PERCEIVED RACIAL MICROAGGRESSION AND ITS ROLE IN STEREOTYPE
VULNERABILITY
A Project
Presented to the Faculty of the Division of Social Work
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK
by
Brieana Higley-Anderson
SPRING
2015
PERCEIVED RACIAL MICROAGGRESSION AND ITS ROLE IN STEREOTYPE
VULNERABILITY
A Project
by
Brieana Higley-Anderson
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Jude M. Antonyappan, P.h.D.
____________________________
Date
ii
Student: Brieana Higley-Anderson
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University
format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to
be awarded for the project.
_______________________, Graduate Program Director ___________________
S. Torres, Jr.
Date
Division of Social Work
iii
Abstract
of
PERCEIVED RACIAL MICROAGGRESSION AND ITS ROLE IN STEREOTYPE
VULNERABILITY
by
Brieana Higley-Anderson
This study measured the manifestations of racial microaggressions, using a modified
version of Kevin Nadal’s Racial and Ethnic Microaggression Scale (REMS), as perceived
in the interactions between police officers and persons stopped by police officers. Racial
microaggressions are everyday verbal and nonverbal, put-downs, intentional and
unintentional, that serve to disempower and target members of minority communities.
Content analysis was used to identify the mass media portrayals of incarceration
initiatives conducive to racial microaggressions and stereotype vulnerability as depicted
in randomly selected COPS episodes (N=50), unscripted and filmed on-scene following
the activities of law enforcement officers, produced by Langley Productions. Findings
from this study indicate that common racial stereotypes continue to be one of the prisms
through which police officers make decisions about a given person’s criminality.
However, there was no evidence to uphold the research hypotheses that the handling
officer’s racial background and the suspects’ ethnicity were bound to influence the
behavior of the officer towards the subject, as operationalized on the microaggression
iv
score. The findings did not indicate an association between the ethnicity of the suspect
and the microaggression score attributed to the handling officer in the initial encounters.
However, this study found that Caucasian police officers scored higher on the
microaggression scale than the ethnic minority police officers with a mean difference of
5.56548. The difference was not statistically significant, t (48)= 1.331, mean difference
of 5.56548, and p > .05. Recommendations include the need for greater attention to
diversity education of law enforcement officers regarding Civil and Human Rights, and
methods of policies implementation with regard to mandatory police officer trainings.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Jude M. Antonyappan, P.h. D.
_______________________
Date
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
List of Tables .............................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ............................................................................................................. xi
Chapter
1. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ..................................................................... 1
Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 3
Statement of the Research Problem ................................................................. 3
Study purpose................................................................................................... 4
Theoretical framework .................................................................................... 5
Definition of terms ........................................................................................ 13
Assumptions .................................................................................................. 15
Social work research justification ................................................................. 15
Study limitations ........................................................................................... 16
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ..................................................................... 18
Ideology as a Means of Justification .............................................................. 19
Ideologies as a precursor to labeling ................................................. 22
Racializing through microaggression ............................................... 23
Labeling as a precursor to deviance .................................................. 25
Labeling of locational criminality ..................................................... 26
Microaggression as a Social Hierarchy Maintenance Mechanism ............... 28
Decreased domain performance as a result of racial
vi
microaggressions ............................................................................... 31
Microaggression as a threat to social identity ................................... 32
Police as Agents of Social Control ............................................................... 34
In-group favoritism ........................................................................... 34
Training as the beginnings of brotherhood ....................................... 35
Stereotyping of others as a threat ...................................................... 36
Social identity and information processing as instrumental mechanisms
in Police Misconduct ......................................................................... 37
Citizens’ perceptions of police work ................................................ 37
Feature as a Determinant of Treatment ......................................................... 40
Social image and race as determinants of sentencing ....................... 43
Facial feature as a determinant of criminality ................................... 44
Skin tone as a marker of worth ......................................................... 45
3. METHODS .......................................................................................................... 48
Study Objectives ........................................................................................... 48
Study Design ................................................................................................. 49
Sampling Procedures .................................................................................... 50
Data Collection Procedures ........................................................................... 50
Instruments .................................................................................................... 51
Data Analysis ................................................................................................. 51
Protection of Human Subjects ...................................................................... 53
vii
4. STUDY FINGS AND DISCUSSIONS ............................................................... 54
5. CONCLUSION, SUMMARY, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................ 69
Summary of Study ........................................................................................ 71
Implications for Social Work ........................................................................ 73
Recommendations .......................................................................................... 74
Limitations .................................................................................................... 78
Appendix A. Adapted Version of Dr. Nadal’s Racial and Ethnic Microaggression
Scale
........................................................................................................................ 80
Appendix B. Approval of Human Subjects Application ........................................... 84
References ................................................................................................................. 85
viii
LIST OF TABLES
Tables
Page
1. Background of the Handling Police Officer .................................................................. 54 2. Handling Officer's Perceived Ethnic Background ......................................................... 55 3. Group Statistics of Microaggression Score ...................................................................... 56 4. Alleged Suspect Perceived Background ............................................................................ 57 5. Majority of Police Officers that were of the same Ethnicity as the Alleged Suspect ......................................................................................................................... 57 6. Frequency Distribution of Episodes that Indicated the Alleged Suspect was already Guilty ............................................................................................................................ 60 7. Frequency Distribution of Episodes where Initial Procedures were Disrespectful in such a way that made Assumptions about the
Alleged Suspect’s Race ........................................................................................................... 61 8. Frequency Distribution of Episodes where the Portrayal of the Alleged Suspect in this Episode was Positive in General ............................................................ 62 9. Frequency Distribution of the Episodes in which the Police Officer Expressed an Attitude of Condescendence Towards the
Alleged Suspect ........................................................................................................................... 63 10. Crosstabulation of the Handling Police Officer's Ethnic Background and Indications of Generalized Assumptions Based on the Alleged
Suspect’s Race ............................................................................................................................. 65 ix
11. Police Officer-Suspect Microaggression Correlations ................................................. 66 12. Crosstabulation of the Handling Police Officer’s Ethnic Background and a Police Officer being Unduly Aggressive .......................................................................... 67 x
LIST OF FIGURES
Figures
Page
1. Microaggression frequency distribution ............................................................................ 58 2. Officers in the episode that indicated pluralism of the United States .............. 64 xi
1
Chapter 1
Statement of the Problem
As of 2012, there were 6,937,600 adult offenders in the adult correctional system;
including inmates held in state and federal prisons or local jails, and those under the
supervision of parole or probation (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013). During 2009
African Americans made up 13% of the US population, “yet they represent[ed] 28% of
all arrests, 40% of all inmates held in prisons and jails, and 42% of the population on
death row” (National Council on Crime and Delinquency, 2009, p.2). In comparison,
Whites made up 67% of the US population and “70% of all arrests, yet only 40% of all
inmates held in state prisons or local jails and 56% of the population on death row”
(National Council on Crime and Delinquency, 2009, p.2). The United States Department
of Justice (2003) reports that more than 60% of people in prison are of racial or ethnic
background. Reports indicate that 1 in 3 black men; 1 in 18 black women; 1 in 6 Hispanic
men; 1 in 45 Hispanic women; 1 in 17 white men; and 1 in 11 white females are expected
to go to prison during their lifetime based of trends from 2001 (United States Department
of Justice, 2003). Per 100,000 U.S. residents in 2012, there were 2,841 black men; 115
black women; 1,158 were Latino men; 614 Latino women; 463 men white men; and 49
white women incarcerated (United States Department of Justice, 2014). According to the
National Council on Crime and Delinquency (2009) in 2003 blacks were held in federal
prison at 4.5 times the rate than whites, and American Indians at a rate of 2.6 higher than
whites. Under State jurisdiction the rates for blacks were 6 times higher than whites,
2
Hispanics 1.7 times higher than whites, and American Indians 2.6 times higher than
whites. Over representation of blacks in the criminal justice system was reported by all
US states. Half the states reported overrepresentation on Hispanics. Asian Pacific
Islanders were overrepresented in five states. Thirty-six states reported an
overrepresentation of American Indians. Reports indicate that minority populations are
overwhelmingly represented in the criminal justice system compared to those of the
dominant culture.
