The Concept "Jim Crow" Author(s): Hugh H. Smythe Source: Social Forces, Vol. 27, No. 1 (Oct., 1948 - May, 1949), pp. 45-48 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2572458 Accessed: 03-12-2015 06:42 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Forces. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 159.178.22.27 on Thu, 03 Dec 2015 06:42:08 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions TEACHING AND RESEARCH 45 THE CONCEPT"JIM CROW" HUGH H. SMYTHE National Associationfor the Advancement of ColoredPeople IN ANY field of endeavor terminology is a neces- word or term may be, and frequently is, used in sary tool and the development of concepts is some other field. As Sapir says, "The birth of a basic to the functioning and workability of new concept is invariably foreshadowed by a more that field. The social sciences have been rich in or less strained or extended use of old linguistic this regard, to such an extent that the develop- material."2 Even a brief examination of the term ment of concepts has on occasion led to confusion "Jim Crow" indicates that it unquestionably and hindered rather than helped in the clarification relates to the associational life of human beings, of problems. However, in this accumulation of and that its extension into the popular vocabulary terminology, particularlyin sociology, a term of im- is based upon old linguistic material. The earliest public use of "Jim Crow" appears to portance is sometimes overlooked and this apparently has been the case in regard to the concept have been in 1832, when a song and dance by that "Jim Crow." Even a brief examination of the name, which apparently originated in Cincinnati, term reveals that by all standards for the accept- was introduced to New York.3 In 1841, the term ance of a term as a sociological concept, "Jim was first used in Massachusetts to apply to a railCrow" rightfully belongs as a permanent part of road car set apart for the use of Negroes. The phrase, then, has a somewhat more dignified origin the language of the discipline. Although the writer has been interested for some than is ordinarily attributed to it by those who time in the sociologicalimplications of "Jim Crow" have considered it only as an opprobious compariand its concommitants, discriminationand segrega- son of the color of the Negro with that of the crow.4 The term itself has become so inseparably affixed tion, particularly with reference to Negroes, recently legal proceedings in the District Court of to the laws separating the races in public places the United States for the Southern District of New that at least two states, North Carolinaand MaryYork impressed upon him not only the widespread land, are known to have indexed the laws olnthat use of this term but the sociological unawarenessof subject under "J" in some of their annual compilait and the consequent need for "official"sociologi- tions of statutes.5 The Century Dictionary6 concal recognition of the phrase. In a case involving tains several definitionsof "Jim Crow,"and Krapp, the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad Company as in A ComprehensiveGuide to GoodEnglish,7 points defendants, the Railroad moved that the court out that this phrase has been so frequently used strike from the plaintiff's amended complaint the that it is accepted as a part of stanidardAmerican phrase "Jim Crow," stating that the term was English and has been for many years. "scandalous, impertinent, and/or immaterial." Eubanks contends that the question, however, The plaintiff, however, contended that the term is not whether the concept is used elsewhere, but was used in context properly and correctly and whether as used in sociology it signifies "an idea wvasa common and accepted part of standard that is distinctive and essential to itself." Many AmericanEnglish, with a meaning generally underterm used in popularparlance, when sociologically a stood and carrying a significant societal connotahas a meaning all its own, and which it defined, of with the separation associated tion, particularly Negroes and whites within the framework of 2 Sapir, Language (New York: Harcourt, Brace, society in this country.' 1921), p. 16. While there is no absolute criterion as to the 3 V. Loggins, The Negro A utizor(New York: Columbia range of operation of sociology, sociologists are in University Press, 1931), pp. 356. 4 Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia, I, p. 546. basic agreement that this field relates particularly 5 G. T. Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American to the forms and activities of the associational life Law (New York: D. Appleton & Co. 1910), p. 208. of mankind. Its concepts, therefore, are those 8 Ibid. See Vol. V, 1913 edition, p. 3233. of analyzing course in the which have emerged P. Krapp, A ComprehensiveGuide to Good George those associational forms and activities. The Berta Mae Watkins v. Atlantic Coast Line Railroad Company, 42-413 U. S. (1948). I English (Chicago, 1927), p. 342. 