Algeria: Nonviolent resistance against French
colonialism, 1830s-1950s
Malika Rahal
To cite this version:
Malika Rahal. Algeria: Nonviolent resistance against French colonialism, 1830s-1950s. Maciej
J. Bartkowski. Rienner, pp.107-223, 2013. <hal-01316088>
HAL Id: hal-01316088
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01316088
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Algeria:
NonviolentresistanceagainstFrenchcolonialism,
1830s-1950s
Dr.MalikaRahal
IHTP-CNRS
Author’sversion
Tofindthepublishedversion:
Rahal,Malika.“Algeria:NonviolentresistanceagainstFrenchcolonialism,1830s-1950s.”InRecoveringnonviolenthistory.Civil
resistanceinliberationstruggles,107–123.MaciejJ.Bartkowski.Boulder,Colo.:Rienner,2013.
PreeminentplaceofviolentresistanceinAlgeria’s
modernhistoryandpolitics
Inrecentyears,twoimportantbookshavefocusedontheviolenceoftheFrench
conquestandcolonizationofAlgeria,beginningin1830.LeCourGrandmaison’s
Coloniser,Exterminer1emphasizestherolecoloniessuchasAlgeriaplayedinthe
developmentofmilitaryformsofviolencelaterimportedtoEurope,while
Brower2givesafinedescriptionoftheviolentmeansusedbytheFrencharmyto
controltheAlgeriandesertaftertheconquest.Indoingso,bothauthorsgo
beyondthewell-knownepisodesofAlgerianarmedresistance--notablythe
armedresistanceofAmirAbd-al-Qadirinthe1830sand'40s,andtheWarfor
Independence(1954-1962)--tore-emphasizethedurationandintensityof
violenceintheresistanceagainstFrenchcolonialoccupationofAlgeria.However,
suchdiscourseleaveslittle,ifany,narrativespaceforuncoveringtheexistence
anddiscussingtheroleofother,nonviolent,formsofstruggledevelopedby
AlgeriansagainsttheFrenchcolonialoccupation.
1
InAlgeriaafterindependence,figuressuchasAmirAbd-al-Qadir,BachaghaElMoqrani(leaderofthe1871uprising),orSheikhBouamama(aleaderof1881-1908
insurrection)werecelebratedinlieuxdemémoire3--namingstreetsandsquares
afterthemorerectingtheirstatutes.Themostubiquitousfacesofthenationalist
struggleinAlgeriahaveundoubtedlybeenshuhada(martyrs)whogavetheirlives
inthewarforindependence.Theirconstantcommemorationoccupiesalarge
portionofpublicspace,andtheyareregularlyrecalledinofficialspeechesand
ceremonies.August20waschosenasMartyrDay,markingtheviolentuprisingin
theConstantineregionin1955.Itwasoneofthemainrolesoftheformer
Mujahidin(veterans)ministrytopublishandbroadcastnarrativesofindividual
combatants.Booklets,pressarticlesorpopularfilmsglorifiedarmedstruggle,and
sacralizedthemartyrs’sacrifice.Ceramictilesrepresentingfiguresofmartyrs
wereusedtodecoratethecityofAlgiers,andAlgeriaisinfactknownasblad
milyunshahid,themillion-martyrcountry.4In1988,anationalmonumentwas
constructedincommemorationoftheirsacrifice:theMaqamShahid,visiblefrom
allsidesofthebay,hastwostatuesatitsfoot.OnerepresentstheNational
LiberationArmysoldierbearinghisweapon,whiletheotherisanarmedpeasant-bothsymbolsofanationunitedinarms.Lastly,intheirpreambles,theAlgerian
constitutionsof1963,1976,and1987emphasizedtheleadingroleoftheNational
LiberationFrontandtheNationalLiberationArmy(FLN-ALN)inwinning
independence,presentedviolentresistanceastheultimateliberationtool,and
glorifiedthememoryofshuhadaandthedignityofmujahidin.
2
WhentheFrontdeLibérationnationale(FLN)cametopoweraftertheWarfor
Independence,theirreinterpretationofpasteventsproducedanofficialhistoryof
theliberationstruggle-ahistorythatwasunivocalandlinear.5Itwasalinear
narrativebecauseitclaimedthatnationalismhadbeenconveyedthroughasingle
ideologicalthread--apoliticalgenealogythatlinkedFLNwiththeÉtoileNordAfricainecreatedin1926amongsttheAlgerianworkersinParis,thePartidu
peuplealgérien(PPA)establishedin1937,andtheMouvementpourleTriomphe
desLibertésdémocratiques(MTLD)setupin1946.TheFLNwasanultimateand
quintessentialavatarofallthesepoliticalparties.Consequently,allotherpolitical
organizationswereconsideredillegitimate,andtheircontributionstoanational
struggledenied.Itwasalsoaunivocalnarrativebecauseitdefined“Algerianness”
asArabicinlanguageandMusliminreligion,thussymbolically--andtosome
extentpractically--excludingotherlanguages(FrenchorBerber)andreligions
(ChristianorJewish).Furthermore,thecollectivesubsumedtheindividualtofit
FLNpopulistideology:astherehadbeen“butonehero,thepeople,”individual
glorificationwasonlyacceptedformartyrs.6Asaresult,untilrecentyears,
personalaccountsintheformofautobiographies,biographies,andmemoirswere
agenreabsentfrommodernAlgerianhistory.
Theconstraintssetbyofficialhistorynotonlyinfluencedpublic
commemorationsandvernacularnarratives,butalsoaffectedthewritingof
academichistoryinAlgeriaandalsoinFrance,wheremuchoftheAlgerian
historywasbeingwritten.BenjaminStora’sbiographyofMessaliHadj,leaderof
3
theMNA(MouvementnationalAlgerian,arivalorganizationtotheFLN)in
19867,wasundoubtedlyasubversiveendeavorbothinformandtopic,bringingto
theforegroundafigurerejectedfromofficialhistory,andshowinghow,atevery
turn,Messaliwasfacedwithdecisionsconcerningtacticalchoicesthatweremore
complexandnuancedthanasimplisticdividebetweenlegalactionversusarmed
struggle.Afterthecensorshiploosenedin2000s,afewautobiographical
narrativeswerepublished.8Thesesourcesarefundamentalfordescribingand
accountingforcertainformsofcollectiveresistance,inparticularmoreinformal
typesofdefiance.Forexample,theyrevealtiesbetweentheworkingsofcultural
associations,tradeunionsandpoliticalparties.Childhoodstoriesemphasizethe
importanceofthescoutingmovementasameansofresistance.Autobiographies
uncoverhowpeopleconfrontedcolonizationonamoreintimate,individualand
familylevelratherthanthemoreorganizedlevelofpoliticalparties.
