Formal changes of *m<in>aRand loss of mood distinction:
Evidence from
Northern and Central Sulawesi
Yuko Kitada
University of Cologne
[email protected]
Overview
Two patterns of formal changes for *minaR- (The
actor voice prefix *maR- plus the realis mood infix
<in>):
> (*inaR-) > *naR●
*minaR> *nimaR- > (*imaR-) > *maR-
2
Table of contents
Section 1: Introduction
Section 2: Aphaeresis
Section 3: Affix Order Change
Section 4: Independence and Sporadicity of the Changes
Section 5: Loss of Mood Distinction
Section 6: Conclusion
3
Section 1: Introduction
4
Topic of this presentation
Phonological changes of the actor voice realis form
*m<in>aR- in Northern and Central Sulawesi, namely:
●
Aphaeresis
●
Affix order change
→ lead the loss of the mood distinction marked with
*maR- and with *minaR-.
5
Neutral and realis mood distinction
with *maR- and *m<in>aR●
Most Philippine, North Borneoan and North Sulawesi
languages have the neutral and realis mood distinction:
Mostly *maR- vs. *naR-, but also *maR- vs. *minaR-:
●
●
●
●
●
Tagalog: mag- & nagSuwawa (N. Sulawesi): mo(g)- & no(g)Casiguran Dumagat (N. Luzon): mag- & minagEastern Kadazan (N. Borneo): mog- & minog-
Many languages in Indonesia and Malaysia does not have
the mood distinction:
●
●
Malay: berToba Batak (Sumatra): mar6
Distribution of the mood distinction
with *maR- and *m<in>aR-
7
Sulawesi languages dealt with
in this presentation
8
Section 2: Aphaeresis
9
Aphaeresis
“The loss or omission of one or more segments from
the beginning of a word” (Trask 2004)
●
●
Vowel aphaeresis
–
opossum → possum
–
esquire → squire
Syllable aphaeresis
–
●
We have → We've
Consonant aphaeresis
–
Middle English nadder → adder
(cf. German Natter :Old English nǣdre, Old High German
nātara; Latin natrix ‘water snake’)
10
Aphaeresis of *m<in>aR●
In most Philippine languages,
–
●
is reflected as *naR-, as in Tagalog nag-.
But in some languages,
–
*minaR- and *inaR- in the Philippines and
Sulawesi.
–
*nimaR-, *imaR- and *maR- in Sulawesi.
(Next section)
11
*m<in>aR- in Northern Luzon
●
*minaR–
●
●
Casiguran Dumagat
minag-
*inaR–
Isneg
inag- (obsolete)
–
Ibaloy
(i)nan-
*naR–
Isneg, Paranan, Ilokano
nag-
–
Pangasinan
nan-
→ *minaR- > *inaR- > *naR-?
12
*m<in>aR- in old Sulawesi sources
Minahasan: *minaR● 19th century Tomohon Tombulu minaha● 19th century Tonsea
minaa● 19th century Tondano
minaKaili-Pamona: *minaR- > *naR● Old Kaili
● 19th century Kaili
mina-, mine-, minona-, ne-, no-
(Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908:183)
13
PAN *m<in>aR-tuzuq ‘have pointed
at’ in old Sulawesi sources
Minahasan
● 19th century Tomohon Tombulu
minaha-turuʔ
● 19th century Tonsea
minaa-tuduʔ
●
19th century Tondano
mina-tuduʔ
Kaili-Pamona
● Old Kaili
● 19th century Kaili
minon-tujuʔ
no-tujuʔ
(Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908:183)
14
*inaR- : Bobongko *(i)nV(C)(< *minV(C)-)
●
(i)na-, (i)no-, (i)niN–
(i)na-takut ‘afraid’, (i)na-boat ‘heavy’
–
(i)no-lino ‘calm (of the sea)’, (i)no-lalag ‘yellow’
–
(i)nim-buaʔ ‘bore fruit’, (i)ning-oap ‘yawned’
(Mead 2000:73)
15
Bobongko allows
m-initial words and morphemes
●
●
The initial /m/ on lexical words does not drop.
–
mian ‛person’
–
mai ‛hither’ < *mai ‛ibid.’