8 E. E. Eubank, The Conceptsof Sociology (New York: Heath, 1932), p. 37. This content downloaded from 159.178.22.27 on Thu, 03 Dec 2015 06:42:08 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 46 SOCIAL FORCES did not have until sociology gave it a unique content. A review of the use made of the concept "Jim Crow" reveals that it has become so much a part of the social pattern of America that its ideational expression unconsciously connotes a distinctive situation. Thus, although this commonness of understanding makes it societary, the essential distinctiveness of applying it over a long period almost exclusively to social situations involving the Negro as a subordinate entity and whites as a superordinate factor, has given it a connotation, when used in the context of the Americanlanguage, of a specific sociological circumstance or condition. Sociologically, "Jim Crow" is a concept intelligently interpreted in connection with the concept "accommodation." It refers specifically to a human group in the United States functioning on a basis of inequality in the social system which has resulted in social stratification and segregation. It infers that in the stratified societal pattern of the United States a caste-like group exists (in this instance the Negro) which has been assigned to a low position and for which the contacts with the group on a higher level are regulated; the term "Jim Crow"is thus used succinctly to describe this situation to which the Negro has become accommodated. In substantiation of the above, one has but to consult the literature of sociology and other disciplines to assess the validity of and to recognize the specific meaning and general acceptance of the concept "Jim Crow." It is found widely used in the workson ethnic researchin sociology, especially those concerning race relations and pertaining to the segregation of Negroes or to the discrimination practiced against them in various aspects of society; e.g. the studies of Dollard, R. A. Warner, Fairchild, Powdermaker, DuBois, Drake and Cayton, Rose, and Cox.9 In the series of studies 9 John Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937), p. 180; R. A. Warner, New Haven Negroes (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940), p. 190; H. P. Fairchild, Race and Nationality As Factors in American Life (New York: The Ronald Press, 1947), p. 197; Hortense Powdermaker, After Freedom (New York: The Viking Press, 1939), pp. 43, 349; W. E. B. DuBois, An Appeal to the World (New York: National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 1947), p. 51; St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton, Black Metropolis (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1945), p. xxix; Arnold Rose, The Negro in America (New York: Harper concerning Negro youth preparedfor the American Youth Commission of the American Council on Education,'0 reference is made freely to "Jim Crow." Gunnar Myrdal, in his epic on the Negro problem in the United States,1"employs the term, and it is used in the series of studies on the Negro sponsored by the Carnegie Corporation and done under the direction of Dr. Myrdal,'2 as well as in the symposium volume of Negro thought and opinion published by the University of North Carolina Press and edited by Rayford W. Logan.'3 It was used by Robert E. Park,'4 and it is found in introductory textbooks in sociology.'5 But the currency of the concept has not been confined to the literature of ethnic sociology alone. It has found currency in writings in political science,16education,'7 economics,'" history,'9 and & Brothers, 1948), pp. 190-191, 213-217; Oliver Cromwell Cox, Caste, Class, and Race (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1948), pp. 430, 451-452, 468, 496, 577. 10Ira De A. Reid, In A Minor Key (Washington, D.C., 1940); Allison Davis and John Dollard, Children of Bondage (Washington, 1940); E. Franklin Frazier, Negro Youth at the Crossways (Washington, 1940); W. L. Warner, B. H. Junker, and W. A. Adams, Color and Human Nature (Washington, 1940); Charles S. Johnson, Growing Up in the Black Belt (Washington, 1941). 11An American Dilemma (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944), pp. 191, 578-581. 12 M. J. Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past (1941); Charles S. Johnson, Patterns of Negro Segregation (1943); Richard Sterner, The Negro's Share (1943); Otto Klineberg, Characteristics of the American Negro (1944). All of these volumes were published by Harper & Brothers, New York. 13Rayford W. Logan, ed., What the Negro Wants (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1944), p. 300. 14 In his introduction to Bertram Doyle's Etiquette of Race Relations in the South (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1937), p. xxiv. 15 R. L. Sutherland and J. L. Woodward, Introductory Sociology (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1940), p. 389. 