Classicallyinpost-colonialstates,victoriousarmedmovementscreatednational
narrativesthatoftenhelpthemstayinpowerandshapethenation.InAlgeria,
after1962,officialhistorypresentedrevolutionaryviolentmethodsandguerrilla
warfareastheonlypossiblemeansbywhichindependencecouldhavebeen
achieved.ThisnarrativewasinstitutionalizedinAlgerianacademiaduringthe
1970swhilestatemonopolyoverbookpublication,includinghistorytextbooks,
leftnooutletforcompetingnarratives.
4
Asaresult,theuseofnonviolentformsofresistancesuchasformationandwork
ofculturalassociationsorpoliticalnonviolentorganizinginparticularduringthe
“decadeofpoliticalparties”aftertheSecondWorldWar9,appearedasnothing
morethan“dilatorinessandpointlessdiscussion”,inthewordsofthehistorian
andformeractivistMohammedHarbi10,andtheyhavebeenacceptedassuch
evenbythosewhoactivelyparticipatedandledthem.Suchattitudesledtoaloss
ofcollectivememoryofthenonviolentformsofactionwhile,inreality,cultural
associations,unions,aswellassufiandfamilynetworks--largelytacitlyand
nonviolently—hadresisted,andlateropenlychallengedcolonization.
FrenchcolonialoccupationofAlgeria
TheFrenchcolonialprojectinAlgeriainvolvedacomplexsubjugationstrategy,
anditsseverityandintensityconditionedhowtheindigenouspeoplecouldresist
it.Theterritorialconquestin1830wasfollowedbymilitaryoccupationthatlasted
until1871.Asaconsequenceoftheimpositionofanewcolonialregimeafterthe
defeatofAbd-al-Qadir,thepowerofthewarrioraristocraticclass--thejawad-wasgraduallyreduced,andthetribalsystemthathadorganizedsocietyin
Algeriadisintegrated.Justassignificantasthedefeatofmilitaryinsurrectionsof
MohamedEl-Moqrani(1871-72)andSheikhBouamama(1881-1908)wasthedeculturalizationofthisBedouinsociety.11Theculturalconsequencesweredrastic.
Inthefirst20yearsoftheoccupation,thenumberofindigenousschoolswascut
byhalf.12In1914,onlyoneindigenouschildoutof20hadaccesstoFrench
education13,andbytheendofthecolonialperiod,Frenchuniversitieswere
5
producingonlyafewdozengraduatesfromthecolonizedpopulationannually,
mostofwhomwhereilliterateinArabic.ClassicalArabiclanguagewasinfactone
ofthefirstvictimsofcolonization:undercolonialrule,therewasnoequivalentto
theuniversitiesoftheQarawiyyininFes(Morocco)ortheZaytunainTunis.The
establishmentofschoolswithArabicasalanguageofinstructionwassubjectto
varioustypesofbureaucratichurdlesandpermissionsthat,defacto,madeit
impossible.
AlgeriawasalsoasettlercolonytowhichmanyFrenchandotherEuropeans
migrated.In1860,200000EuropeanswerelivinginAlgeriaandowned340000
hectaresofland(risingtomorethan1.2millionhectaresby1881).14Formsof
dispossessionrangedfromdirectlandpurchase(ofdubiouslegality)to
expropriation,andland-confiscationasaformofcollectivepunishment.
Uprootinglargeportionsofthepopulationhadlong-termconsequencesfor
pastoralandfarmingfamilieswhoweredrivenintopovertyandforcedto
migrate:15Inacountrywhereover90percentofthepopulationhadbeenrural,
thedisruptionwasconsiderable.Thistraumaticandforcefultransformation
brandedthememoryoftheconquestforthedecadestocome.
Lastly,after1848,Algeriawaslegallynolongeracolonybutanextensionofthe
FrenchRepublic,yetaregionofFrancewherethelocalpopulationwasatfirst
excludedfromFrenchcitizenshipandnevergainedfullcitizenshiprights.Until
1945,theindigenouspopulationelectednorepresentativesandthecodede
6
l’indigénat(indigenouslaw)establishedin1874createdanumberofoffences
applicablesolelytoAlgerians,limitingtheirconstitutionalfreedoms.16
However,evenatthepeakofFrenchcolonialdomination,thecolonizedsociety
neverceasedtoresist.Betweenthenineteenthcenturyepisodicoutburstsof
armedresistanceandthearmedrevolutionthatbeganin1954,nonviolentforms
ofenduringandresistingconquestandcolonizationweredeveloped.Duringthe
longeraofcolonization,theyevolvedfromanorganicreactiontoprotectthe
collectivefabricofAlgerianindigenoussociety,tothedemandforfullcitizenship
andsovereigntyofthepeople.
Resistancetotheconquestofthelandandagainstthe
impositionofanewauthority
Massemigrationasaformofcollectiveresistance
OneoftheformsofnonviolentresistancethatmosttroubledtheFrench
authoritiesinthefirstyearsoftheconquestwasAlgerians’emigration.Early
emigrationswereforcedbytheinvasionandsubsequentpacification,aswellas
bytherepressionthatfollowedeveryuprising.However,asearlyas1830,
emigrationalsoappearstobeaformofresistancetotheimpositionofnonMuslimauthority,accordingtotheMuslimpracticeofhijra.Accordingto
demographerKamelKateb17,Algerianswereleavingthecountrymainlyfor
Morocco,Tunisia,Syria,PalestineorEgypt,andtoalesserextentforother
Muslimcountries.
7
TheFrenchfoundthesewavesofemigrationstroublesome,andeventuallytook
measuresagainstthem.AlthoughemigrationbenefitedEuropeansettlersby
freeingland,italsoposedproblems:massexodushadaclearpoliticalmeaning
thatembarrassedtheauthorities.FurthercostsfortheFrenchwerethatthe
departureoftribescontributedtothebreakdownofpublicorderinAlgeriaand
theincreaseofbanditry,whiletheemergingFrencheconomyinAlgeriawas
hinderedbythelossoflaborforce.
Generally,thesemigrationswerevisibleactionspursuedbylargegroupsof
familiesfromthesamecityorregion,convincedofthenecessitytoleavein
reactiontothenewcolonialconditions.Thesepeoplewerefleeingtheruleofa
non-Muslimgovernment,confiscationoftheirlands,andlatermilitary
conscription.Emigration,theyhoped,wouldpreservetheirculturalandsocial
identitiesendangeredbytheFrenchconquest.Whiletheearlyemigrationwaves
areimpossibletomeasure,thelateronesshowthebreadthofthephenomenon.