Police brutality and unequal treatment is a real problem in America. Consequences
of racial microaggressions within America's criminal justice system can be seen in the
unequal treatment of minority individuals by law enforcement. Reports and scholarly
articles on racial disparities indicate a pattern of an overwhelming presence of
microaggression and stereotype vulnerabilities which could potentially be disempowering
and disenfranchising to members of minority populations.
America’s criminal justice system is one of America’s greatest forms of social
control. The criminal justice system is mandated with the duty of protecting individuals
from injustice and harm. Abuse of these duties by those who enforce our criminal justice
policies complicates the role of the criminal justice system in people’s lives. Far too often
those charged with enforcing laws abuse the rights of certain groups of people. Time and
again, the criminal justice system has been shown to complicate crime versus the
colorization of crime, or the assumption that crime has a color. The criminal justice
system shapes the images, stereotypes, and discourse that are used to discern a criminal.
3
Not only does the criminal justice system create images of criminals, the criminal justice
system further perpetuates racial inequalities by contributing to the stereotypes about race
and crime (Holmes & Smith, 2008). A focus on identifying covert and even unintentional
forms of racism is important to the field of social work as the profession strives to uphold
social justice for the people served.
Background of the Problem
The United States criminal justice system is a critical social institution where
inequality in treatment is a growing problem. Under the Constitution, two individuals
committing the same crime should be treated equally regardless of skin color or
nationality. Constitutional protections for minority individuals are far from reality and
objective truth for these groups. Unequal interpretations of laws under the Constitution
are unacceptable. Manifestations of unequal treatment can be seen in the marginalized
voices of minorities within the criminal justice system and criminalization of minorities
at a higher rate than dominant counterparts.
Statement of the Research Problem
With the high number of minority individuals involved in the criminal justice
system, research is needed on the experience of these individuals within this social
institution. The purpose of this study is to identify the heightened sense of vulnerabilities
felt through racial microaggressions within the context of the police officer-suspect
relationship upon initial contact. It is hoped that this understanding will indicate the
degree to which racial microaggressions are espoused during interactions within the
4
initial encounters of police-suspect relationship,. Researchers highlight that experiences
with racism are negatively correlated with psychological well-being (Nyborg & Curry,
2003). Stereotype vulnerability, or the awareness of a negative stereotype that may lead
to a self-characterization based on perceived inadequacies may be heightened within the
police officer-suspect relationship. A related concept is self-efficacy, or the belief of a
person to be able to succeed in a situation, may be affected by microaggressions within
the police officer-suspect dynamic, as evidenced by Nyborg and Curry’s (2003) findings
that personal experiences of racism are positively correlated with feelings of hopelessness
and poor self-concept.
The negative impact that racial microaggressions can have on a person’s
psychological well-being has been documented. Due to their invisible nature and the
dynamic of the police officer-suspect relationship, racial microaggressions are extremely
powerful forces along with the authority a police officer carries. Studying the extent to
which microaggressions are committed within the criminal justice system is important as
it furthers knowledge on how the profession of social work can respond to the
disproportionate amount of minority individuals incarcerated and it’s negative impact on
families and society.
Study purpose. Due to the high percentage of minority individuals found in the
criminal justice system in the United States, racial microaggressions within this
institution must be examined. Research documenting microaggressions in the criminal
justice system is lacking as evidenced in the absence or scarcity of literature in the field.
5
Through a content analysis of fifty COPS episodes, the researcher will examine the
degree of racial microaggressive acts between law enforcement officers and individuals
suspected of a crime, as evidenced through mass media portrayals of stereotypes
pertaining to minority members. Through the use of content analysis, the researcher will
examine stereotype threat/stereotype vulnerability and disempowering comments that
negate an individual’s well-being for the purposes of developing a better understanding
of the type of racial microaggressions being espoused within one facet of the criminal
justice system
The study purpose is to identify factors that indicate the heightened sense of
victimization through racial microaggressions within the context of the police officersuspect relationship upon initial contact. Secondary purpose of the study is to identify
processes that law enforcement officials can incorporate into police training programs,
mainly through the integration of recommendations from this study.
Theoretical framework. The theoretical framework that guides this study is
composed of choice theory, rational choice theory, critical race theory (CRT), conflict
theory, and labeling theory. These theories elucidate the development, evolution and
crystallization of the critical concepts of the study.
Choice theory. Underlying assumptions of choice theory are that all people choose
behavior and behavior can be influenced by control and power. Choice theorist, William
Glasser (1998), proposes that humans have five basic needs: survival, love and
belonging, power, freedom, and fun. Glasser (1998) considers human relationships to be
6
the center of our problems for reasons central to external control theory. Individuals who
attempt to engage in external control when in relationships use fear and threat to control
others for the purposes of obtaining what they hope will happen. At times, external
control works for those in power to get them what they want; however, it disadvantages
both parties in the long run by not giving those with less power the option to have
personal freedom and those in power freedom from controlling practices. A majority of
people are not doing what they want because of external control theories or their focus on
controlling others. Choice theory explains that information and stimuli do not make
humans do anything; humans have the choice to act in situations or ignore stimuli. When
power is used to dominate, as can be the case in the police officer-suspect dynamic, it is
destructive to relationships. Glasser (1998) explains that being disconnected in a
relationship is the source of many problems such as violence, school failure, mental
illness, high incarceration rates for minorities to name a few. The massive tendency
toward coercion and control is culprit in the widespread unhappiness people face when
they believe they can force others to do the things they want to do.
