THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY OF
SOUTH AFRICA: PROGRESS BEYOND
APARTHEID
CHRISTIAN M. ROGERSON
Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg,
Private Bag 3, PO WITS 2050, Johannesburg, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected]
Received: April 2000; revised June 2000
THE CONTEXT FOR WRITING NEW
GEOGRAPHIES
The early years of post-apartheid South Africa
have been full of much expectation, an array
of new policy developments and considerable economic and social change. Since the
dramatic shift in 1994 to democracy, with the
successful holding of the country's first multiracial elections, a succession of policy documents has been released by the national
Government in the form of Green Papers
and White Papers, which seek to chart directions for informing and re-moulding the
course of the `new' South Africa. Among
many new policy frameworks, the most influential has been that of the Reconstruction and
Development Programme (RDP), which was
designed as a basis for integrated and coherent socio-economic progress towards erasing
the legacy of apartheid and the building of
a democratic, non-racial and non-sexist future
(Bond & Khosa 1999). Another critical policy
foundation is furnished by South Africa's
controversial new macro-economic strategy,
the Growth, Employment and Redistribution
(GEAR) plan which is to provide the economic
underpinning for the RDP.
For geographers the task of interpreting
economic and social change in post-apartheid
South Africa has been immensely challenging.
The intellectual terrain has markedly altered
as new policy White Papers and subsequent
legislation have been informed by best practice international experience concerning inter
alia housing, urban policy, rural development,
water, disasters, the environment, transport
and many others. In many respects the core
policy issues surrounding reconstruction and
development in post-apartheid South Africa
parallel those of many other countries, particularly in the developing world. Accordingly,
as has been observed elsewhere: `It is evident
that South African society and economy can
no longer be pigeonholed as a special case of
interest to a group of scholars with specialist
interests in racism or the construction and
destruction of apartheid' (Rogerson & Robinson 1999).
The period since 1994 has witnessed a burst
of new writings on aspects of the new (and
old) geographies of post-apartheid South
Africa. In reviewing these writings on the
changing economic and social landscape of
South Africa it is evident that while an
increasing amount of South African geographical scholarship is finding its way into
international serials or edited book collections, the largest volume of material undoubtedly continues to be found in a series of
journals that are both published and/or
edited within South Africa. Two critical
sources of particular importance for tracking
spatial change in contemporary South Africa
are the South African Geographical Journal, the
flagship of the Society for South African
Geographers (Van der Merwe 1996), and
Urban Forum, a multi-disciplinary journal published by the Witwatersrand University Press.
Other important local publication outlets for
geographical material relating to economic
and social change are Africa Insight, published
by the Africa Institute, Pretoria, and Development Southern Africa, the journal that is edited
from the Development Bank of Southern
Africa. In addition to these journal sources,
Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie ± 2000, Vol. 91, No. 4, pp. 335±346.
# 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG
Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden MA 02148, USA
336
also of note is the appearance since 1994 of
several important books that address dimensions of the unfolding economic and social
geography of post-apartheid South Africa
(Lemon 1995; Robinson 1995; Simon 1998;
Bond & Khosa 1999; Fox & Rowntree 2000;
McDonald 2000a).
Collectively the new body of writings post1994 reflects a welcome and increasingly
nuanced engagement of local scholarship
with contemporary international theoretical
debates taking place in economic and social
geography
concerning
post-modernism,
spatiality, identity, sexual politics and so on
(Robinson 1995, 1996; Archer & Dodson 1997;
Lupton & Mather 1997; Dirsuweit 1999a;
McEwan 2000). In addition, other interrelated strands of research are focused more
squarely on sets of issues surrounding the
detailed shifts occurring in constructing the
economic and social landscape of contemporary South Africa. In analysing the economic
and social geography in post-apartheid South
Africa, it is useful to present the existing key
themes of research which seek to address
features of national change, rural change and
urban change within the new democracy.
Each of these themes is examined in turn to
document and illustrate the progress taking
place in geographical scholarship beyond
apartheid.
NATIONAL CHANGE
In addressing research issues that relate to the
national level of geographical change in postapartheid South Africa at least four key
clusters of research may be identified. First,
is a series of research studies that attempt to
understand:
1. Uneven geographical patterns of development and the changing space economy.
2. New population dynamics, in particular
new migration movements to South Africa.