16 H. F. Gosnell, Negro Politicians (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935), pp. 36, 339. 17 Buell G. Gallagher, American Caste and the Negro College (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), pp. 86, 96. 18 Herbert Northrup, Organized Labor and the Negro (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944), pp. 2, 234. 19John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom (New York: A. A. Knopf. Inc., 1947), p. 338; Herbert Aptheker, To Be Free (New York: International Publishers, 1948), p. 124. This content downloaded from 159.178.22.27 on Thu, 03 Dec 2015 06:42:08 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions TEACHINGAND RESEARCH philosophy.20 As early as 1837 it is found in a biographicalvolume entitled Jim Crow,21and more recently in an autobiographyof W. E. B. DuBois.22 It is to be found in sourcebooks,23in the writings of foreign authors,24in popularizedversions of studies on race relations,25and in official reports of the United States Army.26 Many of the nation's newspapers, both general and specific, recognizingthe accepted meaning and widespread usage of the term "Jim Crow" to describe the proscriptive social practices under which the Negro exists in the social milieu of the United States, have consistently used it in text material and in headlining articles;27and this includes even 47 the august New York Times.28 Publications other than newspapers, such as professional journals,29 popular magazines,30 liberal magazines,31 and organs devoted to intercultural relations32make use of the term. One writer was so aware of the general understanding of the phrase that he used it as the title of one of his works.33 The field of law has incorporated the concept in its writings; and legal scholars, writing on various phases of civil rights especially, employ the term "Jim Crow," as Konvitz, Mangum, Carr, Ming, and Stephenson demonstrate.34 Several legal digests refer to the concept, particularly as it applies to railroad cars set aside specifically for the 20Buell, G. Gallagher,Colorand Conscience(New York:Harper& Brothers,1946),pp. 97, 107, 131. 21 JimCrow,Life of Jim Crowas WrittenBy Himself (Philadelphia,1837). 22W. E. B. DuBois, Duskof Dawn (New York:Harcourt,Brace& Company,1940),pp. 55, 72, 236, 254. 23 The NegroHandbook: 1946-1947, edited by Florence Murray (New York: A. A. Wyn, 1947), p. 36; NegroYearBook,1947, editedby J. P. Guzman(Tuskegee, Alabama:TuskegeeInstitute, 1947), p. 353. W. Gregory,The Menace of Colour(London: 24J. SeeleyService& Company,1925),pp. 52-56. 1"LouisAdamic, A Nation of Nations (New York: Harper& Brothers),1945, p. 221; Edwin R. Embree, BrownAmericans(New York:The VikingPress, 1943), pp. 163, 173, 196; Robert Weaver, The Negro Ghetto (New York:Harcourt,Brace& Company,1948),p. 63; W. Stegnerand the Editorsof Look,OneNation (Boston: HoughtonMifflinCompany,1945), chap. 9, pp. 197 ff; Scott Nearing,BlackAmerica(New York:The VanguardPress, 1929), p. 172; Paul Lewinson,Race, Classand Party (New York: OxfordUniversityPress, 1932),p. 35; CharlesS. Johnson,TheNegroin American (NewYork:HenryHolt &Company,1930), Civilization p. 361; Ray StannardBaker,Followingthe ColorLine (New York:Doubleday,Page & Company,1908), pp. 30, 112, 219, 305; B. Schrieke,Alien Americans(New York:TheVikingPress,1936),p. 146;L. H. Hammond, of SouthernLife In Blackand White:An Interpretation (New York: FlemingH. Revell Company,1914), pp. 71-72; John L. Hill, The Negro: National Asset or Liability(New York: LiteraryAssociatesInc., 1930), pp. 226, 228. 26Memorandium, November 10, 1943, Secretaryof the Army. Reportby BrigadierGeneralB. 0. Davis to the WarDepartmenton conditionof Negro soldiers in U. S. camps. 27 TheNew YorkWorld-Telegram, January12, 1948, YorkSun, January 21, 1948, "FiremenDon't Want Jim Crow Union;" The WashingtonPost, January20,1948, "Jim CrowLaw SchoolUnacceptable;"PM of New York City, June 10, 1948,"The Senatorsand Jim Crow (an editorialby Max Lerner);The New York Daily News, May 4, 1948, "HighestCourtRejectsJim CrowRealty Ban;"BirminghamWorld,April30, 1948, "Dr. B. E. Mays AmongGroupin Protestof ArmyJim Crow;"TheNorfolkJournaland Gtide, April 17, 1948, "Jim CrowRelented;"The ChicagoDefender,May 29, 1948, "No Comment on Jim Crow Army Charge: Royall." 28 May 27, 1948. See articleheadlined,"Draft Bill Faces New Hurdleas Civil Rights RiderLooms,"p. 1. Journalof NegroHis29 Journalof NegroEducation, tory,TheAnnals. 30Collier's,The SaturdayEveningPost, Liberty,The New York Times Magazine (publishedon Sunday), Ebony, Our World,Negro Digest, and for its use in earlier years in such magazines consult Putnam's Monthly,V. (January,1853). 31TheNation, TheNew Republic,Susrvey Graphic. 32CommonGround,Phylon. 33Earl Conrad,Jim CrowAmerica(New York:Duell, Sloan,and Pearce,1947). 