Relating to the police officer-suspect dynamic, police are personally responsible for
their acts; however, when guided by the notion that they have to control crime in a
particular way because of a perception they hold about a group of people, their actions
may not be best for the community. Glasser (1998) states that total behavior is made up
of acting, thinking, feeling, and physiology. It is believed that humans have direct control
over acting and thinking; feelings and physiology indirectly affect human beings through
7
our actions and ways of thinking. If police officers are bombarded with unpleasant
thoughts and images about the communities they work in, without a doubt they will
experience biased feelings towards the people in these communities.
Rational choice theory. Related to choice theory is rational choice theory that
proposes that individuals make choices based on the cost and benefits of that choice. The
central premise of this theory is that people are rational beings whose behavior can be
controlled by fear of punishment or loss. Tying in the police officer-suspect dynamic,
police officers may believe that offenders will be more cooperative or more likely to
resist criminal activity if punishment or fear is intensified.
Rational choice theorists Derek Cornish and Ronald Clarke (1986) distinguish
between criminal involvement and criminal events in the understanding of the reasoning
criminal. Criminal involvement is the choice to get involved with crime or to stop
involvement; whereas criminal events are the decisions made during the crime based on
situational factors. As crimes may appear to be irrational, there is a rational decision
making process according to Cornish and Clarke (1986) that incorporates personal and
situational factors into choosing to commit a crime. Traditional choice theory purports
that harsh punishments deter crime while alleviating public fear. Comparatively, control
theory asserts, "people often turn to crime because their prospects for gain through noncrime are limited" (Cornish & Clarke, 1986, p.116). Cornish and Clarke (1986) argue that
criminal’s reasoning, including personal factors (needs) and situational factors
(opportunities), can help criminologist understand forms of crime, reasons for
8
continuance, and reasons for cessation. Taken together these understanding can help
shape preventive efforts and policy surrounding crime by not only focusing on what leads
up to a crime, but why a criminal may continue involvement with crime. That is, rational
choice theory examines the immediate circumstances and environment of the criminal
event as being determinants for further criminal actions.
Critical race theory. Another lens to analyze the police officer-suspect dynamic is
through that of CRT. CRT consists of three main tenets that are relevant to understanding
differential treatment within the criminal justice system.
The first feature posits that racism is an everyday occurrence that is common for
people of color––it is not happenstance (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). The pervasiveness
of racism makes it difficult to address. Current color-blind and equality practices only
redress blatant forms of racism; what does not get addressed is the subtle, less obvious
forms of racism. Taking a color-blind perspective only allows the criminal justice system
to punish blatant forms of racism, not the racism that is built into ways of thinking and
social institutions. When race and historical oppression is not taken into account when
determining outcomes, the experience of minority individuals is negated. Many legal
institutions and judiciary systems subscribe to color-blind ideologies that do not allow
officials to examine an individual's place in society. For this reason, the researcher will
pay heed to dominant and minority experiences when conducting the media content
analysis of COPS episodes.
9
Under the color-blind approach outcomes are largely ignored. According to
Derrick Bell (2000) liberal ideals such as color-blind constitutionalism fails to
acknowledge structural barriers that work against black people and “dismisses the
potency of white privilege” (p.154). By taking a colorblind approach the political and
social significance of race is ignored. Bell asserts, “color-blindness represents nothing
more than a laudable goal elevated, to protect the racial status quo, into a formal rule of
law” (Bell, 2000, p.136). From a critical race perspective this formalization of the status
quo contributes to racism as a permanent aspect of life.
The second feature insist that racial stratification, such that Whites are dominant
over other races, serves material and physical purposes (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).
With racism serving Whites both physically (labor) and materially, there is little incentive
to change dominant practices. Through the content analysis of the COPS episodes, the
researcher will take into account dominant ideologies surrounding police work, as
described in the text Police Brutality: The Roots of the Urban Dilemma by Malcolm D.
Holmes and Brad Smith, and other texts.
The third tenant of CRT supports the thesis that the idea of "races" is a socially
constructed phenomena (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). The dominant defines and
manipulates race through time and place. Critical race theorists believe that racial identity
is not objective or static. That is, as individual's social positions are constantly changing
so do their “racial” definitions. Intersectionality is the term used to describe the many
coexisting identities that an individual can have at one point in time such as a Caribbean
10
immigrant who is a single lesbian mother. Related to tenet three is the idea of
"differential racialization" whereby the dominant society radicalizes different minority
groups at different points in time when their labor is in demand.
An important last feature of CRT is the "unique voice" and "legal storytelling."
Unique voice is the voice that minority individuals have in regards to their unique
experiences dealing with oppression that many White majority members will not be able
to understand (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Related is the idea of legal storytelling,
which encourages those who have experienced racial discrimination within the legal
system to assess legal narratives with a critical race lens. Critical race studies subscribes
to a "revisionist history" where scholars examine historical legislative landmarks, such
as Civil Rights legislation, from the view of minorities instead of the majoritarian view.
In such a way, the idea of legal indeterminacy can be seen. Legal indeterminacy is
defined as differential interpretations of facts; that is, "not every legal case has one
outcome" (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001, p.5). For instance, if one were to ask how a
minority group was doing in the current day, they will most likely hear divergent stories.
One person may say “well” because this group gained many rights through Civil Rights
legislation, while another person from that group may highlight the lowered lifeexpectancy, education rates, infant mortality rates, and other indicators of well-being that
does not compare to the dominant. Based on the idea of "interest convergence" a person
will believe the story that benefits themselves the most. It is easy to see how each party
involved may be more apt to act on their best interests within the criminal justice
11
interaction. Along with the brotherhood that is frequent for police units and the authority
granted to police officers, it can be supposed that police officers are frequently granted
credence over a suspected criminal.
Related to the idea of a unique voice is the power of knowledge and sharing of
information when using a critical race lens. For the purposes of this study, the researcher
strives to name a type of discrimination that has received little attention. CRT highlights
the importance of storytelling as it allows for individuals to step outside of suffering in
silence. It gives individuals a chance to share and relate to others who may have similar
experiences with discrimination. Discriminations that were once nameless can be
identified and combated. With the premise that race and racism is socially constructed,
critical race theorists believe that racism can similarly be deconstructed.
Conflict theory. Conflict theory proves useful in explaining why little attention has
been given to the study of racial microaggressions within the criminal justice system.
Conflict theorists assume that conflict rather than consensus, and coercion rather than
cooperation are part of social life when one group is dominant over another (Robbins,
Chatterjee, & Canda, 2011). When one group utilizes a less powerful group to advance
the interests of the dominant group the well-being of the secondary group suffers. In
these situations, power is used by the dominant as a way for the secondary group to resist
change. Interest group conflict can result when power imbalances in a small group
(criminals) can result from external control conditions, such as unequal opportunities or
disadvantaged access to resources. When there is conflict between groups of people and
12
social institutions, the dominate institution may continue to exploit, dominate, and
oppress because it is advantageous to do so. The conflict, or vast difference in social
status between the suspect and police officer, lends itself to labeling theory, as those who
are not the “norm” are usually negatively labeled.