ThelastmassemigrationwasthedepartureforSyriaof508familiesofthecityof
Tlemcenin1910-11inreactiontothethreatofconscriptiontotheFrencharmy.
Thescaleoftheemigrationmovementrevealstheprofoundnessofsocial
disruptioninandafter1830.“1830wasanendoftheworld”,wroteJames
McDougall,referringtothedomesticconsequencesoftheconquest.18Seeing
massemigrationasdefianceofthecolonialpower,theFrenchauthoritiescarried
8
outsurveystoanalyzethemandtriedtoblockthembyrefusingthenecessary
permissions.That,however,didnotstopmanyfamiliesfromleavingthecountry
illegally.Theauthoritiesalsothreatenedtribeswithconfiscationoftheirlands,
thusforeclosingthepossibilityoftheirreturnorofbenefitingfromwhatwealth
theypossessed.19Theissuewasalsodiplomaticallysensitive,asitcreatedtensions
withthecountriesofdestination.Insomecasesthemigrantfamiliesrefused
registrationattheFrenchconsulateandrapidlyblendedwiththelocal
population.Inothercaseshowever,localauthoritiessoughtFrenchassistancein
managingtheselargenumbersofnewly-arrivedmigrants.Furthermore,asKateb
pointsout,thisnonviolentactionthreatenedFrench-imposedsecurityinAlgeria
ashostileAlgerianpopulationsbeganconcentratingontheMoroccanand
TunisianbordersatatimewhenthesecountrieswerenotyetFrench
protectorates.
RejectionandBoycotts
Inthefirstdecadesofcolonization,notablyundertheruleofNapoleonIIIand
withthe“civilizingmission”gainingpopularityamongmanyofficersofthe
Bureauxarabes20(colonialofficesforcollectingandanalyzinginformationon
colonizedpopulation,andresponsiblefordesigningapolicytowardthe
indigenouspopulation),themissionof“enlightening”andre-educating
indigenouspopulationbecamecentraltoseveralprojects.DanielRivetdescribes
effortstosettledownnomadicpopulations,ortocreatenewvillagesdesignedby
Frencharchitectsonawesternmodel.21Despiteequippingthemwithhammams
9
(bathhouses)andmosques,thefailureofthesesettlementswasresoundingas,
forexample,womenrejectedthemandrefusedtostayinthesenewplaces.The
authoritiesalsofacedlocalrefusaltoadoptmedicalservicesprovidedbythe
army.Whileinfirmarieswereinstalledamongcertaintribes,itappearsthatthe
peopleneversubscribedtothepreventiveformsofmedicinethatwereonoffer,
limitingtheirattendancetotimesofcrisisandtheneedforcurativemedicine.
Westerneducationalsoencounteredquietnoncooperation.TherareFrancoArabschoolscreatedamongtribesmetnosuccess.OneArabBureauhead
explained,“theindigenouspeopleconsiderthatsendingtheirchildrentoschool
isthemostburdensomedutythatweimposeuponthem.”22Theimperialcollege
inAlgiersstagnatedwhiletwoschools,openedforindigenouswomeninAlgiers
andBône,failedentirelyforlackofpupils.Morebroadly,YvonneTurinidentifies
whatshecallsaperiodofrefusscolaireorboycottofFrenchschoolsbynotable
Algerianfamilies(theirintendedtarget)thatlastedatleastuntilthe1880s.23
Thesefamiliesconsideredunacceptabletoentrusttheirchildren’seducationto
non-Muslimandnon-Arabicspeakingschools.Inotherwords,thecolonialists’
attemptstoseizeandtransformthemindsandbodiesofthecolonized
populationwerefacedwithapersistentformofmuteresistancethattheFrench
foundextremelydifficulttoovercome.Forthosewhoremainedinthecountry,
thisrefusalseemedtobethewaytooppose,resistandendureinthefaceof
foreigndominationbroughtbymilitaryforceandeconomicimperialism.The
Frenchpainter-writerEugèneFromentincommented:
10
Unabletoexterminateus,they[thelocalpopulation]sufferourpresence;
unabletoflee,theyavoidus.Theirprinciple,theirmotto,theirmethodisto
remainquiet,todisappearasmuchaspossibleandtobeforgotten.They
demandlittle:theydemandintegrityandpeaceintheirlastrefuge.24
Withdrawal
Forthosewhoremainedundercolonialrule,anothermeansofresistancewasto
defineandprotectaprivatespaceagainstthedisruptionsandinterferenceofthe
colonialsystemaroundthem.Consequently,theareasofresistancebecame
family,home,andthespiritualandreligiouslife.Theseintimatesphereswere
placesofrefugeandperseveranceofculturalpractices,andidentitiesfrombefore
theconquest.AnthropologistJacquesBerqueconsideredreligiontohavebecome
a“bastionofwithdrawal”forthecolonizedpopulationofAlgeriatopreservetheir
identity.25Forthosewhorefusedtoleavetoaforeignland,itprovidedthemeans
foraninternalhijra-apersonalanddeeplyemotionalandpsychological
migrationandwithdrawaltothe“innerdomain”--asaformofresistance.26
Inthisprocess,seeminglynon-politicalandpersonalpracticesunderwent
transformationsthatpoliticizedthem.Inparticular,women’spractices--their
behavior,clothingandroleinthefamily--acquiredapoliticalimportance,and
becamesymbolsofculturalresistancetoEuropeandomination,andareflection
ofagrowingnationalidentity.Theirfathers,husbandsandbrothersnowviewed
Algerianwomenastherepositoryofculturalidentity,whoneededspecial
11
protectionastheybecamearepositoryforthepreservationoffamilyandsocietal
valuesinthefaceofgradualdisintegrationoflocalcultureandencroaching
“Frenchification.”BecauseEuropeanmenwereparticularlyinterestedin
“oriental”women--notablytopaintthem,latertophotographthem--Algerian
womenwereevermoreunderspecialprotectionofmen,andmoreconfinedto
theirhomes,reinforcingtacitresistanceagainstforeignculturalexpansionbut,at
thesametime,increasingthegendergapandexacerbatingmasculinity.27Inthe
samefashion,theveil(atthattimeintheformofthehaïk,alongveilcovering
thewholebody)acquiredanewimportance,asameanstoprotectwomen--and
withthemthecoreofcollectiveidentity--fromthegazeofEuropeans.Theentire
bodybecameameansofresistingforeigndisruptionandintrusion.
