceived ideology. Of course we can start with a set of hypotheses but it’s also important to test
various methods. Fact is, there may be a myriad of ways to achieve the same outcome. For example,
improving high school graduation rates could be done by improving teacher effectiveness, providing
interventions such as early childhood education, or increasing number of school days. What’s most
important is to understand which approaches work and compare approaches also in term of cost/outcome.
In other words, which approaches deliver the most outcome for the lowest cost.
3. Problem: Lack of management and operational capacity to execute programs
Policymakers and politicians often pay little attention to the management and operational capacity of
public institutions to execute. Without the proper management structures, processes, and tools that make
large bureaucracies run, public institutions are often not in a position to execute on even the most wellintentioned policies.
Solution: Build management and operational capacity to execute
Defining outcomes and developing an approach to achieving outcomes is not enough. The even more
difficult part is execution and scaling an approach once we know it works. This means building the
management and operational capacity, which takes clearly articulating the vision and goals, and
identifying key decisions that drive the strategy, building the team, designing the processes, and selecting
supporting technology. While none of this is sexy, the importance of this cannot be overstated. In the
U.S., many have heard of the recent failures of healthcare.gov. Similarly, the plan for the Asian games in
India was poorly executed. Programs like these can be better executed by ensuring the implementers have
the operational capabilities and the management know-how to achieve the desired outcomes.
If we want to restore trust in government, seeing is going to be believing. Citizens need to know they can
rely on their governments to deliver the public benefits promised and expected. Governments won’t be
able to come through if they don’t think more strategically about exactly what they’re trying to solve and
what the outcome will look like, what methods work best and how to allocate funding towards them, and
what operational and management deficiencies exist and how to overcome them. In essence, what
government really needs is “Good Management.” The successes may not garner as much attention as the
failures, but they will help policymakers achieve their ultimate goal: to serve the public good and solve
big social problems. The road to implementing better management practices will likely be a long one, so
now is the time to start making progress.
i
Appendix
Transcript of the Welcome Address
from the WPSP Institute at Lady Shri Ram College
Meenakshi Gopinath
Principal, Lady Shri Ram College for Women
Good morning Friends,
Ambassador Powell. Rangita de Silva, Kavita Ramdas , distinguished delegates, from the region, our
honored guests, and friends,
On behalf of LSR and the Women in Public Service Project of the Global Women’s Leadership Initiative
so ably represented and piloted by Rangita de Silva, it is a pleasure to welcome you to this confluence,
which marks the launch of the Women in Public Project for South Asia. We feel greatly privileged,
energized, and empowered by the presence and support of so many truly phenomenal women leaders who
will be with us over the next few days from the region and from the U.S.
Many of you have traveled long distances and grappled with impossible visa procedures to lend us your
support. We are deeply grateful. Especially, I must acknowledge Salma Malik who came by land because
she was denied access to the aircraft in Pakistan, and thank you very much for making that extra effort.
We feel privileged to host this multilogue which brings together eminent women from academia, media,
law, the corporate and volunteer sector, management, political and policy making, and the civil service
from the countries of our South Asian region.
Today we will engage on how to bridge the domain of education and public policy with a view to enhance
the participation of women in public service in our region and to suggest methodologies and pathways to
achieving the goal of 50 percent representation for women in public service by 2050. So, the mantra of 50
by 50 resonates with us loud and clear today. The objectives of this initiative are to provide space for
shared learning on barriers to women’s participation and strategies for their inclusion in public service, to
generate new and cross-culturally valid insights on women’s political leadership, and to provide training
and mentoring to emerging and aspiring women leaders who are all here with us today - young,
energized, aspiring women leaders from the South Asian region who are committed to achieving the 50
by 50 goal.
This institute will also focus on critical leadership training for women aspiring for public service drawing
on CEDAW (the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women). It also
seeks to provide a platform for the development of young women leaders who can play an important role
in shaping the national the regional and the international discourse on issues of gender justice. We have
several women, specially from Nepal, who have engaged to bring the UN Security Council Resolution
1325 into their national action plans. We salute them because Nepal is going through a particularly
difficult transition, and we wish you more strength for your efforts in the times ahead.
ii
We at LSR believe that academic institutions have a crucial role to play in this very important transition
that we look at as a window of opportunity. Underrepresentation of women at all levels of policy making
is a global phenomenon, but the states of the South Asian region have been under the scanner of women’s
rights scholars and activists for a long time. Since the region has suffered from a peculiar paradox that
while almost all states have elected women to top political positions, including those of Presidents and
Prime Ministers, women’s representation in the governance structure in these countries continues to be
abysmally low. We also raise our voice against the tokenism which allows people to add women and stir.