Labeling theory. Labeling theorists support the notion that deviance is a social
creation rather than a psychological characteristic (Robbins et al., 2011). The culture in
which a person lives determines what is right/wrong and good/bad. Just as socially
constructed phenomena change in time, space, and place, labels are also context specific.
In such a way, deviance is created through social interactions that define what is moral
and normal. Those who do not follow the dominant moral code are thus labeled as
deviants. Traditional criminological theory believes behavior to cause social reaction
(Rosenberg & Lemert, 2010). Closely related to labeling theory is George Herbert
Mead’s symbolic interactionism, which assumes that humans are social beings who
interpret symbols from their environment and respond to symbols (Robbins et al., 2011).
Through these interpretations, reality is constructed for an individual. Reality is not just
an intrapsychic concept that an individual develops about himself or herself; rather an
individual’s idea of self is shaped by the feedback they receive from others. An extension
of Mead’s idea is that of social internationalism. For example, in Erving Goffman’s
dramaturgical approach, people are actors with multiple “selves” that are not static.
Goffman highlights the transformation that people undergo when they are given an
institutional identity. Such an identity strips people of their self-worth.
13
This paper adopts several theoretical structures that are integral to changing the
current dilemmas in the police officer-suspect dynamic. At present, the status quo of the
dominant ruling those of lower social positions must be questioned if progress towards a
more ethical criminal justice system is to be made. Evaluation of police officers’
preconceptions about suspects and police officers’ subsequent choices in handling a
situation are important in moving toward a system that holds police officers accountable
for their actions.
Definition of terms. Based on a review of psychological literature, researchers
propose a taxonomy of racial microaggressions, which are defined as “ brief and
commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, environmental indignities, whether intentional or
unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults
to the target person or group” (Sue et al., 2007, p.273). Researchers have identified three
types of microaggressions: microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidations.
Microassaults are straightforward and conscious verbal and nonverbal attacks
committed at the individual level with the intention to hurt the victim (Sue et al., 2007).
Assaults may be in the form of someone being purposefully excluded or avoided because
of their race (refusing to sit on a train because the only seat available is next to a person
of color). Name calling such as calling someone a “darkie” or “redskin” is a microassault.
This type of microaggression resembles “old-fashioned” or overt racism.
A less overt form of microaggressions are microinsults. Microinsults are
characterized by the use of slander or a lack of sensitivity to a person’s race or racial
14
identity (Sue et al., 2007). Insults are usually carried out in a way that is unknown to the
perpetrator but clearly evident to the person of color. Microinsults can take the form of
comments about a “race hiring”, notions of only getting a position because of affirmative
action, and not calling on Mexican students in a math class. The messages conveyed
through microinsults tell the person that they are not “good” enough based on their race
and/or their opinions are unimportant; therefore, they should not be respected.
Microinvalidations are “communications” that discredit a person’s feelings,
identity, psychological thoughts, and reality related to their race. For instance, when
people say to a person of color “I do not see color. We are all human beings”, that person
is failing to acknowledge the lived experience and the identity of the person being
invalidated. Other forms of microinvalidations may take the form of perceived
compliments such as “You are very good at English” or “Where are you from? I can
sense a beautiful accent”. The idea of colorblindness indicates that a person does not
want to acknowledge race; thus, denying a person their ethnic or cultural identity.
Similarly when a person believes they may be complimenting a person’s accent or style,
they may be communicating to that person “You are not American. You are foreign. You
are not like us”. Microinvalidations tend to convey that one person’s culture or race are
superior to that which is considered “other”.
Researchers further highlight that racial microaggressions are often invisible to the
perpetrator, and sometimes unknown to the receiving party. Sue et al. (2007) reason that
most White Americans see themselves as moral and good human beings who do not hold
15
racist attitudes. The invisibility of racial microaggressions makes them powerful forces of
discrimination, as they often go unquestioned.
Assumptions. Research shows that people are biologically more alike than different
and racial differences are centered on what is seen, or the phenotypic differences. For this
reason, the researcher believes that there is one race, the human race. Given this
perspective, biological racial divisions are not reality, but socially created categories that
make it easier to pigeonhole behaviors and people. For the purposes of this study,
minority groups do not delineate a numerical minority; rather, minority groups are groups
where domination by a dominant culture is used to keep a group of people with similar
characteristics in an inferior status (Johnson & Rhodes, 2010). With this premise, it is
evident that a stereotypic cycle where racial categorizations are made based on
stereotypes can further perpetuate the social inequality of minority groups. In relation to
the criminal justice system, there is no doubt that racial inequalities in treatment of those
who are not part of the dominant culture exist.
An intersectional approach rather than an essentialist view of individuals will be
taken as a way to account for individual identities that are apt to shift in time and place. If
the researcher were to essentialize, the researcher would assume that discrimination has
one single definition for those who have these experiences.
Social work research justification. The aim of Social Work as a profession is to
uphold the dignity and self-worth in every person, and strive for social justice in our work
through advocacy and awareness. Outcomes from the research presented in this paper
16
will advance understanding regarding the effects of racial microaggressions within the
police officer-suspect dynamic. These findings will inform advocates of changes that are
necessary for social and economic justice within the criminal justice framework. Another
aim of Social Work is to provide service with integrity. By informing law enforcement
officials, of behaviors or interactions that may be mentally and emotionally harmful to
suspects, there may be a greater chance of improved police officer-suspect interactions.
Study limitations. A majority of research in the sociological field pertains to
African Americans. The “Black-White Binary,” as described by CRT, defines the
tendency to portray Blacks as the prototypical minority (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). In
this way, Blacks are the quintessential minority against which other groups are compared.
A majority of the literature review pertains to African Americans; however, it should be
noted that attempts to include other groups were made, as material was limited.
Due to the limitations of being a graduate student researcher and being bound by
University IRB protocol, real-life observations of police officer-suspect encounters in the
field are not possible. Because of the researcher’s limitations, threats to internal validity
include not observing police officer-suspect interactions in a controlled laboratory
setting; thus, the researcher is unable to control for environmental conditions. Another
limitation is that this study is a single-blind experiment where the researcher knows what
actions are of interest to the researcher. Triangulation of multiple episode data will be
utilized. Further limitations to this research is the small sample size and the outcomes of
which may not be generalizable to the entire population; thus, threatening external
17
validity. Given that the researcher will be using randomly selected COPS episodes from
cable television, the representativeness of the sample may have the potential to extend
beyond the fifty COPS episodes measured, within the limitations of the fact that these
episodes were recorded by an external source.