ResistanceofSufiBrotherhoods
Inthiscontext,sufibrotherhoodscametoplayanimportantroleinresisting
FrenchpresenceinAlgeria.Inseveralcasestheyledorsupportedarmed
insurrectionsagainsttheFrenchandprovidedrefugetoleadersofarmed
insurrectionsaftertheirdefeat.However,accordingtoJulia-ClancySmith,there
werealsoepisodesduringwhichcolonialtensioninvolvingsufibrotherhoods
peaked,withouttransformingintoviolentresistance.28
Attheturnofthenineteenthcentury,thecolonizedpopulationwasmobilizedto
protectasuficenter,theRahmaniyyazawiya,attheoasisal-Hamil,nearBu
Sa‘ada,southofAlgiers,againstFrenchattemptstocontrolit.TheFrenchhad
12
leveledvariousearliersuficenters,butthiscomplex,builtin1863,grewtobethe
mostpopularinAlgeria,boastingaprestigiousschoolandlibraryandsurrounded
byfarms.LedbySheikhSidiMuhammadoftheRahmaniyyasufiorder,it
attractedthosewhowantedtobenefitfromhissaintlybaraka(blessing),either
byfollowingtherichcurriculumprovidedbytheschool,orevenbychoosingto
beburiedonthezawiyagrounds.Peoplethusexpressedtheirdesiretorestina
landinsulatedfromforeigninterference.Frenchauthoritiesdistrustedthis
powerfulinfluenceoutsidetheircontrol.Theyalsocovetedthezawiya’swealth:
itscashandpropertiesoflandandflocks.SidiMuhammadhadavoided
confrontingtheFrenchdirectlybutresistedcomplyingwithcolonialruleby
insistingonhisreligiousdutytoproviderefugetofellow-Muslims,including
defeatedmilitaryrebelsandotherfugitivesfromtheFrench.BetweenSidi
MuhammadandtheFrench,therewas“anunstated,yetmutuallybinding,pact,
whoseimplicittermsgrantedpoliticalorderinreturnforreligiousautonomy.”29
However,in1897theFrenchsawtheiropportunitytotakecontrolofthezawiya
whenSidiMuhammaddiedwithhissuccessionunclear.
Intheconflictoversuccession,theFrenchsupportedtheclaimsofSidi
Muhammad’snephew,againstthoseofhisdaughter,LallaZaynab.Asawoman,
theyargued,shewouldbeweak,incapableofadministratingthezawiya
effectively,andbecomeapliabletoolinthehandoftheanti-Frenchelements.
LallaZaynab,however,forallherapparentfrailty,successfullyresistedthe
Frenchuntilherdeath(in1904).Firstsheprotectedthezawiyaagainstherrival
13
bydenyinghimaccess.ShelaterdemandedFrenchprotection,usingthe
inconsistenciesintheFrenchpolicies,andcalculatingthattheywouldnotdare
toevictherbyforce,aswasindeedthecase.TheFrenchfoundheran
embarrassingcharactertodealwith:herchoicesofcelibacyandvirginity
increasedherspiritualinfluenceandsocialpower.AsClancy-Smithpointsout,
thestoryreveals“theabsenceofcolonialmechanismforcontainingsmall-scale,
nonviolentrebellions,particularlyledbyMuslimwomen,”30andemphasizesthat
thiswasalsotrueinTunisia,particularlywherezawiyaswereheadedbywomen.
Resistanceagainstexclusionarystatepolicies:the
struggleforcitizenship
TheJeunesAlgériens(YoungAlgerians)movement
Theshiftfromreligiousmovementsoroppositionlimitedtotheprivatesphereto
amoreopenandpublicinvolvementinvariousculturalassociationsandpolitical
organizationscoincidedwiththeemergenceoftheJeunesAlgériensmovement,
earlyinthetwentiethcentury.Itsleadersandmemberswereasmalleliteof
Francophones,withacoreofperhaps1,000members.31Theywereaproductof
Frenchschoolingwhodemandedthattherepublicanprinciplestaughtatschool-embodiedinfullFrenchcitizenshiprights--beappliedtothecolonized
populationofAlgeria.Theirclaimstocitizenship,however,werealwaysmetwith
policiessettinglimitationsonfullcitizenship.Oneconditionforacquiringfull
citizenshiprightswasunacceptabletomanywhootherwisewouldhavequalified:
therequirementtorelinquishMuslimlegalstatus,andthusbecomesubjectto
14
theFrenchcivilcodeforpersonalmatterssuchasmarriageorinheritance.This
conditionmanyAlgeriansconsideredequivalenttoapostasy,afurtherblowto
whatwasleftoftheircollectiveidentity.
IntheirstruggleforcitizenshiprightstheJeunesAlgériensdevelopednew
institutionsandpractices:settingupandprintingperiodicalsandnewspapers,
openingculturalandfraternalclubs,organizingpoliticalrallies,andlocal
electoralcampaignsthatmobilizedtheelite.32Morebroadly,associations-particularlyculturalassociations--becamethemaintooltoinvolvethepopulation
informingandconsolidatingtheircollectivepracticesseparatefromtheFrench.
Literatureassociations,music,geography,sportsassociationsmultipliedinthe
1920s.33JeunesAlgérienssawsuchactivitiesasdirectlylinkedtothevisionofan
awarecitizenwhowaseducated,andpubliclyinvolvedinleadingcivicand
politicalinitiatives.Thisbourgeoisvisionofthecitizenwasheavilyinfluencedby
theFrenchrepublicanideal.JeunesAlgériensnewspaperspublishedideasfor
politicalreformsthatwerealsopromotedinmanifestos,petitionsand
delegationssenttoFrance.Theydemandedarepresentativeparliament,fairertax
system,andequalandcompetitiveaccesstothepositionsinadministration.
However,theFrenchadministrationinAlgeria,andFrenchAlgeriannewspapers
reviledthemconstantlyfortheir“anti-Frenchattitudes.”Althoughnotsuccessful
ingainingfullcitizenshiprights,themovement'sassociationactivitieslaid
importantfoundationsfortheemergenceofotherpoliticalorganizations,
includingFédérationdesélusindigènes(TheFederationofElectedIndigenous
15
Representatives)thatinturnhelpedpoliticizesomepartsoftheAlgerian
populationandwasoneoftherootsofAlgeriannationalism.