3. The workings of new government policies
for augmenting the asset base of South
Africa's poorer communities.
4. New regional configurations in the postapartheid period.
Issues surrounding patterns of economic
development, spatial economic change and
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CHRISTIAN M. ROGERSON
the evolving space economy have been the
focus of a number of important research
investigations. Bond (1998a) urges that the
economic and geographical history of South
Africa is strewn with extraordinary instances
that link financial ascendance with uneven
geographical development. In an important
and challenging article McCarthy (1999)
argues that the appearance of new driving
forces for economic and spatial change, in the
form of service-led (including tourism) growth
and knowledge-based economic activities is set
to potentially reconfigure the directions of the
space economy. In particular, it is suggested
that the historical dominance of the Gauteng
agglomeration, centred on Johannesburg and
Pretoria, may potentially be threatened by a
new shift in economic gravity towards the
coastal cities. The veracity of this viewpoint has
come under fire, however, from other works
that suggest that major spatial change is likely
to be, at best, glacial, especially in view of the
continuing strength and dominance of the
Gauteng agglomeration in respect of many
key economic sectors, including manufacturing, decision-making, high technology and
the information-technology sector (Rogerson
1996a, 1998a, 2000a, 2000b). Other aspects of
spatial economic change have centred on the
prospects for individual economic sectors,
such as jewellery (Da Silva 1999a, 1999b), the
transformation of the tourism industry from
its dominance by white ownership (Goudie
et al., 1999) and of the national importance
of what in South Africa is called the small,
medium and micro-enterprise economy
(Nobanda 1998; Rogerson 1998b, 1999a,
2000c; Kesper, 1999).
The abandonment of apartheid inspired
programmes for regional policy linked to industrial decentralisation, and the development
of the former Homelands has brought forth
new forces of, and policy contexts for, spatial
change (May & Rogerson 2000; Phalatse
2000). The implementation of Spatial Development Initiatives is becoming a critical
feature in the planning for reconstruction in
post-apartheid South (and Southern) Africa.
The SDI programme marks a fundamental
break with the trajectories and initiatives for
economic and spatial planning of the apartheid past and seeks to contribute towards the
THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTH AFRICA
restructuring of the apartheid space economy
(Rogerson 1998c, 1998d, 1999b, 2001). Another
vital impetus for patterns of spatial change is
the role of new local economic development
initiatives, which have attracted a large number
of investigations both in urban and rural areas
of contemporary South Africa (Nel 1994, 1995,
1997; Nel & Hill 1996; Centre for Development and Enterprise 1996a, 1996b, 1998a; Nel
et al. 1997; Rogerson 1997a, 1999c; Maharaj &
Ramballi 1998; Nel & Humphrys 1999).
The new population dynamics of postapartheid South Africa have been a critical
focus for analysis. The results of South Africa's
1996 census suggest that of the total population of 40.6 million, the urban areas have a
population share of 55% as compared to the
45% share living in rural areas. The internal
demographics of population change, including
debates around the stabilisation of migrant
labour regimes, continue to be themes of research significance (Horn 1997; McCarthy &
Hindson 1997; Crush & Soutter 1999; Crush
et al. 1999). Nevertheless, the greatest volume
of new writings has been focused on questions
concerning international migration. Under the
sponsorship of the Southern African Migration
Project, there has occurred a burst of writings
that critically examines migration policy in
the new South Africa, the patterns of new
migration flows, gender issues, and the conditions shaping their migratory patterns (Crush
1997, 1999a, 1999b; Crush & Williams 1999;
McDonald, 1999, 2000a; Crush & McDonald
2000; Dodson 2000). Other writings on immigration have confirmed the importance of undocumented migrants, both in South Africa's
cities and in the countryside (Maharaj & Rajkumar 1997; Holness et al. 1999; Crush et al.
2000).