As compared to the Nordic countries who have well over 34 percent reservation of women in parliament,
India today, while it reserves 33 percent seats at the local self-government level, has less than 11 percent
in its national legislature. Nepal has made very important strides. We look to Nepal to continue to provide
us that leadership. Afghanistan has more members. Bangladesh does too, but surprisingly, with such high
grades of literacy, Sri Lanka still lags behind in terms of representation in the national parliament. And
the human development indices in our region reveal a disturbing trend that South Asia has witnessed an
increasing feminization of poverty, agriculture, old age migration, and HIV/AIDS. Sexual and genderbased violence remains pervasive, and today the region is considered one of the most insecure places for
women.
While the experiment for reservation in local self- government bodies in India and Nepal, Pakistan, and
Bangladesh have led to a number of good results, it is important to highlight the need for educating
women, both for politics as well as political leadership in terms of politics as the art of the possible, not
just party politics. This is what we are looking to do at this confluence, this multilogue. Moving beyond a
discourse of quotas on affirmative action, and looking squarely about empowerment at all levels we hope
to spur more women to fulfill their true potential in whichever area of work they choose for themselves.
This is also significantly about the freedom of choice.
If recent developments are an indicator on how the process could pan out in the region, there is a lot of
hope. Making use of the public awareness and outcry generated by the rape case of December 2012 and
the Justice Verma Committee Report, women’s groups in India have highlighted a disturbing legacy of
violence against women that is reinforced by cultures of impunity and cultures of silence.
So what do women’s colleges and institutes of higher education have to do to contribute to this? We, as
an alternative public sphere with robust norms and traditions, can and must fashion an alternative
discourse about how power should be exercised; how leadership must be embraced; and how inclusion
actually must become the warp and the weft of democratic consciousness. India’s new laws to quell
sexual violence have provided impetus to women’s initiatives in the South Asian region, and I think really
now there is no place for business as usual. There’s no looking back because women are denied dignity,
bodily integrity, and autonomy of choice across the board in all countries of the South Asian region, and
this is where both theory and practice must be mutually reinforcing. Universities and colleges can begin
to walk their talk and to catalyze new movements of change in our region. We often hear a lament about
how colleges and universities have outmoded syllabi. They are irrelevant to what’s happening in society
at large. We at women’s colleges and women’s universities know that we have begun to reclaim the
iii
public sphere in innovative and extremely refreshing and new ways. In fact, beginning in December 2012,
LSR had engaged almost uninterruptedly with issues of gender and violence against women. These past
weeks have seen a series of activities on issues of justice, exclusion, violence, displacement, public health
citizenship, conflict, and a whole plethora of concerns that impact women in significant and significantly
different ways.
There have been a series of workshops on the constructions of femininity and masculinity, video, audio,
and photo installations. There will be an installation today that is on view over the next two days that has
been put together by LSR College and the Public Service Broadcasting Trust of India. There have been
several interactions with feminists, authors, film makers, both men and women. These have exhorted us to
redefine spaces. The images that we use on our stationery, you will notice, are courtesy of the generosity
of a UK-based artist and educationist Linda Carmel, whose work focuses on creating a strong supportive
network of women. Her work, The Glass Ceiling, and the one used in our program, Putting our Heads
Together, provide the leitmotif around which this interaction is structured.
We have of course seen how in the last decade in our region issues of violence against women, both overt
and structural, have forcibly resurfaced and been foregrounded. We’re also aware of the continuum and
spectrum of violence that women confront: a kind of peace time war that goes on uninterrupted. We have
also seen the slippage between Neeti (legislation) and Nyaya (justice) especially in the context of the
rights of women, and again, we are looking to bridge that gap as well. We’ve also seen how women are
deified as Goddesses in formal rhetoric, especially in India and Nepal and the violence they paradoxically
confront in their everyday lives.
We have also seen how issues of representation, democracy, rights, secularism, and citizenship have been
jettisoned in the name of personal laws, community honor, and a spurious majority versus minority
debate. But now it seems that the time has indeed come to break out of the discourse of victimhood and
the lament of victimology. Spurred by the work and commitment of many of our courageous iconic
sisters, who are here with us today, it appears that young people are beginning to discover and assert
agency in new ways. Yet many glass ceilings still remain. Many new ones operate and need to be broken
by new forms of engagement, responsibility and alternative visions of power and leadership, new
understandings of security and peace with justice.