Islamicreformismandthecultureofnationalism
Inthe1930,anothermovementemergedthatsharedtheconcernsofJeunes
Algériensforculturaldevelopment--theUlamamovement,headedbySheikh
AbdelhamidBenbadis.Withintwodecades,thismovementbecameanationwide
networkofschoolsandassociationspromotingareformedversionofIslamand
knowledgeoftheArabiclanguage.34Indoingso,ittookfromandcontinuedthe
traditionofthemovementsborninEgyptoftheNahda(Arabrenaissance)and
Islah(Islamicreform).Thelogicwasnolongerthatoffindingshelterincollective
identity,butofreinvigoratingitbygoingbacktoitssupposedroots:aSalafiform
ofIslam(followingthemodeloftheforefathers,prophetMuhammadandhis
companions),cleansedofsufiinfluences--notablythecultofsaintsinthe
zawiyas--consideredtobedeviationsfromthepurportedly“original”Islam;and
thepropagationanddiffusionofArabic--whichthecolonialforceshadfought
against--throughamodernizedpedagogy.
Despiterefusingtoentertheinstitutionalizedpoliticalscene(forinstance,asa
politicalparty),theUlamamottoshowsclearpoliticalimplications:“Islamismy
religion,AlgeriamyfatherlandandArabicmylanguage.”Themovement
developedwhatJamesMcDougallcallsacultureofnationalismthatreliedona
historicaldiscourseofwhatitmeanttobeAlgerian.35Inpromotinganationalist
16
thought,theUlamaschoolsvaluedgreatlyteachingsofhistoryoftheArab
conquestinNorthAfrica.UlamaalsoencouragedimportationfromEgyptof
historybookspromotingArabo-Muslimhistoryandvalues.Thisnational
discoursewassustainedbynewpracticesthathelpedanewlyinvented
“Algerianness”becomeembodiedinmusic,theaterperformances,orreligious
celebrations.Forexample,culturalcirclesorganizeddramatizationswhereschool
childrenplayedgreatfiguresoftheMuslimorNorthAfricanpast.Ulamabelieved
thatweakenedspiritualityallowedforforeigndominationandcontinued
colonization.Consequently,theyaimedtocleansereligiouspracticesofthose
traditionalaspectsviewedasunorthodoxormagicalandthereforeasspiritually
weakeningtheAlgerianpopulationinitsstruggleagainstforeigndomination.
Politicizationofculturalformsofresistance
ThedecadeaftertheSecondWorldWarwascharacterizedbytheintegrationof
previouslyhighlightednonviolentcollectivepractices(suchascultural
organizing,meetings,festivities)andtheirfurtherdevelopmentwithinthe
frameworksofnewpoliticalparties.36
Politicalopening--althoughstilllimitedasAlgerianshadfewerrightsthan
Europeancolons--allowedcolonizedpopulationtoparticipateinthelegislative
elections,andencouragedpoliticalforcestoorganizeintomassparties.This
resultedintheestablishmentin1946oftheUnionDémocratiqueduManifeste
algérien(UDMA)ledbyFerhatAbbasandtheMouvementpourleTriomphedes
17
Libertésdémocratiques(MTLD)ledbyMessaliHadj.TheyjoinedtheAlgerian
CommunistParty(PCA)inrepresentingthecolonizedpopulation.
Thepoliticalpartiesdidnotlimitthemselvestoconventionalworkoffighting
electionsandsendingrepresentativestoparliament.Theybecamepromotersofa
broaderformofculturalresistancenotlimitedtothepersonaldomain,asin
earliertimes.Thisculturalresistancebecamegenuinelycollectiveandcreative
undertheauspicesofthepartiesthattookupthestruggleforthecreationofa
collectiveself,fortheformationofanAlgerianpeople(althoughtheyhad
differentdefinitionsofwhatthispeopleshouldbe).Politicalpartiesthusbecame
entrepreneursofnationalculture.Forinstance,whiletheUDMAandthePCA
consideredthattheEuropeanslivinginAlgeriawouldnaturallybepartofthe
independentcountry,thePPAandMTLDconsideredthat“Algerianness”meant
beingArabandMuslim.Algeriantheaterormusicaltroupesfoundtheirways
intopoliticalrallies,thuspopularizingnationalistdiscourse.Variousprofessional
groupswereofteninvitedtopoliticalmeetingstogiveplays,whilechildren’s
associations(notablyscouts,orstudentsoftheUlamaschools),closelylinkedto
oneortheotherparty,wereaskedtoplaysketcheswithanexplicitlynationalist,
religiousormoralmessage.Thepoliceclearlyunderstoodtheimpactthatsuch
eventscouldhave,andsurveyedthemclosely,notingnamesofactors,themes
andvocabularyused.AsurveillancereportwrittenbytheOranpolicein
September1951describedonepoliticalmeeting:
18
Afour-actplay,entitled“Union”wasinterpretedinArabicbythestudents
oftheFalahschool.Theplaysshowedfourbrothers,feudingwitheach
other,whosefather,Atlas,wasarrestedandputinjailbyanambitious
sultan.
Facingthissituation,thechildrenreconcilewitheachother,andmanageto
freetheirfather.Theallusiontothepresentisdirect:thefourchildrenare
theUDMA,theMTDL,thePCAandtheUlamaassociation:theyuniteto
fightoffimperialism.37
Politicalparties--especiallytheUDMA,closelylinkedtoUlama--graduallyhelped
setthefoundationsforanewnationalisthistory.38Thepartynewspaperswere
publishingarticlesthatcontributedtothewritingofanationalisthistory.They
commemoratednationalistfigures(suchasAmirAbd-al-QadirorAbdelhamid
BenBadis),historicdates(theManifestooftheAlgeriapeoplein1943),and
promotedAraborIslamichistory.Partyrallieswererituallyconstructedaround
variouscarefullychoreographedandsequencedinstallments,including
commemorationsofpastevents(notablythebloodyrepressionofMay1945),and
celebrationsofnationalistfigures.Anypartyrallyincludedashorthistorical
lecture,duringwhichspeakersrejectedthenotionthatAlgeriahadbeena
wastelandbeforethearrivaloftheFrench;theydebunkedcolonialscholarship
(accordingtowhich,togivebutoneexample,BerberandArabpopulations
differed,withtheformerbeing“closer”toChristianityandEuropeanculturethan
thelatter),andglorifiedArabhistory,provingitsvalueinthefaceofcolonial
domination.Party-relatedactivitiesalsopromotednationalrites,customs,and
19
symbols.SeveralversionsoftheAlgerianflagwerepopularized,patrioticnational
songstaughtintheUlamaschools,orinthescouttroupesweresangduring
rallies.Thepartyalsoheldconferencespertainingtotopicssuchasmorality,
religion,hygieneanddiseasepreventionduringwhichthelinebetweenthe
politicalandthecultural,socialorreligiouswasultimatelyblurred.Allthese
nonviolentcollectiveactionswereconsiderednecessaryforshapingnationally
consciouscitizens,byimprovingtheireducationandknowledgeofAlgerian
historyandculture,theirmores,ortheirphysicalwell-being.