Assessments of the progress made in the
delivery of aspects of the Reconstruction and
Development programme have been a focus
of considerable controversy and debate. An
important geographical body of research has
contributed towards debates concerning the
pace and directions of the delivery of certain
key commitments that were made to the poor
as regards housing, water, sanitation and other
services (Goldblatt 1996, 1997, 1999; Bond
1998b, 1998c, 1999; Bond & Khosa 1999;
Bakker & Hemson 2000; Bond et al. 2000;
337
May et al. 2000). Many of the writings have been
highly critical of the slow pace of the delivery
of shelter (Marais & Krige 1997, 1998), even
going so far in one case as to proclaim `the
failure of housing policy' (Bond & Tait 1997)
and of other services delivery programmes
to South Africa's poor (Bond 1998b, 1999;
Bond & Khosa 1999; Khosa 2000). Another
dimension of assistance to the poor that has
come under critical scrutiny is the introduction of public works programmes (Khosa
1998). Against the critical backcloth of some
of the disappointments associated with the
RDP delivery, some writers have pointed to
lessons that might be drawn from the comparative experience of housing or service
delivery in other countries (Rogerson 1996b;
Gilbert 2000).
Finally, at national level, the making of the
new South Africa has been associated with the
shaping of new political boundaries and of
new international relations both in Southern
Africa and the wider international community.
The process of delimitation surrounding South
Africa's new provincial delimitation has been
tracked in a number of useful studies that
stress the contestation of the new regionalism
(Muthien & Khosa 1995; Khosa & Muthien
1997). The fundamental transformations surrounding the integration of South Africa into
the wider Southern African region (Khosa
1997; Gibb 1998) and broader international
networks (Rogerson 1998e; Simon 1998), as
well as new directions for foreign policy have
been further issues of concern (Lemon 1996a;
2000).
RURAL CHANGE
The central research themes in geographical
writings around the South African countryside
surround key issues of land reform, displaced
urbanisation, poverty alleviation and agricultural development. Indeed, the critical importance of poverty and the search for sustainable
livelihoods is a common thread that runs
through much of the literature in South
African rural geographical studies in the
post-apartheid period (Mather 1996a; Ndlovu
& Fairhurst 1996; Fairhurst & Mashaba 1997;
Fox & Nel 1999; Makhanya & Ngidi 1999; May
et al. 2000)
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338
As Lemon (1998) argues, the programme
of land reform is one of most crucial aspects
of changing the face of the South African
countryside. The progress of land reform and
of associated programmes for land restitution
has been an important focus of recent
research (Lemon 1998; Kekana 1999; Fox &
Rowntree 2000). As with the RDP delivery
process, much criticism has centred on the
slow pace of the land reform process and
of the return to the land of communities
formerly dispossessed in the apartheid period
(Lemon 1998; Philander 1998). Once again,
geographers have pointed to important lessons
that South African policy-makers may learn
from the process of land reform that has been
undertaken in other countries (Christopher
1996). With the recent progress in land claims
and restitution, an important new research
agenda has been the return to the land of
several communities and of the post-land
reform process, including initiatives for
community-led local economic development
(Philander 1998). Another of the legacies of
apartheid is the group of communities that
was established often in remote rural areas as a
result of the programmes of apartheid-forced
population removals. The enormous complexities of dealing with the fact that 10% of South
Africa's population (four million people) live
in settlements that are `displaced urban areas'
have been disclosed in recent geographical
investigations (Centre for Development and
Enterprise 1998b; Meth 2000).
Several of the questions of rural poverty
alleviation are dealt with in the national literatures that focus on service delivery (Bond &
Khosa 1999; May et al. 2000). Outside of vibrant
debates concerning the development of sustainable agriculture (Mather 1996b), the critical
theme of rural local economic development
is once more in evidence in geographical
writings. Geographers have documented several
important examples of relatively successful
community-led and NGO-led initiatives (Nel
1995, 1997; Nel & Hill 1996; Nel et al. 1997).
The need for such initiatives is particularly
urgent in those parts of rural South Africa
where de-industrialisation processes have
been observed as a result of the phasing-out
of industrial incentives in former Bantustan
locales (Phalatse 2000) and of changing legis# 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG
CHRISTIAN M. ROGERSON
lation concerning casino licensing which have
removed the former privileged position of
the former Bantustans (Rogerson 1998e). The
importance of providing a facilitative policy
support environment for the growth of rural
non-farm enterprises has been stressed in
certain investigations (Rogerson 1998f, 1999d)
and the potential for periodic markets to be a
development vehicle in rural South Africa has
also been examined (Rogerson 1997b; Fox &
Nel 1999).