This conference is an invitation to begin to walk our talk to explore those ever widening horizons since
LSR stands for leadership with social responsibility. It also stands for many of us for “Let’s start a
revolution.” So if even today there are too many women in many countries that speak the same
language…. of silence, we have the responsibility to give voice to their aspirations and ensure that they
emerge from the shadows of invisibility and marginalization. We need to look at a new development
paradigm and more democratic indices beyond 2050. We need to look at a sustainable universe. We need
to look at our patterns of consumption and distribution. We need really to look at what progress means for
us, what growth means for us, and indeed what power personifies. In the recent Indian elections we saw
that women who were given seats to contest for elections had a better success average than their male
counterparts. The figures are valid across all parties so the possibility of success of women contesting
iv
elections appears much higher, and I think we need to inform and disseminate this much more
vigorously.
It is really my pleasure today to specially welcome two phenomenally outstanding women. I would say
they have been role models for many of us in many ways and their support and encouragement has made
this strategic round table possible. We acknowledge Ambassador Nancy Powell who in an illustrious
career as an outstanding diplomat has had a long and abiding relationship with this region from 1992
onwards. Her detailed bio data runs into several pages, and I think it’s there in our booklet but I just
wanted to highlight the fact that her association with Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, and New Delhi has
been an abiding one since 1992. She has served as Ambassador in Ghana and Uganda, in Pakistan and
Nepal, before coming to India. But very importantly for us, she was also a teacher and in many ways has
shown how successfully it is possible to bridge the worlds of education, public policy, and engagement.
And from the time she assumed office in Delhi, she has transformed the dynamics of Roosevelt House,
the official residence of the U.S. Ambassador. She has quite literally opened it up and has let the winds of
diverse energy and people, civil society groups, groups that ambassadors don’t normally meet, sweep
through. Thus, she has dispensed with much of the stuffy protocol, and that’s how women do things —
don’t they? —to make it a warm receptive and inviting space. In fact, she has flipped the pyramid as it
were. Her commitment to women and gender justice is well known which in many ways is exemplified
by one of her first symbolic initiatives within the premises of Roosevelt House. A bust of Eleanor
Roosevelt, that great champion for the rights of women and marginalized communities, occupies pride of
place in her living room and is a larger statue than that of FDR, the iconic President who delivered the
New Deal to the U.S.
Eleanor Roosevelt had famously once said that no none can make you feel inferior without your consent,
and I think that’s something that Ambassador Powell has always highlighted in all her interactions with
so many of us who have had the privilege to know her and have come to love her dearly. There’s another
incident that I wish to share that is relevant for us as we engage with the famous Justice Verma Bill of
Rights, which for many of us women in India is like a Magna Carta. Barely a fortnight before the
legendary judge passed on, Ambassador Powell and the judge had a serious discussion on how to take
forward the insights gained from the aftermath of December 16th. He had then said that investing in young
people and their commitment was the key to delivering gender justice.
Ambassador Powell’s vision for the promotion of democratic values involves taking young people and
women clearly on board in rendering democracy substantive and meaningful and so we look forward to
her address today.
Our other special speaker is Kavita Ramdas, and we warmly welcome her. She is the young, dynamic and
extremely popular representative of the Ford Foundation for India and Sri Lanka. In fact, in many ways,
she had been genetically programmed to work with activists and leaders on the frontlines of social justice.
Her parents are well-known social activists, and she has kept that tradition always central to her work.
She has worked extensively and committedly for women’s human rights, social justice, philanthropy and
international development through her membership and affiliations on boards and advisory councils of a
diverse array of organizations. It was during her presidency of the Global Fund for Women that the
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organization grew to become the world’s largest public foundation for human rights giving to women in
more than 170 countries access to financial capital that fielded innovation and change. She chairs
currently the Women in Public Service Initiative at the World Economic Forum’s global agenda. And her
bio-data, too, runs into several pages. Like Ambassador Powell, Kavita, too, has changed the ambience of
the Ford Foundation office in refreshingly new ways. The barricades are down, and the respect and
welcome that is accorded to those who visit is truly impressive. So who better than Kavita to share with
us insights on training and future leadership and supporting networks?