Intensityofpolicesurveillanceanditsrepressionledallparties--includingthose
whoopposedanarmedinsurrection--tofindmeansofself-protection.Many
formermilitantstellstoriesofhavinghadmeetingsinthewoods,awayfromthe
village,toavoidthepolice.Archivesalsorevealhowpartiesemployedtheir
youngermemberstoensuresecurityofameetingbypreventingpossiblepolice
informersfromentering:blockingthedoor,checkingmembershipcards,warning
partymembersofpolicepresencetoallowthemtodisperse.Inthefrequent
caseswherethenewspaperswereseizedbycensorship,alternativemeansof
distributionwasorganized.TheMTLDyouthorganizedseveralcampaignsduring
whichtheinscription“Algérielibre”(freeAlgeria)waswrittenonthewallsofthe
cities;leafletswerehandedoutrapidlyanddiscreetly;flash-rallieswereorganized
onmarketsquaresbeforethepolicehadtimetointervene.
20
Electoralcampaignsafter1948,whentheFrenchadministrationsystematically
begantorigelectionsonalargescale,dramatizedtheconflict.39Nationalist
parties,whichnevergaveupentirelyonparticipatingintheelections,constantly
triedtodevelopnewstrategiestoneutralizeadministrativeinterventioninthe
electoralprocess.InConstantinein1951,partymilitantswereencouragedto
prevent“evenatthecostoftheirlives,theexchangeofballotboxes”40--a
commonformofelectoralfraud.Partyaffiliateswerealsotrainedtobemore
efficientinthemonitoringpollingstations,andtheirpresenceonelectionday
wassuchaproblemfortheauthoritiesthatitoftenledtoarrests,orbrawlswith
thepolice.41
Practicespresentedabovewereunconventionalandinvolvedadegreeofphysical
engagementthatwentbeyondtraditionalpartypoliticsandelectoral
campaigning.Inacolonialcontext,wherenationalistsymbolismconstituteda
threattothestatusquoandwheredemocracywasamereformality,theattempts
tocreatenationalnarrativesanddefinethemeaningofanation,todefendand
expandautonomouspoliticalspace,andprotectthelegalityoftheelections,orto
guardvotersfrompoliceharassmentbecameintenseformsofnonviolent
resistancetocolonialoppression.
Algeriantradeunionism
BoththePCAandtheMTLDhadclosetieswithtradeunionsaftertheFirst
WorldWar.MostAlgerianworkerswhereaffiliatedwiththeFrenchCGT
21
(Confédérationgénéraledutravail)thatdidnotalwaysheedthecallsoftheir
Algerianactiviststodiscussthenationalquestionwhileitsleadershipwas
reluctanttoappointAlgeriannationaliststokeypositions.However,accordingto
formerunionleaderBoualemBourouiba,unionizedAlgerianworkers--for
example,inthedocks--werenotallCommunists,andmanyweremembersof
othernationalistparties(MTLD,andtoalesserextentUDMA)aftertheSecond
WorldWar.42ThoughthequestionoftheestablishmentofanAlgerianUnion
wasraised,itwasnotuntil1956whentheUGTA(Uniongénéraldestravailleurs
algériens),linkedtotheFLN,wascreated.
AlgerianunionistshadanessentialroleinorganizingsolidaritywithotherFrench
occupiedterritories.Forexample,inthe1950stheAlgeriandockers’unionscalled
onworkerstostoploadingweaponstobeshippedtoFrenchforcesinVietnam,
wheretheFrenchwerefightingawaragainstamovementforindependence.43
TheseactionswereinsomecasescoordinatedwithstrikesinFranceitself,asin
March1952,whendockersinbothMarseilleandOranrefusedtoloadweapons
forVietnam.44
Variousexamplesshowcreativityintheuseofgeneralstrikes.April25,1952,was
declaredadayofmourninginsolidaritywithTunisians,wherethousandsof
independenceactivistshadbeenarrestedandhundredskilledinrecentmonths
byFrenchrepression.InAlgeriapoliticalpartiesandunionsorganized,
throughoutthecountry,ageneralstrikeandaseriesofnonviolentcollective
22
actionssuchasboycottsandprotests.TheConstantinepréfecturenotedthatin
thedayspriortothegeneralstrike“emissarieswentaroundtheArabquartersof
ConstantineandinvitedMuslimwomentoremainathomeonFriday,in
particularthosewhoworkedinEuropeansfamilies.”45OnApril25,collective
actionstookplacethroughoutthecountry,withworkersandshopkeepersgoing
onstrike,andstreetdemonstrationsoccurringeveninsmallerlocalities.Traffic
inthemainAlgerianportswasblocked.