Beyond these studies there is another rural
research stream that focuses on issues of
changing agricultural development and commercialised farm practices. Attention should
be drawn to a significant body of literature
that centres on shifts taking place in the farm
labour force that is linked to commercial
agriculture (Ulicki & Crush 2000; Crush et al.
2000). Of particular importance is the growing use of international migrants in areas of
borderlands agriculture in rural South Africa.
Other writings debate the impact of the
introduction of South Africa's GEAR strategy
on commercial farming (Mather & Adelzadeh
1998) and of the organisation and restructuring of South Africa's export agriculture applying the theoretical lens of agro-commodity
chains (Mather 1999). Indeed, in a rich study,
the filiere framework is deployed to show how a
global player that until recently controlled all
South African citrus exports ± Outspan International ± has responded to the local reregulation of agricultural markets.
URBAN CHANGE
As Lemon (1996b, 1998) stresses, urban
apartheid represented an ambitious recasting
of South African social geography. Mapping
out and interpreting the (sometimes) dramatic
changes taking place in the South African
urban landscape has been a major research
focus for geographers since the 1994 democratic transition. Indeed, the volume of published material and the range of issues
addressed is testimony to the critical importance of the `urban' in the making of the new
South Africa.
Two rich and yet different overviews of
research themes in South African urban
scholarship are furnished by Parnell (1996)
THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTH AFRICA
and Donaldson & Van der Merwe (2000).
Parnell (1996) draws attention to the renaissance of urban studies in the 1990s and seeks
to understand the complexities of the local
cityscape by challenging what is seen as the
`theoretical ghetto' of existing scholarship. In
particular, Parnell (1996) profoundly attacks
the notion that the South African urban
experience has been so profoundly distorted
by racist policies and interventions that the
apartheid city could only be understood as a
`unique' urban form. Instead, it is demonstrated that a range of theoretical perspectives
often reserved for consideration of cities in
advanced capitalist societies can be used to
provide the foundations for interpreting the
South African city. This important contribution in South African urban studies provides
a basis for local scholarship to be integrated
into international urban debates, more than
simply as a special case.
Policy-related issues of transformation from
apartheid to post-apartheid city form the core
of the review undertaken by Donaldson & Van
Der Merwe (2000). These authors focus on the
question of South Africa's divided or segregated cities, and of the pertinent spatial and
policy challenges that surround the restructuring, reconstructing and integrating of the
urban landscape in transition. The theme of
the historical shaping of the socio-spatial
geography of South African cities continues
to attract research attention, with the appearance of a stream of studies that build on a
tradition of work in the pre-1994 period
(Maharaj 1994, 1995, 1997). The restructuring
of the apartheid city with its characteristics of
residential segregation, buffer zones between
races, peripheralisation of the black population and extended distances between place
of residence and work has been the continued
focus of research in several South African
cities (Lemon 1996b; Tomlinson & Krige
1997; Khan & Maharaj 1998; Krige 1998; Saff
1999; Donaldson & Van der Merwe 1999,
2000; Bremner 2000). The inner-cities of
South Africa's major metropolitan centres
have been focal points for considerable social
and spatial change (Crankshaw & White 1995;
Rogerson 1995; Morris 1997, 1999). A theme
that has garnered considerable attention is
that of housing conditions of the poor and of
339
associated issues surrounding the making and
upgrading of informal settlements that have
mushroomed around South Africa's cities
(Seethal 1996; Dewar 1997; Marais & Krige
1998; Stevens & Rule 1999). Important questions have been posed concerning the specific
shelter conditions and conflicts surrounding
South Africa's immigrant and refugee communities, particularly from other parts of
Africa (McDonald 1998, 2000b; Dodson &
Oelofse 2000; Peberdy & Majodina 2000).
Other issues that geographers of urban
change have focused on include the shaping
of the local state (Lemon 1996c; Maharaj
1996; Robinson 1996), urban land restitution
(Parnell & Beavon 1996), interpreting the
black urban experience (MacPhail 1997),
addressing poverty in the cities (Rogerson
1998g; Beall et al. 2000) and, the importance
of planning for a sustainable city and sustainable urban environments (Vogel 1996; PrestonWhyte 1997).