We at LSR are deeply grateful to the support of the U.S. Embassy, the WPSP, and the Ford Foundation
for this initiative to launch in our region. Therefore, I would just like to say to both of them that Maya
Angelo’s lines from her poem, Still I Rise, really in a sense invoke much of what they stand for:
“Now you understand why my head’s not bowed, why I don’t shout or jump about or
have to talk real loud.
When you see me passing it ought to make you proud. I say, it’s in the click of my heel,
the bend of my hair, palm of my hand, the need of my care.
Cause I’m a woman …phenomenally….phenomenal woman, that’s Me.”
Thank you all, and once again, a very warm welcome!
vi
Transcript of the Closing Remarks
from the WPSP Institute at Lady Shri Ram College
Meenakshi Gopinath
Thank you very much experts, special invitees, faculty, and students. I recommend that this group
reconvenes under the chairpersonship of Professor Savitri Goonesekere to fine tune the doable action
points from the wish list presented in the previous deliberations with more educationists and experts of
the region to actively curb violence against women. I recommend that this be done as soon as possible.
We at LSR will be happy to host her here for as long as she can find time to stay with us. This includes
all the special friends who are here from the SAARC region and also our dear friend Professor Jane
McAuliffe. We need to come back again and revisit this document, refine it with a view to presenting it
both to SAARC as well as to the People’s SAARC Forum.
It’s also my privilege to present to you the three documents that have come out of the deliberations
around the focus of the WPSP. The first, a study that came out of the Gender Congress and was put
together by our students and faculty and was an exploration of the students’ understanding of gender and
questions of justice and freedom. What emerged from this study — conducted by a group of statisticians,
economists, and sociologists comprising our faculty and students — was that, for LSR women, a
profession was an important part of their identity. They want to enter the public space, and they want to
enter it with confidence, expertise, and the requisite skills in order to make a difference. Interestingly,
many of them thought that their mothers were their role models. It is my pleasure to present this
document to all of you.
The second is the document that has been produced by the Departments of Journalism and Political
Science. And this deals with how our young women will engage with the election process that is
underway and look at the power of 49. Women are 49 percent of the electorate, and we can certainly
change not only our world but the worlds of many others with what we do with the power of the vote.
The third is an interesting document which was put together with inputs from members of our faculty,
and which the University Grants Commission adopted, on measures for ensuring the safety of women and
program for gender sensitization on campuses in India. This has been recommended as policy for
adoption by all institutes of higher education in the country. It looks at campuses becoming
transformative spaces where it is possible for processes of alternative dispute redressal to find articulation
and meaning, thereby moving away from a purely punitive paradigm for changing patriarchal min sets
and conventions prevalent on campuses of HEIs (Higher Education Institutions). The process of putting
this document together was led by women, and the faculty of LSR made a significant contribution to it.
It has been a memorable three days of intense debate and engagement. We feel so enriched that our
friends from the South Asian region and from the Unites States have made time to be here with us and to
share their insights, their rich experience, their warmth, friendship, and solidarity which not just
empowers us but energizes us to look at the amazing vistas that beckon. They also spur us to craft the
right kind of leadership.
vii
So “50 by 50” is certainly something that resonates with us whether it be through quotas — numeric
quotas or other forms of affirmative action. I wanted us all to take away something that Professor Savitri
Goonasekhere said this morning: In addition to breaking glass ceilings, we also need to break stereotypes,
stereotypes that fetishize feminism. “It is not important whether you sit with your legs crossed or you
don’t sit with your legs crossed provided you don’t get locked in a particular symbolic articulation of
what feminism is really about,” she had so pertinently pointed out.
We all took away from yesterday’s discussions that we are not only talking about alternative politics but
also political alternatives because we need to provide those political alternatives in order to create a
transformational politics. What came home again today from the presentations made by our faculty here
was that what we do here every day and also everything that we do, is deeply political; the political nature
of our work needs to be recogonized. This involves politics really as the art of the possible and not
necessarily party politics.
We know that many young women who come to LSR have great potential and many dreams. They
become women of substance and women who believe in transformatory leadership. Many young men join
our faculty and become sensitive feminists. The whole issue is about choices that we make and in a sense
the choices that we make define us, define our humanness, our humanity. We feel privileged and humbled
that so many rich perspectives from the South Asian region have permeated our deliberations here. The
warmth and affection and your faith in our work validates us in many ways and gives us strength to
continue on the path of inquiry and praxis. We have so much to learn from Nepal and its experiment with
democracy; from Bangladesh in terms of its social and human development indicators that have improved
phenomenally; from Sri Lanka, about their women’s movements and their high literacy levels; and from
many other less represented countries and from Pakistan about how it’s possible to cross borders and
boundaries and to reach out to that human being whom we transform from ‘the other’ to a neighbor, a
friend, a sister, who is just a few hours away from us.