18
Chapter 2
Review of the Literature
Identity politics and the use of race as a construct for guiding interactions is a
phenomenon with a long and dark history in the United States as in other parts of the
world. While manifest forms of racial aggressions have been studied and examined by
scholars, the subtle and not so subtle forms of prejudice and negativity towards
stereotyped minority groups have not been studied in detail. Certain forms of interactions
between different ethnic groups highlight these subtle forms of microaggressions,
microassaults and microinvalidations rather clearly. The purpose of this literature review
is to examine the police officer-suspect dynamic with the goal to better understand the
relationship between race and treatment inequality within the criminal justice system.
This review will focus on four themes the researcher developed from the extensive
review of literature. The themes are as follows with sub-themes under the major themes:
Ideology as a means of justification (ideologies as a precursor to labeling, racializing
through microaggression, labeling as a precursor to deviance, labeling of locational
criminality); microaggression as a social hierarchy maintenance mechanism (decreased
domain performance as a result of racial microaggressions, microaggression as a threat to
social identity); police as agents of social control (in-group favoritism, training as the
beginnings of brotherhood, stereotyping of others as a threat, social identity and
information processing as instrumental mechanisms in police misconduct, citizens’
perceptions of police work), and feature as a determinant of treatment (social image and
19
race as determinants of sentencing, facial feature as a determinant of criminality, skin
tone as a marker of worth). Considering the limited research on racial microaggressions,
especially within the criminal justice system, literature on the study of racial
microaggressions is presented from contexts other than the police officer-suspect
dynamic. Although the literature presents these selected themes within a variety of
contexts, this literature review connects the themes and literature as a way to
meaningfully understand the processes affecting the police officer-suspect relationship.
Ideology as a Means of Justification
As America continues to become increasingly diverse there is yet to be an agreed
upon ideological framework by which to define the social paradigm of the United States.
Past psychological literature has relied on the use of color-blind ideological frameworks
to address issues of diversity (Wolsko, Park, Judd, & Wittenbrink, 2000). Arguments
have been made against the color-blind perspective stating that it restricts people’s
understanding of racism to blatant and overt forms of racism. In this way, racism is not
subtle or executed at an institutional level; rather, it is an illegal act against a person or
group that is met with consequences.
To determine whether category boundaries leads to greater prejudice, Wolsko et al.
(2000) conducted three experiments using a color-blind condition and multicultural
condition to assess perspectives on judgments of groups and individuals by White
American college students. After reading one of the ideological frameworks, White
participants in experiment one were asked to write a paragraph reflecting on their
20
thoughts, complete a percent estimate task, and a feeling thermometer assessment.
Results demonstrated that Whites were rated more warmly than Blacks on the feeling
thermometer and were rated more stereotypically than Whites on the percent estimate
task that measured 56 attributes of White and Black individuals. Within the color-blind
group, participants tended to display a greater degree of stereotyping of Whites compared
to Blacks, whereas the multicultural group had stronger stereotypes for Blacks than
Whites. However, participants in the multicultural condition identified both positive and
negative characteristics of African Americans. Knowledge that racism is not acceptable
may have affected both conditions such that both conditions showed reduced in-group
positivity. It is important to note that lower levels of stereotyping were expected for
color-blind participants, as past research has indicated, White individuals are aware of
norms against stereotyping.
Experiment two extended the findings from experiment one by adding a value
sorting task and a stereotype accuracy task. For the color-blind group, there was a strong
association between Self and the values of Blacks than to the participants’ perception of
Whites’ value similarity with Blacks on three value sorting activities. The multicultural
group fared significantly better in accurately identifying stereotypic and
counterstereotypic attributes and demonstrated a higher prevalence of positive attributes.
It is important to note that participants in the multicultural group showed less in-group
favoritism than did the color-blind participants. Experiment three sought to determine
whether individuals use individuating information or category information to predict
21
behavior of different ethnic groups. Using a positive and negative stereotype condition,
results indicated that participants in both conditions relied heavily on individuating
information; however, those in the multicultural group also relied on ethnicity to
determine behavior. These findings are important as they demonstrate that using a
multicultural perspective does not just focus on category information; rather, a focus on
both category and individuating information was used, in addition to positive and
accurate out-group stereotypes. Relating to the police-officer suspect dynamic ideological
messages that a particular police department and or an individual officer subscribes to
may have significant effects on their judgments of minority individuals. Observing that
those who held the color-blind perspective held more in-group bias/favoritism and less
accurate predictions of behavior, it seems important for police officers to become aware
of diversity and to incorporate a multicultural way of working with suspects. Wolsko et
al.’s (2000) findings indicate that when taking a multicultural perspective both reduced
ethnocentrism and increased group differentiation can coexist.
Several concerns over ideologies endorsed by police officers have been of interest
in recent years. Color-blindness as an ideology about race serves to justify a system of
White privilege. The idea that there is equality among all racial groups allows the
criminal justice system to pay no heed to the overrepresentation of minority individuals
in prison. Championing the color-blind perspective proves devastating for people of color
as it limits the ability to see actual, lived differences between minority individuals and
White individuals. Masking disparities between individuals further perpetuates unfair
22
advantages gained by White individuals based off of skin color. If ideologies such as the
color-blind perspective are given power, judging situations as normal within the criminal
justice system may perpetuate the further criminalization of race. Conceptualizations
about a certain group combined with ideology have the power to determine the labels a
person has about others.
Ideologies as a precursor to labeling. A review of the literature indicates the
labels that one carries as a criminal can limit a person’s mobility in the world. Labels and
restrictions placed on ex-criminals limit what one can do and can potentially lead to civic
death (Bernburg & Krohn, 2006). The notion that deviants are thought of as irresponsible
and destructive to society paints an image that is lasting and influential on the future
labeling of a person. Bernburg and Krohn (2006) illuminate a connection between
labeling a person as deviant and a person’s subsequent involvement with crime and
deviant groups. Researchers assert that deviant labeling can create a sense of exclusion
that isolates individuals involved in the criminal justice system from the mainstream.
Research demonstrates that juvenile justice intervention compared to no intervention
increases a person’s “gang membership by a factor of 5.2” (Bernburg & Krohn, 2006,
p.77) and is “positively related to involvement in subsequent delinquency [by a factor of
5.4]” (Bernburg & Krohn, 2006, p.80). In a study examining the impact of perceived
racism and the associations with psychological symptoms among African American boys,
researchers found that “higher levels of personal experiences with racism were associated
with higher levels of parent-reported externalizing behavior problems and higher levels
23
of child-reported externalizing behavior problems” (Nyborg & Curry, 2003, p.263).
These studies demonstrate how detrimental official labeling can be in the process of
increasing deviant behavior and how perceptions along with ideology play an important
role in subsequent behaviors.
Racializing through microaggression. Considering that the United States is a
labeling society, the United States can equally be argued to be a racialized society
whereby the social creation of difference lies along racial lines. Above all, a society that
assigns labels and stigmas to different races will clearly create unequal access to
opportunities and resources for some while providing for those who are part of the
dominant group.