The initial assessments on the policy record
and performance of the new governments,
national, provincial and local, are not promising. It is suggested that the gaps between the
worlds of the townships, the inner-cities and
the suburbs are widening and that the possibilities for developing a sense of shared space
and shared urban destiny `grow slimmer by
the day' (Donaldson & Van der Merwe 2000,
p. 53). Moreover, as Bremner (2000, p. 87)
concludes, the observed blurring of the apartheid city can `be attributed more to market
forces, the pressures of rapid urbanisation and
upward black mobility, than to design or
administrative intent'. Most damning of all is
the conclusion that as yet `Few efforts of the
newly elected governments in the country can
be said to have set in place policies or
practices which have challenged apartheid
geography or have come to terms with the
changing social patterns of post-apartheid
South African cities' (Bremner 2000, p. 87).
Alongside the socio-spatial restructuring of
the South African city there is the linked
process of economic restructuring. The postapartheid transition has witnessed the acceleration of certain trends that were already
in evidence prior to 1994. The most important
of these trends are the decentralisation of
manufacturing and service activities from core
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340
inner-city areas (Rogerson 1995; Rogerson &
Rogerson 1995, 1997a, 1999) and their replacement by a new economy of informal
enterprise, SMMEs and the growth of immigrant-owned enterprises (Rogerson 1996c
1997c, 2000d; Rogerson & Rogerson 1997b;
Peberdy & Crush 1998; Holness et al. 1999;
Kesper 1999; Maharaj & Moodley 2000;
Peberdy & Rogerson 2000). Considerable
changes are in evidence in the industrial and
commercial property markets of major South
African cities (Rogerson 1996, 1997). New
strategies for urban regeneration have been
an important focus of economic change research, including waterfront redevelopments
(Kilian & Dodson 1995, 1996; Grant & Kohler
1996), cultural strategies for economic growth
(Dirsuweit 1999b), physical renewal initiatives
(Khosa & Naidoo 1998), and the impact on
Cape Town of its failed 2004 Olympic bid
(Padayachee 1997). Finally, new policy shifts
towards the potential for urban farming to be
incorporated as part of the economy of the
post-apartheid city have fallen under critical
scrutiny (May & Rogerson 1995; Rogerson
1998h; Webb 1998).
A CONCLUSION THAT IS AN
INTRODUCTION
It is clear from this review that the community
of geographers has sought to address the
challenges of a changing post-apartheid South
Africa in terms of unpacking the process of
transition presently taking place. More especially, geographers have sought to discern
the essential continuities and discontinuities
in the new geographies being made in
modern South Africa as a product of the slow
unravelling of apartheid (Rogerson & Robinson 1999). On the one hand, certain of the
new policy interventions and changes introduced since 1994 are impelling the formation
of new geographies as rapid economic and
social change processes are set in motion. On
the other hand, there are other marked
continuities with the apartheid period as many
of the economic and social processes that
shaped South Africa's economy, cities, rural
landscapes and social relations under apartheid continue to mould the directions of
contemporary economy and society.
# 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG
CHRISTIAN M. ROGERSON
The papers in this special issue of Tijdschrift
voor Economische en Sociale Geografie seek to
further extend our understanding of the
shifting geography of post-apartheid South
Africa. The papers are linked to core themes
that emerged in the agenda of post-apartheid
South African geographical writings. Together
the group of papers presented here afford
further insights into critical aspects of the
directions of national change, as well as
specific issues of urban and rural change.
The papers highlight sets of both continuities
and discontinuities in economic and social
change affecting the spatial order of the `new'
South Africa. Furthermore, they point to the
diverse nature of transition in South Africa
and of the importance of applying different
theoretical lens (Oldfield & Robinson 2000).
Above all, perhaps, they collectively signal that
South African geography is beginning to close
the door on an era of parochialism (Parnell
1996), borne out of international isolation
and a focus on the `uniqueness' of apartheid
geographies, and is instead entering a period
of engagement with the international geographical community on common issues rather
than the specificities of an apartheid past.
Acknowledgements
In the preparation of this collection of papers,
special thanks are due to Leo Van Grunsven at the
University of Utrecht, Tony Lemon at the University
of Oxford and Gordon Pirie at the University of
Salford.
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