We are blessed to be surrounded by this amazing peer group of young colleagues and younger students
because every faculty member at LSR is young, and every faculty member at LSR is as perennial as the
grass. And if there is a motive for managerial leadership at LSR, I do want to share with you and I just
want you to imagine this and visualize it, that it is the principal running always a little behind the faculty
to catch up with them, to keep pace with their aspirations, their expectations and their expertise because it
is really they who lead always ahead.
And there is another mantra that we follow about connections, about interdependence. We attempt to
celebrate those connections not just here but across borders and boundaries. Rangita de Silva had said that
there are two notions of power — you push down or you pull up. I am grateful to the LSR faculty for
always pulling me up. You have all seen much of that in evidence here.
Our college logo, before it become the hieroglyphic with the nine muses of learning, used to be a cosmic
swan who was dragging the globe across the three spaces of the Universe at home in many worlds. A
denizen of three realms, some people believe that it was the vehicle of the goddess of learning. But what
it symbolizes for us is a deep sensitivity and sensibility to the need to connect the individual’s inner
viii
recesses with the outer spaces, the local with the global, the particular with the universal. That has, for us,
remained an abiding motif, even as we interrogate, we reimagine, we regenerate, and we recreate. LSR
believes that those who wish to sing will always find a song. Along with this musical aspiration, they
also believe that while it is important to comfort the afflicted, it is equally important to afflict the
comfortable, especially when they are comfortably wrong or complacently wrong.
I am reminded of a story that Betty Ford used to recount, and I think I have inflicted it on my students
year in and year out. It is about a class where there were young five year olds. They were brought into the
class and asked to play a game assuming a role. The teacher told them that there were all either giants,
wizards, or dwarfs and each of them had to play one of these three roles. So there was a great deal of
excitement and people were putting on their crowns and carrying their spears and so on. Then, the
teacher, who happened to be a man, felt a gentle tug at his sleeve and he looked down and there was a
beatific looking little girl who said, “but where do the mermaids stand?” Taken a little aback, he told her
that there are no mermaids in this game, and she said, “yes, there are and I intend to play one — I am a
mermaid.” So she did by reinventing the set rules of the game. Where indeed do the mermaids stand in
HEIs in our communities, in society at large?
This is a question which we ask ourselves: where indeed do the mermaids stand? Therefore, when we talk
about our Delhi Declaration, it is about rejecting paternalistic protectionism of all kinds. It is not
robinhooding in any way; it is not about who robs the rich to protect the poor and so on. It is something
much more profound. It’s about reaffirming equity, access, capacity, and humanism. The aphorism for
this at LSR is REACH. Over the last seven years, we are witness to the demographics of this college
changing dramatically. It has become very heterogeneous, and we see this as a great opportunity for those
of us who have led cloistered comfortable existences to learn from the leadership of those who crossed
barriers to sit with us in classrooms and teach us the meaning of resilience, teach us the meaning of
fortitude, teach us the meaning of leadership, and teach us the meaning of the humane aspirations. It has
proved to be an unprecedented context for growth with a different set of challenges, challenges that shake
us out of smugness and certitudes.
And so when we talk about our credo being “that alone is knowledge that leads to liberation,” we also say
with Elliot, “where is the life we have lost in living and where is the wisdom we have lost in knowledge,
and where indeed is the knowledge we have lost in information.”
So we like to engage in what we call iconoclastic spiritual recovery, and Savitri pointed out to me that
Aung San Suu Kyi in many senses represents that. She is this woman of steel but a woman of deep
compassion, and she is happy to wear flowers in her hair. We carry the flowers in our hair with great
pride, with great lure as it does in many ways, connect us to our Asianess and to the particular fragrance
and resonance that we are able to emit to the rest of the world.
So it is really not about mainstreaming, as I find and that word a little awkward, but it’s about
engendering, and it is also about clearing the stream and not jumping into the muddy waters to make them
ours.