The neutral forms begin with /m/
Neutral
ma-takut
mo-lino
miN-buaʔ
Realis
(i)na-takut
(i)no-lino
(i)niN-buaʔ
‘afraid’
‘calm (of the sea)’
‘bear fruit’
→ The form (i)no- etc. is because of aphaeresis of
*minaR-.
16
*minaR- to *naR●
Two aphaeresis paths:
●
*minaR- > *naR– as evidenced in Kaili (mina- > na- etc.)
●
*minaR- > *inaR- > *naR– as evidenced in Isneg (inag-), Ibaloy ((i)nan-)
and Bobongko ((i)no-, (i)na- and (i)niN-)
17
Section 3: Affix Order Change
18
Affix order change
●
The order of two adjacent affixes changes. For
instance in earlier and modern Ilokano:
–
*<um><in> → *<in><um>
(Actor voice, realis)
–
*ʔi-<in> → *ʔ<in>i-
(Theme voice, realis)
Proto-Extra-Formosan Pre-Ilokano Ilokano
*tuminakdér
*tinumakdér timmakdér
ʔibineléng
*ʔinibeléng ʔimbelléng
Meaning
‛stood’
‛threw out’
(Reid 1992)
19
*m<in>aR- > *ni-maR●
The infix *<in> becomes *ni- and is put before *maR-
●
Only found in Northern and Central Sulawesi
languages so far.
–
cf. Northern Luzon: Aphaeresis only.
20
*ni-maR- in old Sulawesi sources
Minahasan: *nimaR- > *imaR● 19th century Tara-tara Tombulu
(n)imaha● 19th century Tontemboan
(n)imaKaili-Pamona: *nimaR- > *maR● Old Pamona and Napu
● 19c Pamona and Napu
nima-, nime-, nimoma-, me-, mo-
(Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908:183)
21
*ni-maR-tuzuq ‘have pointed at’
in old Sulawesi sources
Minahasan
● 19th century Tara-tara Tombulu
(n)imaha-turuʔ
● 19th century Tontemboan
(n)ima-turuʔ
Kaili-Pamona
● Old Pamona
● Old Napu
● 19th century Pamona
● 19th century Napu
niman-tuju
nime-tudo
man-tuju
me-tudo
(Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908:183)
22
19th century Tontemboan allows
n-initial words and morphemes
●
●
Lexical words beginning with /n/:
–
naram ‘be accustomed to’ **aram < *najam
–
nimpis ‘thin’ **impis
< *nipis
Functional morphemes beginning with /n/
–
ni- <um> ~ i- <um> ‘AV.perfect’
e.g. (n)i-c<um>an ‘have eaten, ate’ < kan ‘to eat’
(Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908)
23
*nimaR- to *maR●
Two aphaeresis paths:
●
●
*nimaR- > *maR– as evidenced in Pamona and Napu (nima- to
ma- etc.)
*nimaR- > *imaR- > *maR– as evidenced in Tara-tara Tombulu
((n)imaha-) and Tontemboan ((n)ima-) in the
19th century.
24
Section 4:
Independence and Sporadicity
of the Changes
25
Independent and sporadic changes
19th century Minahasan
Tom. Tombulu
Tonsea
Tondano
minahaminaamina(*minaR-)
Tar. Tombulu (n)imahaTontemboan (n)ima(*nimaR-)
(Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908:183)
26
Independent and sporadic changes
19th century and old Kaili-Pamona
Kaili
(mi)na(mi)ne(mi)no(<*minaR-)
Pamona
and Napu
(ni)ma(ni)me(ni)mo(<*nimaR-)
(Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908:183)
27
Independent and sporadic changes
Modern Tondano (Minahasan)
Standard Tondano
Kakas Tondano
minanima-
(*minaR-)
(*nimaR-)
(Sneddon 1975:89)
28
Section 5:
Loss of Mood Distinction
29
Distribution of the mood distinction
with *maR- and *m<in>aR-
30
Loss of the neutral and realis mood
distinction
●
Kaili-Pamona (Central Sulawesi: The mood distinction
becomes lost.
Old Kaili
mina- etc.
Modern Kaili
na- etc. (realis)
Old Pamona
nima- etc.
Modern Pamona
ma- etc.