Despitepopularsupportforthoseactions,theyremainedrelativelyrare.Three
explanationsmightbeofferedforthis.Firstly,Algeriantradeunionism,asan
effectiveforceinthestruggleagainstcolonialism,wasweakenedbecauseofthe
absenceofanationalunion,andtheimpossibilityofreachingallsegmentsof
whatwasnotyetaworkingclass.46Secondly,asaconsequence,politicalparties
werethemainorganizersofnationwideactions,butcompetitionbetweenthe
threenationalistpartieswasintenseandblockedstrategiccooperation--theApril
1952strikewasashort-livedexception.Thirdly,thepoliticalpartiesdiverged
dramaticallyontheadvisabilityofmassnonviolentprotest,anindecisionthat
stemmedfromthetraumaticexperienceoftheMay1945massacres.Attheday
celebratingtheGermansurrenderintheSecondWorldWar,nonviolent
demonstrationsineasternAlgeriahadturnedintoriotsandanti-European
attacksafterpoliceshotdemonstratorswavinganAlgerianflaginSétif.47Inthe
daysandweeksthatfollowed,boththeFrenchauthoritiesandarmedEuropean
militiasroamedtheConstantineregion,perpetratingsummaryexecutionsand
23
massacres,whilecruisersandaircraftcarriersstationedintheBougiebay
bombedvillages.Thousandswerekilledandmostnationalistleaderswere
detainedforseveralmonths.Intheyearsthatfollowed,terrifyingnarrativesof
theviolenceagainstthecolonizedpopulationwerecirculated,includingthose
concerningtheburningofbodiesinthelime-kilnsofHéliopolis.48
ThetraumaofMay1945setbackcollectiveinvolvementforyears.Combinedwith
theauthorities’oppressivemeasurestoimpedeunifiedaction,anddifferences
amongnationalistsovertheuseofalternativeformsofmobilizationand
engagementoutsidetherulessetbythecolonialadministration,Algeriansfelt
theirchoicewaseitheracquiescebyparticipatingintheriggedand
discriminatoryelectoralprocess,orrejectthislegalformofactioninfavorof
armedstruggle.49
Nonviolentactionscapturedbythefervorofviolent
struggle
TheFLNachieveditsdominantpositionoverotherAlgerianpoliticalfactions
throughtheuseofviolenceagainstpoliticaladversariesinwhatwasinfactan
“Algero-Algerianwar”,50andthenthroughbothforcefulandvoluntarycooptation
offormerpoliticalrivals.Itorganizedseveralnonviolentactionsasatoolfor
mobilizationandpreparationforwar,withtheaimofsecuringandshowinga
widepopularsupport.Thefirstmajorinitiativewasapermanentstrikeby
studentsthatbeganinMay1956,withoutexplicitdemands,butexpressed
24
supportfortheFLNanditsgoals.Whileappearingtobemerelyaboycottof
Frenchuniversities,thestrikeinfactforcedtheintellectualeliteandprominent
familiestogetinvolved.Italsopoliticizedswathesofstudentsavailablenowfor
further,moreextremeactions,andattractednewrecruitsfortheNational
LiberationArmywithnewcombatants.Thestudentpermanentstrikeraised
generaldisagreementsovertherolestudentsandintellectualsshouldbeplaying
inthenationalstruggle:somearguedthatthestudentboycottoftheireducation
waswronginprincipleandendangeredthecountry’sfutureintellectualcapital;
thecounter-argumentwasthatintellectualsshouldshowtheirorganiclinkwith
thepopulationbytheirreadinesstoengageinwhateverwaypossibleor
demandedbytheFLN.
Similarly,theFLNusedtheeight-daystrikeinJanuaryandFebruary1957todrive
thepopulationtotakeapublicstanceinsupportofFLNanditsactionsthat
wouldinturnhelpedtheorganizationpresentitselfasthelegitimatevoiceofthe
Algerianpeople.AlongsidethegenuinepopularsupportfortheFLNandthe
nationalcause,therewasalsointensivepressureonallworkerstoquittheirjobs,
closetheirshopsandstayhome.ThestrikewasfollowedinmostlargeAlgerian
cities.Thechosendate,28JanuarycoincidedwiththeUnitedNationsGeneral
Assembly(UNGA)sessionadoptingaresolutioninfavorofAlgerian
independence.51Thestrikemarkedthebeginningoftheso-called“Battleof
Algiers”,alsoknownastheGreatRepressionofAlgiers52,andwasinfactusedto
supportanongoingarmedstruggleandtransformtheentirepopulationof
25
Algiersintocombatantsinthewarforindependence--ataskthatbecameeasier
asaresultofthesubsequentdisproportionateuseofforceandviolencebyFrench
paratroopersthatbackfiredandfuelledinsurgencyalloverthecountry.By1957,
allresistanceactionsservedthegoalsofadvancingarmedstruggle.Nonviolent
strategiesratherthanofferinganalternativetoviolencewerehijackedbythe
fervorofarmedinsurrectionandsubordinatedtoagreaterimperativeofwaginga
war.
Conclusion
FrenchcolonizationinAlgeriawasoneofthemostintensecolonialencountersof
thenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.Theseverityofthesocio-economic
disruptioncausedbythecolonialregimeandtheharshconditionsoftheFrench
colonizationinAlgeria(includingthemassacresofMay1945)limitedtherangeof
possibleformsofcollectiveactivities.Thefactthatpoliticalpartiesorunions
developedlaterinAlgeriathantheydidinotherNorthAfricancountries(Tunisia
orEgypt)wasundoubtedlylinkedtothebreakdownofAlgeriansocietyinthe
faceofcolonization.
Whenarmedinsurrectionsfailedtorepelmilitaryconquestandoccupation,the
populationadoptedstrategiesofpersistentenduranceandsurvival.Emigration
andmoremutedformsofresistance,suchaswithdrawalintomoreintimateand
privatedomainsoffamilylife,aredifficultforhistorianstoassess.Itisonlywith
theemergenceoftheJeunesAlgériensandthedevelopmentofcultural
26
associationsinthe1920sthatthisendurancetookonpublic,moreconstructive
andcollectivedimensions.Collectiveactivitiesbecameameansofmovingaway
fromsimplesurvivaltomoreproactiveinitiativesofrebuildingthesocialfabric
andreinvigoratingcolonizedsociety,despiteongoingrestrictiveandoppressive
colonialpolicies.
Politicalpartiessucceededindrawingonarepertoireofnonviolentactionsto
mobilizeinthenationalistcause,buttheirlackofunity,andreluctancetouse
moreforcefulnonviolentmethodssuchasgeneralstrikes,madethemineffective
insecuringseriouspoliticalconcessions.Thispartlyexplainstheteleological
narrativeoftheAlgerianhistorypromotedbyFLNafterindependence,according
towhicharmedstrugglewastheonlyviabletooltoobtainindependence.
Consequently,nationalidentityconstruedafterthecolonialwarwasformedona
doubledenialofplurality--apluralityofpoliticalideologiesandnationalist
partiesandtheircontributiontothestruggleforindependentstate;anda
pluralityinunderstandingsofwhat“Algerianness”meantandembodied.This
kindofdiscoursehaddeniedinitsentiretythevalue,role,impactandlegacyof
unarmedformsofcollectivestruggle.
Itwasonlyafterthe1988demonstrations,whencivicassociationsandpolitical
partiesbecamelegalagain,thattheintensityofpastexperiencesofnonviolent
organizingandactionsappearedreactivated:withinafewdays,dozenofpolitical
partieswerefounded.Nonviolentpracticesandactivistnetworksoftenwiththeir
27
philosophical,institutional,andpracticalrootsinthepre-independenceperiod
weresuddenlymobilizedagain,thusrevealingthatthedecadesofnationalist
mythologyhadfailedtoerasethementirely.
1
OlivierLeCourGrandmaison,Coloniser,Exterminer:Surlaguerreetl'Étatcolonial(Paris:
Fayard,2005).
2
BenjaminCBrower,ADesertNamedPeace:TheViolenceofFrance'sEmpireintheAlgerian
Sahara,1844-1902(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2009).