34 MiltonR. Konvitz,TheAlien andAsiaticin American Law (Ithaca,New York: CornellUniversityPress, 1947),pp. 15, 20; Milton R. Konvitz, TheConstitution and Civil Rights (New York: Columbia University Press,1947),pp. 23, 136f,138;CharlesS. Mangum,The Legal Status of the Negro (ChapelHill: Universityof North CarolinaPress, 1940), pp. 182, 214; Robert K. Carr, FederalProtectionof Civil Rights (Ithaca, New York: CornellUniversityPress, 1947), p. 15; William R. Ming, Jr., An Appealto theWorld,(editedby W. E. B. DuBois) (New York: National Associationfor the Advancementof ColoredPeople, 1947). See chap.IV, "The PresentLegal and SocialStatus of the American ... . decide whether restrictive covenants, the Jim Crowagreementsin residentialhousing. . . "; TheNew Negro,"p. 51; G. T. Stephenson,Race Distinctionsin YorkPost and theHomeNews, May 4, 1948, "Liberals AmericanLaw (New York: D. Appleton& Company, Hail New Era in Jim Crow Realty Ban;" The New 1910),p. 208. This content downloaded from 159.178.22.27 on Thu, 03 Dec 2015 06:42:08 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 48 SOCIAL FORCES use of Negro Americans.35 The term has most recently received national importance through its inclusion in the report of President Truman's committee on civil rights.36 Even this brief examination demonstrates that wherever the term is used it commonly applies to the social position of the Negro in American society. "Jim Crow"as used in a sociological context thus indicates for a specific social group the Negro's awarenessof his badge of inequality which he learns through the operation of a "Jim Crow" concept in his every day living. This pattern of existence has become so much a part of the nation's social structure that it has become synonymous with the words "segregation" and "discrimination," and at times when "Jim Crow" is indexed some authors have indexed it as a cross reference for these terms.37 Considering the importance attached to ethnic 85A. L. R. WordIndexandAnnotations,I, p. 534; 10 American Jurisprudence,p. 1008; X United States Digest (WordIndex), 1930,p. 216. 36Report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights, To Secure These Rights (Washington: U. S. research, which has been well illustrated and documented in a recent issue of the Review,38 it would seem to be sociologically significant and highly worth while that a precise interpretation and evaluation be made of the concept "Jim Crow." The increasing significance of this general descriptive term, in the light of sociological analysis of ethnic groups, and of the Negro in particular, in connection with its use, undoubtedly calls for its inclusion in the permanent terminology of the discipline. Even from what has been set down here its worth as a conceptual tool in clarifying ethnical constructs applying to the Negro is evident. Long ago "Jim Crow" should have been given recognition and a place as a concept in sociology pertaining to ethnic group relations, along with such other terms as class, caste, marginal man, cultural island, Negro, white, and the like. It is to be hoped that this brief examination will stimulate further research towards securing additional experiental evidence with which to validify the acceptance of the term "Jim Crow" as a concept in sociology. GovernmentPrintingOffice,1947),pp. 59, 89. 37See Carr, Franklin, Gosnell, Myrdal, Powder3' Leonard Bloom, "Concerning Ethnic Research." maker,and R. A. Warnerin sourcespreviouslycited. American Sociological Review, XIII, 171-182. DiscusConsult index pages of these works under the term sions are by Charles S. Johnson, Edgar T. Thompson, Ira De A. Reid, R. M. Williams, and A. W. Lind. "JimCrow." DISTANCE AND DIRECTION AS VECTORS OF INTERNAL MIGRATION, I935 TO I940 DANIEL 0. PRICE Universityof NorthCarolina AVENSTEIN put it down as one of his fundamental Laws of Migration that "the great body of our migrants only proceed a short distance."' Many studies indicate that, in general, this is a true hypothesis. It is frequently taken as a corollary of this hypothesis that the number of migrants decreases with the distance of migration. This, however, is a separate hypothesis and one that does not follow from the first. The hypothesis that the majority of migrants move only a short distance was true in the United States from-1935 to 1940. During this period 59 per cent of the migrants did not cross state lines, and 79 percent ended in their original state or in a contiguous state.2 It does not follow from this, however, that the number of migrants continues to decrease with increasing distance of migration. If the number of migrants decreased with increasing distance of movement, the pattern of migration from any small area would resemble the random migration of mosquitoes on a level plain from a single point of infestation. The number of 1 E. G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 48 (June 1885), p. 197. 2 Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940. Population, Internal Migration, 1935 to 1940. Color and Sex of Migrants, Table III, p. 4. This content downloaded from 159.178.22.27 on Thu, 03 Dec 2015 06:42:08 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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