(mood-neutral)
(Adriani 1931:146, Adriani and Adriani-Gunning 1908:183 and Sofyan et al. 1979)
31
Loss of the neutral and realis mood
distinction
Kaili: mood distinction
Neutral
ma- < *maR- Realis
na- < *minaR-
Pamona: no mood distinction
(Neutral) ma- < *maR- (Realis) ma- < *nimaR-
32
Section 6: Conclusion
33
Conclusion
●
The aphaeresis and the affix order change of
*minaR-:
–
*minaR- > (*inaR-) > *naR-
–
*minaR- > *nimaR- > (*imaR-) > *maR-
●
They are independent and sporadic.
●
They lead the loss of the mood distinction: *nimaRbecomes *maR-, which is the same form with the actor
voice neutral *maR-.
34
Acknowledgements
Nikolaus Himmelmann
Alexander Adelaar
Sonja Riesberg
Volker Unterladstetter
35
Further explanation:
Consonant aphaeresis
36
Why does consonant aphaeresis
like *minaR- to *inaR- occur?
●
It is because of false splitting.
–
cf. Syllable truncation such as *minaR- to *naR- is because
of paradigmatic shape harmony (Blust 2013) to equalize the
prosodic weight of functional morphemes.
e.g. *maR- vs. *minaR- > *maR- vs. *naR- with CVC- forms
for both moods.
37
Consonant aphaeresis of English
adder by false splitting
●
In West Germanic languages, the /n/ in Proto-Germanic
*nadrǭ 'adder (nominative)' has been reanalyzed as part
of the proceeding indefinite article *ainō ‛one (feminine,
nominative)’:
*ainō nadrǭ > *ainǝ nadder ‛an adder’
–
Standard German
eine Natter [ainǝ natɐ]
–
Low German
en Nadder
–
Dutch
een adder (< een nadder)
–
English
an adder (< a nadder)
38
False splitting
in western Austronesian
●
Relics of earlier NP markers (e.g. Nom *ʔiang, Gen
*nang, Obl *sang etc.) can appear with the preceding
or following words due to false splitting (cf. Reid 2009).
–
The last /ng/ of earlier case markers (*CVng) becomes N=
with the following nouns in Tontemboan (cf. Reid 2000):
●
–
N=wale ‛NP=house (case unspecified)’.
Earlier “ligature” ng in Malay at the end of words (Adelaar
2004) < ?gen *nang, obl *sang (YK)
●
●
burung ‛bird: [celestial] animal/product of hunting’
< buru ‛product of hunting’ + ng + [langit ‛sky’]
pulang ‛go home’
< pula ‛return’ + ng + [rumah ‛home’](C
39
NP marker before a verb
●
When the word order changes the older VS to the
newer SV, an NP marker (nominative) is put before the
verb to relativize the verbal phrase:
–
Tagalog (Reid 2009)
Ang babae ang p<um>asok.
ANG woman ANG entered
'The one who entered was the woman.
cf. P<um>asok ang babae ‛The woman entered’
●
Later, when the SV order becomes a standard word
order, the NP marker drops:
–
Malay: Dia Ø pergi ‛He goes’
3s
go
40
SV order with *ʔiang in Mongondow
(N.Sul:Gorontalo-Mongondowic)
●
SV order (iN= ‘Nominative’)
Akuoi
mopokaan
1s
let.eat
“I let the child eat.”
●
ko
OBL
adiʔ
child
iN is put between S and V, meaning 'namely'
[relativizer] (Dunnebier 1930)
Simbaʔ
akuoi i
motubag.
Because 1s
NOM answer
“Because I will be answering. [Because I am the one
who answers]”
41
Interaction between
*ʔiang and *minaR-/*nimaR●
S *ʔiang minaR-V/nimaR-V
●
*ʔiang minaR- > *ʔiangm inaR- > *ʔiang inaR–
Further reduction:
*ʔiang naR- > *ʔia naR- > *Ø naR-
42
Development with *ʔiang and
*nimaR1.*iang babuy
ʔiang
nimaR-lakaw.
NOM pig
NOM
AV.RLS-go.away
‛The one who has gone away was the pig’
2.*iang
babay
ʔiangn imaR-lakaw
3.*iang
babay
ʔiang
4.*(iang) babay
imaR-lakaw
(ʔiang) maR-lakaw
43