Saperstein and Penner (2010) assert that the criminal justice system plays an
“important role in racializing Americans” (p.108). Saperstein and Penner’s (2010)
findings emphasize a connection between changes in a person’s incarceration status and
their racial self-identification and others’ racial classification of a person. Their results
show that perceptions of racial status that affect social position, both overt (as identified
by others) and covert (as identified by self) create changes in racial perceptions. This
study illuminates the cultural associations between blackness and crime. In this light,
when a person’s race is ambiguous, being a criminal has more associations with
blackness. Likewise, when people are labeled they are more likely to engage in behaviors
that conform to those labels over time. Labeling criminals or labeling a race as being
associated with crime can easily become a self-fulfilling prophecy where people are
24
expected to perform in stereotypical ways. Priming of criminality for an unspecified
individual results in the assumption that a person’s race is Black, the opposite has also
been found to be true; a Black person is more likely to be associated with crime. Being a
criminal is less likely to fit the images that Americans have for being White. Research on
how labeling a person as a criminal or of a particular group may have affects on the
interactions a person is likely to have within the context of a police officer-suspect
relationship.
Through the use of information from wave-four of the Add Healthy survey for the
2007-2008 year, Saperstein, Penner, and Kizer (2014) examined the racial perception of
participants Self and perceptions by interviewers. Add Health is a national longitudinal
study, which examines a range of contextual variables, well-being variables, health
outcomes, and achievement outcomes in young adulthood. Of 5,928 men in which
interviewers were to code for race based off of observed characteristics, researchers
found that men who had been arrested in wave-three were three times more likely to be
classified as Black in wave-four. Early interactions with the criminal justice system
subsequently increase a person’s odds of being classified as Black. It was found that the
frequency of arrest, or the additive affects of multiple arrest, did not increase the odds of
being classified as Black. Rather, researchers found that any arrest increases a person’s
odds of being classified as Black. Furthermore, violent crime was positively associated
with being Black and negatively associated with being White or Asian. Being arrested for
a violent crime increases a person’s chance by nearly four times as being classified as
25
Black. Interestingly, this research showed that interactions with the criminal justice
system decreased the odds of being classified as Asian. Racial categorization observed in
this study indicates that there is an assumption that being Asian is connected to a lack of
crime. The implications of this study highlight the important role that contact with the
criminal justice system has on perceptions of young men in the United States.
Labeling as a precursor to deviance. Further research on labeling and racial
classifications found that during a computer simulation exercise, researchers examined
police officers’ decisions to shoot White and Black suspects (Plant & Peruche, 2005).
Results showed that the 50 sworn certified law-enforcement personnel participants were
more likely to shoot Black unarmed suspects than White unarmed suspects. Such findings
are important to be examined in the context of extensions into real-life work with
humans. In a study titled “The Police Officer’s Dilemma” researchers found ethnicity to
influence the decision to shoot or not to shoot a target (Correll, Park, Judd, &
Wittenbrink, 2002). When the target was a Black character the participant was more
likely to shoot in all four dilemmas, whereas participants were not as likely to shoot if the
target was a White character. This research demonstrates a connection between shooter
bias and cultural stereotypes about Black people. Researchers argue that the speed and
accuracy of shooting a Black person over a White person is so much greater due to the
influences of growing up in a society that associates Black people with crime and
violence. In this way, the schema, or mental representations that a majority of people
have about Black individuals assists them in their decision to shoot at an ambiguous
26
target. Moreover research findings indicate that Black and White individuals alike held
these beliefs and had the same reactions to the different experiments. These findings
highlight the influences of growing up in a society that stereotypes Black individuals as
dangerous.
Labeling of locational criminality. Conversations about crime whether discussed
amongst neighbors or portrayed in the media affect the narratives about crime and who is
considered dangerous in any given community. Narratives about a community shape
policies and the interactions among community members. In this way, the stories created
are the springboard to ways of explaining and solving community problems. Cullen,
Fisher, and Applegate (2000) discovered that the public tends to sanction more punitive
policies when crime is discussed in general, broad and abstract terms; however, when
contextualized and provided with details, the public supports less punitive measures.
Based off of previous findings that two Boston communities with similar crime rates had
significantly different attitudes towards crime and criminals (Leverentz, 2011), Leverentz
(2012) examined how Factory Town (smaller community focus on addressing crime,
more punitive) and Urban Hub (larger community focus on addressing crime, less
punitive beliefs towards criminals) socially construct crime as a problem. Using
interviews, participant observation in task force meetings, and observations in the
community, Leverentz (2012) found both communities to identify the problem as drugs,
violent crime, and youth gangs. However, when discussing media portrayals of crime,
Leverentz (2012) found that Urban Hub is consistently highlighted in the news as a poor
27
black community with high levels of violent crime, without ever acknowledging that only
“2% of the people are the problem” (p.361). Even more, community members report that
the media depicts violence as an expected part of daily life in Urban Hub. Whereas crime
is regularly portrayed in Urban Hub, Factory Town supports less coverage of crime and
when crime is portrayed it tends to highlight the consequences of crime or crime against
the city. Observations in Factory Town show that narratives rarely discuss race; however,
these narratives tend to be filled with radicalized language. Given the history of Factory
Town as being a predominately White city with a recent influx of African Americans, it
seems important to community members to “resist” media crime coverage as a way to
preserve the historically White community. When crime is portrayed in Factory Town it
is portrayed as crime by “others;” typically, as random acts by African American men
who are “not” part of the Factory Town community. Leverentz (2012) concludes that
many residents have experienced stigmatization due to the meta-narratives surrounding
their communities. The researcher further concludes that talking about crime appears to
be a way that these communities talk about race and space. Narratives about a community
and the ways in which these problems are thought about have policy implications in
regards to particular communities. More so, the narratives some community members
champion may support treatment that is unfair to other people of the community whether
imbedded within narratives or subscribed ideologies. A significant number of studies
have documented and described the harmful affects that racism can have on an
individual’s well-being.
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Microaggression as a Social Hierarchy Maintenance Mechanism
The invisibility of microaggressions assists in the maintenance of a racial hierarchy.
Because this form of discrimination often has an invisible nature, people often lack the
knowledge that they perpetuate unintentional microaggressions. With an invisible nature,
everyday racism is not related to traditional concepts of racism. New forms of racism
may be seen as moral/immoral, legal/illegal, formal/informal, and at times nonexistent.
Sue et al. (2008) developed six categorical themes of racial microaggressions
through the analysis of Black focus-groups. The six themes that appeared through their
work were: assumption of intellectual inferiority, second class citizenship, assumption of
criminality, assumption of inferior status, assumed universality of the Black American
experience, and assumed superiority of White cultural values/communication styles.