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It was said that Gandhi was the kind of person in whose presence you could never speak untruth. And we
all hope that we become people or we are in the process of becoming people, where everybody feels in
touch with their humanity, and so I do want to say that the binaries that Krishna talked about soft/strong
and man/woman, we have to revisit them we have to rethink masculinity/femininity. I would like to say:
The wise leader is like water. Consider Water. Water cleanses and refreshes all creatures
without distinction and without judgement. Water freely and fearlessly goes deep beneath
the surface of things. Water is fluid and responsive. Water follows the Tao freely.
Consider the leader: The leader works in any setting without complaint, with any person
on issues that come to the floor. The leader acts so that all will benefit and will be served
well regardless of the rate of pay. The leader speaks simply and honestly and intervenes
in order to shed light and create harmony. From watching the movements of water the
leader has learnt that in action, timing is everything. Like water, the leader is yielding.
Because the leader does not push, the group does not resist.
And I do also want to share one more that - Water is fluid, soft, and yielding. But water
will ware away rock, which is rigid and cannot yield. The ability to be soft makes a
leader, a leader. This is another paradox, what is soft is strong.
And I think LSR women have mastered that particular mantra in many ways as you have seen today. And
we are, therefore, in a position today where we feel we have the inner equipoise to move beyond
tokenism, to examine every day and revisit our certitudes. We are always open to critical change and
critical intervention and receive advice that is given to us with love and trust and with an embrace that is
full. I really want to thank Rangita who set us up on this path and found it in her heart to trust this
institution and the very special women who are gathered here and men who are gathered here today.
In a sense, that is the crucible of the change that we do wish to see in our region with educational
institutions acting in concert, creating a harmony, creating a kind of music that the leaders of states have
not trained their ears yet to hear. We will be the harbingers of that change, and we will not walk alone
because we have this solidarity of this amazing peer group and amazing sisterhood, and we will walk
from our collective strength.
So Rangita, thank you for everything that you have done to make this possible, and I do believe that we
will try every day to live up to the faith and, shall I say, welcome the new morn in our South Asian
region. To all our special friends who I know have very busy schedules and who have spared time to be
here with us, thank you very much. Thank you to WPSP, thank you to the Department of Public Affairs
of the American Embassy, to dear Joshua, and to our dear and very own Mandeep, who is an alumna of
LSR, for having supported this. And for some of our friends who had to leave early: Sonia, Shelly, Raj. A
very special thanks to President Jane McAuliffe from Bryn Mawr College for her wisdom and friendship.
I do want us to acknowledge and recognize today a very special woman who has made herself available to
us from another organization, never asking why is she doing this but just for the love of the importance of
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women entering the public space and reclaiming it in a big way — working through the bureaucracy of
the human resources development ministry, ministry of external affairs, ministry of home affairs for four
months tirelessly to get permission so that we could all be here today and let our revolution be an eternal
dance. I want us to acknowledge Ms. Seema Kakran.
Our profound gratitude to Kavita Ramdas and the Ford Foundation in India for their leadership in this
venture and for their support. The Public Affairs Section of the U.S. embassy has been a solid and
unobtrusive supporter and has steered us through some difficult times. I must acknowledge our debt to
Joshua and Mandeep and also thank them for their patience and understanding. We thank the WPSP
office in the United States for connecting us to Rangita de Silva and for initiating the South Asian hub for
the project at LSR.
Rangita, once again, all that has unfolded here would not have been possible but for your spirit. May I
request you to please come up to the stage and accept our collective thanks for being the wind beneath our
wings.
Thank you all for being such an engaged and engaging part of this denoument.
xi
South Asian Launch of WPSP
Jane Dammen McAuliffe
Lady Shri Ram College for Women (LSR) in New Delhi has inaugurated an important collaboration with
the Women in Public Service Project (WPSP) of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
A three-day workshop (31 March to 2 April) hosted by LSR and entitled “Where Women Lead:
Educating for Public Leadership” launched WPSP for South Asia. Opening remarks by Nancy C. Powell,
the U.S. ambassador to India, and Kavita Ramdas, the representative of the Ford Foundation in India, set
the agenda for the panels, workshop discussions, and brainstorming sessions that followed.
What marked this conference as uncommonly substantive was the collective willingness of presenters and
participants to address the hard issues, the major impediments to increasing the presence of women in
public service in the South Asian region. Chief among these are: the socially destructive effects of
gender-based violence; the demographic deformation of female foeticide and infanticide; the vast gulf
between educated, urban women and those in rural areas who remain mired in poverty and ignorance; the
need to balance the support system provided by domestic labor with equity and rights for those the
workers. Conference participants repeatedly recognized that changing deeply entrenched cultural norms
constitutes a profound and persistent challenge, one that underlies all of the particular issues.