3
PierreNora,RealmsofMemory:ConflictsandDivisionsv.1:TheConstructionoftheFrench
Past(ColumbiaUniversityPress,1996).
4
MalikaRahal,AliBoumendjel.Uneaffairefrançaise,unehistoirealgérienne(Paris:Belles
Lettres,2010),26-28.
5
BenjaminStora,LaGangrèneetl'oubli(Paris:LaDécouverte,1998),121-137.
6
Stora,LaGangrène,161-163.
7
BenjaminStora,MessaliHadj:Pionnierdunationalismealgérien,1898-1974(Paris:
L'Harmattan,1986).
8
NotablyMohammedHarbi,UneViedebout,Mémoirespolitiques,tome1:1945-1973(Paris:
LaDécouverte,2001);HenriAlleg,Mémoirealgérienne:Souvenirsdeluttesetd'espérances(Paris:
Stock,2005);BenjaminStoraandZakyaDaoud,FerhatAbbas.Uneutopiealgérienne(Paris:Denoël,
1995);MohammedBenamarDjebbari,UnParcoursrudemaisbienrempli:mémoiresd'un
enseignantdelavieillegénération(3)(Alger:ANEP,2002).
28
9
MalikaRahal,“Laplacedesréformistesdanslemouvementnationalalgérien,”Vingtième
Siècle.Revued'histoire,no.83(September2004):161-171.
10
MohammedHarbi,LeF.L.N.,mirageetréalité(Paris:JApressPublications,1980),6.
11
DanielRivet,LeMaghrebàl'épreuvedelacolonisation(Paris:Hachette,2009),295.
12
MohamedBenrabah,LangueetpouvoirenAlgérie(Paris:Seguier,1999),49.
13
GilbertMeynier,HistoireintérieureduFLN1954-1962(Paris:Fayard,2002),37.
14
JohnRuedy,ModernAlgeria:TheOriginsandDevelopmentofaNation,2ndedn.
(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,2005),60.
15
BenjaminStora,LaGuerreinvisible,Algérie,années90(Paris:PressesdeSciencesPo,
2001),36.
16
Jean-ClaudeVatin,L'Algériepolitique:histoireetsociété(Paris:PressesdeSciencesPo,
1983),133.
17
KamelKateb,Européens,"indigènes"etjuifsenAlgérie(1830-1962):représentationset
réalitésdespopulations(Paris:INED,2001),153-155.
18
JamesMcDougall,HistoryandtheCultureofNationalisminAlgeria:Colonialism,Historical
WritingAndIslamicModernism,1899-2001(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006),28.
19
Kaleb,Européens,"indigenes"etjuifs,154.
20
OsamaAbi-Mershed,ApostlesofModernity:Saint-SimoniansandtheCivilizingMissionin
Algeria(Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,2010).
29
21
ThissectionsdrawsfromRivet,LeMaghreb,124-129.
22
Rivet,LeMaghreb,127.
23
YvonneTurin,Affrontementsculturelsdansl'Algériecoloniale:écoles,médecines,religion,
1830-1880(Algiers:Entreprisenationaledulivre,1983).
24
Rivet,LeMaghreb,129.
25
CitedinGilbertMeynier,L'Algérierévélée(Geneva:LibrairieDroz,1981),245.
26
JuliaClancy-Smith,RebelandSaint:MuslimNotables,PopulistProtest,ColonialEncounters
(AlgeriaandTunisia,1800-1904),NewEd.(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1997),7.
27
JacquesBerque,LeMaghrebentredeuxguerres(Paris:ÉditionduSeuil,1962),324-327,
andRivet,LeMaghreb,301.
28
ThefollowingsectiondrawsfromClancy-Smith,RebelandSaint,214-253.
29 Clancy-Smith,RebelandSaint,229.
30
Clancy-Smith,RebelandSaint,239.
31
Vatin,L'Algériepolitique,171.
32
Meynier,Histoireintérieure,51.
33
OmarCarlier,EntreNationetJihad:histoiresocialedesradicalismesalgériens(Paris:
PressesdelaFondationnationaledessciencespolitiques,1995).
34
Meynier,Histoireintérieure,52-54.
30
35
McDougall,HistoryandtheCultureofNationalisminAlgeria,6-12.
36
ThefollowingsectiondrawsfromMalikaRahal,“LatentationdémocratiqueenAlgérie.
L'UniondémocratiqueduManifestealgérien(1946-1956),”Insanyat12,no.42(October2008):7997;MalikaRahal,“PrendrepartiàConstantine:l'UDMAde1946à1956,”Insanyat11,no.35
(January2007):63-77.
37
CAOM(CentredesArchivesd’Outre-Mer,Aix-en-Provence,France),5I112*,surveillance
reportoftheOranpolice,1September1951
38
Rahal,“LatentationdémocratiqueenAlgérie.L'UniondémocratiqueduManifestealgérien
(1946-1956).”
39
Meynier,Histoireintérieure,71.
40
CAOM,93/4101*,surveillancereportofthePolicedesrenseignementsgénérauxin
Constantine,14June1951.
41
Rahal,“LatentationdémocratiqueenAlgérie.L'UniondémocratiqueduManifestealgérien
(1946-1956).”
42
BoualemBourouiba,LesSyndicalistesalgériens:leurcombatdel'éveilàlalibération(Paris:
EditionsL'Harmattan,1998),213.
43
InterviewwithHenriAlleg,Palaiseau(France),20January2003andBourouiba,Les
Syndicalistesalgériens,110.
44
CAOM,5I120,monthlyreportofthePolicedesrenseignementsgénérauxofOran,March
1952.
45
CAOM,5I115*,surveillancereportoftheConstantinepréfecture,21April1952.
31
46
Bourouiba,Lessyndicalistesalgériens,125.
47
AnnieRey-Golzeiguergivesapreciseaccountofthedemonstrations,distinguishing
narrativesonthe“European”andonthe“Muslim”side.AnnieRey-Goldzeiguer,Auxoriginesdela
guerred'Algérie1940-1945:DeMers-el-KébirauxmassacresduNord-Constantinois(Paris:La
Découverte,2006),271-278.
48
Althoughanumberofvictimsisvirtuallyimpossibletoassess.Estimatesrangefrom8,000
to20,000victims(i.e.belowthe45,000givenbyofficialhistory,whichhadbecomeamythical
figure).
49
Rey-Goldzeiguer,AuxOriginesdelaguerred'Algérie1940-1945,366.
50
Meynier,Histoireintérieure,455.
51
Meynier,Histoireintérieure,326.
52
Meynier,Histoireintérieure,322-323.
32