Nadal, Griffin, Wong, Hamit, and Rasmus (2014) further added to these themes by
identifying the themes of alien to own land, myth of meritocracy, and color blindness.
Analysis of focus-group participant responses indicates that stress related to racism is not
only experienced when racism is made overt, but also when racism is less obvious (Sue et
al., 2008). Psychological distress is associated with experiences of both overt and covert
racism. Sue et al.’s (2008) research shows that Black Americans are more likely to
experience stereotyping in public, while experiencing insults in more private settings.
The lasting psychological impact of microaggressions can be long-term, lasting “for days,
weeks, months, and even years” (Sue et al., 2008, p. 336). This research further
demonstrates that covert forms of racism may be even more detrimental as the individual
29
is forced to negate the experience internally.
Similar to the dynamics of the police officer-suspect relationship, such that one
person has more power than the other, Constantine and Sue (2007) performed a
qualitative analysis of perceived racial microaggressions of 10 Black doctoral supervisees
by White supervisors. To capture a retrospective account of supervisees' experience with
racial microaggressions, researchers used an interpretive phenomenological analysis
(IAP) to gain insight into how individuals make sense of their experiences of racial
microaggressions. Seven themes that emerged from the semistructured interviews are as
follows: individuating racial-cultural experiences, making stereotypic assumptions about
Black clients, making stereotypic assumptions about Black supervisees, reluctance to
give performance feedback for fear of being viewed as racist, focusing primarily on
clinical weakness, blaming clients of color for problems stemming from oppression, and
offering culturally insensitive treatment recommendations. Researchers assert the seven
themes emphasize elements of attribution theory, which holds that people either attribute
causes of events to internal or external factors. In the case of this study, it appeared that
individuals were personally blamed for their experiences with racism, rather than seeing
racism as an external societal issue. The tendency to overuse dispositional attributions
while failing to acknowledge external attributions has been termed the “fundamental
attribution error”(Mio, Barker, & Tumambing, 2011). Another type of attribution error
that can potentially affect a police officer’s judgment, the “ultimate attribution error,”
occurs when attributes by one individual are used to represent an entire group.
30
Considering this assertion, police officers need to be cognizant of their attributions and
ways of interacting, given the power they hold.
Racial microaggressions serve as a form of power that make individuals vulnerable
to negative consequences. Through a critical race lens, Solórzano, Ceja, and Yosso
(2000) facilitated ten guided group discussions with 34 African American students from
three predominately White Research I universities to examine students’ experience of
racial microaggressions and their experiences of the racial climate on their campuses.
Two common themes researchers found were racial microaggressions within academic
spaces and racial microaggressions within social spaces. Students reported negative
impacts within those domains as a result of racial microaggressions. Consequences of
racial microaggressions for these students were struggles with self-doubt, isolation, and
frustration. So much that some students reported that the constant feelings of
discouragement and frustration eventually lead them to feelings of exhaustion. All of the
reported pressures and constant negotiating of their race and academic motivation lead
some to completely disengage with their field of study which is consistent with other
researchers’ findings (Lambert, Herman, Bynum, & Ialonga, 2009; Steele & Aronson,
1995; Woodcock, Hernandez, Estrada, & Schultz, 2012). Having to navigate daily
microaggressions can lead to the perpetuation of further stereotyping (i.e., leaving school
can be seen as being lazy and further perpetuate stereotypes of minorities as lazy). This
study shows that on the surface, major social institutions in the US appear to be providing
equal access, as is the case with American universities; however, Solórzano et al. (2000)
31
clearly reveal that access is not equal for African American students who must navigate
daily racial microaggressions.
Decreased domain performance as a result of racial microaggressions. Identity
as a means of self-determination and power to achieve a given task can be undermined
when race is made salient or when one experiences acts of racism in a given domain.
Lambert et al. (2009) found that African American adolescents’ experiences of racism
decreased perceptions of personal control in academic domains which is consistent with
others’ findings demonstrating that racism leads to a sense of loss (Steele & Aronson,
1995; Woodcock, et al., 2012). Loss of control leads to subsequent depressive symptoms
for participants. These findings are consistent with stereotypes threat literature that states
self-doubt and lowered self-efficacy is triggered by stereotype threat (Steele & Aronson,
1995). Through a meta-analytic review of perceived discrimination-health literature,
spanning the years of 1986-2007, researchers found that perceptions of discrimination is
related to “…heightened physiological stress responses, more negative psychological
stress responses, increased participation in unhealthy behaviors, and decreased
participation in healthy behaviors…” (Pascoe & Richman, 2009, p. 544). That being the
case, racism affects domain achievement and psychological well-being.
Similar to previous research findings, in a study of African American’s intellectual
performance and stereotype threat, researchers found that participants in the stereotype
threat condition performed significantly lower on a test of intellectual ability than those
without the condition (Steele & Aronson, 1995). The process of stereotype threat is
32
associated with lower expectations within the domain being assessed (Steele & Aronson,
1995; Woodcock et al., 2012). Lower expectations have been shown to eventually lead to
domain disidentification and abandonment (Woodcock et al., 2012). As defined by
researchers, domain disidentification is a process by which an individual reduces
participation/identification with a particular domain that was once highly valued. Chronic
exposure to threatening situations can lead to domain disidentification and eventually
cause the individual to disengage. Domains that were once valued, such as abiding by the
law (being a good person), may be negated by constant negative interactions with the
police.
Microaggression as a threat to social identity. Major and O’Brien (2005) suggest
that expectancy confirmation, similar to self-fulfilling prophecies, whereby individuals
treat the stigmatized in such ways that the stigmatized are mentally and behaviorally
affected, contributes to poor life outcomes. Automatic stereotype activation behavior is
the automatic activation of negative stereotypes. For instance, there are certain situations
in which individuals are expected to do poorly. Because of deeply held societal beliefs,
individuals going into these situations knowing the stigma of their particular group may
trigger that behavior in individuals. Stigma as identity threat is a mechanism whereby
individuals experience a threat to their social identity.
Previous research on stigma has portrayed individuals as passive victims; however,
Major and O’Brien (2005) assert that stigmatized individuals play a role in mediating
responses to stigma. Through collective representation or a shared understanding of their
33
status and how they are viewed by the dominant, situational cues that may indicate a
person is at risk of being stereotyped, and personal characteristics (stigma sensitivity,
group identification, domain identification, goals and motive) affect appraisal of identity
threat. Threat is said to occur when demands of a situation outweigh believed resources.
Stigma induced identity threat happens when the individual believes the stigmatized view
of themselves to be socially harmful and true for themselves. Involuntary responses to
identity threat can be experienced as anxiety, decrease in health status, reductions in
working memory, and automatic vigilance.