Both plenary and concurrent sessions also explored the balance between personal and professional lives, a
balance that determines the ability of women to dedicate themselves to public service careers. Students in
the audience were especially interested to hear women like Sujatha Singh, a senior official in the Indian
Foreign Service, Lise Grande, the resident representative for the United Nations Development Program,
and Rajani Alexander, consul general for Canada in Chandigarh, talk about how they have managed the
personal/professional interface.
The declaration made in Beijing by former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 1995 — “human rights
are women’s rights and women’s rights are human rights”— echoed through the conference. Savirtri
Goonesekere, a prominent legal scholar and former vice-chancellor at the University of Colombo, joined
Indira Jaising, Additional Soliciter General of India, and Vrinda Grover, a noted human rights lawyer, in a
riveting panel discussion of the legal and legislative arenas that South Asian women must navigate. While
describing advances for women on both fronts, these panelists also recognized the very uneven record of
legislative and judicial implementation, as well as the frontiers that remain in the continuing struggle for
gender justice.
A core premise of WPSP’s approach to training, mentoring, and networking women for public service is
the benefit of enlisting academics and activists in this common pursuit. Consequently, the stellar cast of
speakers and panelists at the New Delhi launch included faculty members and research scholars along
with founders and directors of NGOs, senior members of political parties and current government
officials from several countries in the region. This mix of expertise and experience allowed the
conversations at this workshop to be conducted at an unusually high level of sophistication and
specificity.
xii
Two extraordinary leaders led the collaboration between the Wilson Center and Lady Shri Ram College
for Women. Dr. Rangita de Silva de Alwis is the director of the Global Women’s Leadership Initiative at
the Wilson Center. She worked tirelessly to prepare and guide the workshop proceedings and her own
insightful interventions during the three days synthesized complex themes and drew pertinent connections
among diverse presentations.
Dr. Meenakshi Gopinath, principal of Lady Shri Ram College for Women (LSR), is also a noted scholar
and speaker in peace and conflict studies. She is founder and honorary director of Women in Security,
Conflict, Management and Peace (WISCOMP) and has exercised national leadership in the South Asian
region within this critical arena. Dr. Gopinath welcomed participants on the first day with an address that
sketched the framework for our discussions and captured the excitement of WPSP’s South Asian launch.
On the third day of the workshop, we convened on the campus of LSR and heard an exhilarating panel
discussion by LSR faculty leaders. They summarized the major insights produced by an earlier event at
LSR, a conference on Gender knowledge. This March 2014 symposium had clearly engaged faculty and
students from the college and provided an important prelude to the work of our April workshop.
The day on the beautiful LSR campus also allowed workshop participants to hear from WPSP supporters
and sponsors, some of whom had traveled thousands of miles to be part of this event. These supporters
spoke encouragingly to the LSR students about their future prospects and their responsibilities as
emerging leaders in the region. The LSR students, who had been active and engaged participants at all of
the workshop sessions, again asked thoughtful and informed questions after the presentations. As a
concluding gift to conference participants, the students presented a stunning showcase of dance, theater
and poetry performances.
A culminating effort of the conference was the drafting and discussion of two documents, a student
manifesto and a conference declaration, that will be sent to the South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation (SAARC). Both were presented in a final plenary session that focused all those present on
one overriding goal: removing the obstacles for women who wish to enter public service and increasing
the percentage of their participation to 50 percent by 2050.
As president emeritus of Bryn Mawr College, one of the founding partners of WPSP, I returned from
New Delhi to Washington, D.C. with a sense of gratitude to the Wilson Center and to Lady Shri Ram
College for mounting such an excellent launch event in South Asia. The energy and enthusiasm generated
in our three-day gathering assures a productive future for this important regional initiative.
xiii
Author Biographies
Salma Ali is the Executive Director of the Bangladesh National Women’s Lawyers’ Association.
Pushpa Bhusal is a former Member of Parliament/ Central Member of the Nepali Congress.
Rangita de Silva de Alwis is the Director of the Women in Public Service Project and the Global
Women’s Leadership Initiative at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
Lakshmi Devi is a Principal at Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied Sciences for Women at the
University of Delhi.
Priti Dhawan is Vice Principal at Lady Shri Ram College for Women.
Savitri W E Goonesekere is the Emeritus Professor of Law at the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Dr. Meenakshi Gopinath is the Principal of Lady Shri Ram College for Women.
Lise Grande is the Head of UN Operations in India.
Farahnaz Ispahani is a former Member of the National Assembly of Pakistan.
Chulani Kodikara is a Senior Researcher at the International Center for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka.
Nazmunnessa Mahtab is a Professor of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Dhaka,
Bangladesh.
Sapana Pradhan Malla is a Member of the Nepalese Constituent Assembly.
Rita Manchanda is the Director of the South Asia Forum for Human Rights.
Dr. Jane McAuliffe is the former President of Bryn Mawr College.
Krishna Menon is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Lady Shri Ram
College for Women.
Vibha Puri Das is a former Secretary for the Government of India.
Raj Sharma is a member of the 50x50 Leadership Circle for the Women in Public Service Project, CoFounder of the Center for Innovation and Public Value, and CEO of Censeo Consulting Group.
Vani Tripathi is the National Secretary of the Bharatiya Janata Party, India.
xiv
Maithree Wickramasinghe is a Professor at the University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka.
Leadership and Staff of the Women in Public Service Project
and Lady Shri Ram College for Women
Women in Public Service Project Leadership:
Dr. Rangita de Silva de Alwis, Director
Staff of the Women in Public Service Project:
Elizabeth Cunningham, Deputy Director
Elizabeth White, Program Assistant
Carisa Nietsche, Program Consultant
Rebecca George, Off-site Research Assistant
Emily Armstrong, Program Intern
Tarana Bhatia, Program Intern
Victoria Moroney, Program Intern
Chelsea Villareal, Program Intern
Leadership and Staff at the Lady Shri Ram College for Women:
Dr. Meenakshi Gopinath, Principal, Lady Shri Ram College for Women
Priti Dhawan, Vice Principal, Lady Shri Ram College for Women
Krishna Menon, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Lady Shri Ram College for
Women
Seema Kakran, Assistant Director, Women in Security Conflict Management and Peace, Lady Shri Ram
College for Women
xv
Women in Public Service Project Partners and Supporters
The WPSP’s work to reach 50 by 50 would not be possible without the generous support of our network:
WPSP ADVISORY COUNCIL
PARTNER COLLEGES
Permanent Members
Founder and Honorary Chair: Former Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton
Chair: The Honorable Jane Harman, Director, President
and CEO of the Wilson Center
President of Bryn Mawr College, Kim Cassidy
President of Mt. Holyoke College, Lynn Pasquerella
President of Smith College, Kathleen McCartney
President of Wellesley College, H. Kim Bottomly
U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues,
Ambassador Catherine M. Russell
Ambassador Melanne Verveer, key architect of the
WPSP
Farah Pandith, key architect of the WPSP
Scripps College
Mills College
Mount St. Mary’s College
City College of New York
University of Massachusetts, Lowell
Arizona State University
San Francisco State University
University of Maryland Baltimore County
Stephens College
University of Chicago Institute of Politics
Simmons College
Berea College
Carleton University (2014-2015)
Inaugural Members
President of Mills College, Alecia A. DeCoudreaux
President of Mount St. Mary’s College, Ann McElaneyJohnson
President of Scripps College, Lori Bettison-Varga
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and
Cultural Affairs, Evan Ryan
Members
Minister Assisting the Prime Minister for Women, Sen.
the Hon. Michaelia Cash
Chancellor of the University of Massachusetts, Lowell,
Marty Meehan
President of City College of New York, Lisa S. Coico
President of Simmons College, Helen G. Drinan
GOVERNMENTS
U.S. Department of State
Australian Government
FOUNDING PARTNER COLLEGES
Barnard College
Bryn Mawr College
Mount Holyoke College
Smith College
Wellesley College
50X50 LEADERSHIP CIRCLE
Lynn Johnston
Shelly Kapoor Collins
Mattie McFadden-Lawson
Judi Flom
Craig Newmark
Raj Sharma
Marissa Wesely
Margery Kraus
Sue Cimbricz
Jacqueline Benton
Carrie M. Reilly
Julia Chang Bloch
50X50 CHAMPIONS
Ruth Dugan
Erin Walsh
Rob Rader
PRIVATE SECTOR
APCO Worldwide
Intel Corporation
Censeo Consulting Group
McDermott Will & Emery
Craigslist Inc.
Ogilvy & Mather
Dell Inc.