As described previously, there is no doubt that racism affects an individual’s wellbeing. In a consensual qualitative research study, nineteen adults of color were
interviewed about their experiences with racism (Lowe, Okubo, & Reilly, 2012). The
following themes were derived from semistructured interviews with participants:
everyday racism, racism and trauma, confiding, secondary injuries from confiding about
racism, fantasies about self or others speaking out against racism, and intergenerational
transmission. Findings from the study illuminate the experiences of racism as being
similar to those who experience symptoms of post traumatic stress disorder. Experiences
of being minimized, dismissed, and seeing generations of family members face racism
led individuals to experience a number of negative psychological and emotional
symptoms. Individuals reported feelings of hypervigilance, lower self-efficacy,
avoidance, and powerlessness. Even though overt discrimination has been banned and
may seem more harmful than covert racism, subjugation of minorities through subtle and
34
insidious forms of discrimination is a current practice and can be seen large disparities
outcomes in treatment of minorities by police officers.
Police as Agents of Social Control
Understanding how police officers use power and position as forms of control lies
in the understanding of intergroup relations research. In their book titled “Race and
Police Brutality: Roots of the Urban Dilemma,” Holmes and Smith (2008) highlight a
mixture of social-psychological literature to propose possible causes of police brutality.
The authors assume that conflict theory is a clear piece of police work such that police
are working to protect dominant class interests. Researchers further expand conflict
theory to group-conflict theory where numerous groups possess competing interests.
Holmes and Smith (2008) argue that police brutality can be espoused with and without
competing interests. Given that police assume the role to “protect” individuals, and
citizens “believe” the police to be a protective force, it would appear that there would be
mutual interests between police and citizens. However, Holmes and Smith (2008)
identify minority areas to be a place of conflict for police and citizens. They argue that
self-interests, which is inherent in the group-conflict model, does not fully explain police
brutality. Researchers proclaim that a cognitive perspective that considers the social
identity model and information processing model is key to understanding police brutality.
To understand Holmes and Smith’s (2008) conceptualizations of police brutality, ingroup bias, training protocol, and officer-minority emotions are discussed below.
In-group favoritism. The occupational culture of policing has been described as a
35
brotherhood characterized by group loyalty, crime fighting, suspicion of out-group
members, and stereotypes of certain people and areas. To highlight the level of loyalty
that exist among officers, Holmes and Smith (2008) discuss the “blue wall of silence” or
the “code of secrecy” as an unspoken way that officers protect themselves and each other.
Police see themselves as an inherent part of maintaining social order. Police values along
with the militaristic style (i.e., uniforms) of the police separate them from the larger
society. However, Holmes and Smith (2008) argue that the police are sometimes in
alliance with the dominant group in society. That is, police and the dominant group share
the value to protect the dominant group’s values while criminalizing minorities. Part of
human existence is define by how individuals use in-group categorization and favoritism
to form an us-versus them dynamic. Markers of difference become indicators of negative
qualities about out-group members. Researchers assert that ethnocentrism forms a
“positive self-identity and in-group favoritism” (Holmes & Smith, 2008, p.43). The
perception of in-group similarity fosters ethnocentrism and group cohesiveness.
Training as the beginnings of brotherhood. Police training curriculum has a
heavy emphasis on crime fighting. Holmes and Smith (2008) reason that the suspicion of
citizens and crime fighting/heroic focus of the academy fosters social isolation from nonpolice individuals and families deemed as a threat. Maintaining edge and suspiciousness
is a core element of occupational and social identity for police. Again, an us versus them
culture is supported through the various training mechanisms police officers undergo. All
of the experiences in the academy combined with the perception of threat in minority
36
neighborhoods adds to the bonding experience that is characteristic of policing.
Stereotyping of others as a threat. From a review of literature, Holmes and Smith
(2008) relay that stereotypes serve to simplify the complexity of society whereby
individuals are able to conserve mental resources. That is, when police officers confront
complex circumstances they rely on categorical reasoning or “quick stereotyping.”
Automatic stereotype activation serves to guide expectations and subsequent behaviors in
a quick manner. Researchers state that in the absence of alternative images, memories of
past encounters or understandings learned through social learning are used to judge
situations.
During stressful moments and or times of threat, individuals may rely on cognitive
shortcuts due to time constraints. Officers frequently find themselves in situations where
it is crucial to make rapid decisions. In times of uncertainty, stereotypes are said to help
form interpretations of threat and danger. Going back to the group conflict model,
stereotype activation does not require group conflict to be present. Instead, researchers
consider the role of emotions as important in the decision making process. Officers’
socialization in the academy provides a framework for officers’ emotional understanding
of the work. Key to serving in minority neighborhoods is being prepared for danger and
acting quickly to defend personal safety. Because of the high level of social
disorganization in minority neighborhoods, researchers assert that citizens of these
neighborhoods would expect the police to be resorting order, yet community members
lack the confidence in police to protect them. Holmes and Smith (2008) highlight that
37
minority individuals and the police are often at odds with each other, serving as a threat
to one another.
Social identity and information processing as instrumental mechanisms in
police misconduct. Given Holmes and Smith’s (2008) findings, they assert that the social
identity model helps in understanding how police officers socially categorize themselves
and others. The more salient identity differences between citizens and the police officer,
the greater the perceived differences between the two. The other approach that
researchers support is the information processing model, which highlights similarities
between machine processing and individuals. Similar to a machine, stereotype activation
may work unconsciously and subsequently elicit behavioral responses to stereotypes.
When working in minority neighborhoods, which are socially disadvantaged or crime
ridden, it is easy to see how fear responses to stereotypically threatening stimuli may
appear for police officers.
Citizens’ perceptions of police work. Chaney and Robertson (2013) examined the
statistical findings and narratives provided by contributors to the National Police
Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project (NPMSRP) to determine the rate of police
brutality and perceptions of police departments in the United States. During the months
between April 2009 and June 2010 there were “5,986 reports of misconduct, 382
fatalities linked to misconduct, settlements and judgment that totaled $347,455,000, and
33% of misconduct cases that went through to convictions and 64% of misconduct cases
received prison sentences” (Chaney & Robertson, 2013, p.485). The four themes that
38
emerged from the analysis of the narratives are as follows; 14% expressed contempt for
law enforcement, 22% indicated suspicion of law enforcement, 44% believed law
enforcement as agents of brutality, and 20% felt respect towards law enforcement_.
Essentially, a majority of individuals who utilized the NPMSRP held negative views of
law enforcement. Following up on the NPMSRP data, reports for January 2010 through
December 2010 estimate that 977. 98 officers per 100,000 officers engaged in police
misconduct (NPMSRP, 2010). During the same time period, 22 states had police
misconduct rates above the aforementioned average. Findings by Chaney and Robertson
(2013) on the perceptions held by anonymous community members about law
enforcement’s practices within various communities highlight the questionable practices
by some members of law enforcement.
Police are given the power to protect citizens. A handful of protections by police
officers offer advantages to only dominant groups. In this way, it can be argued that
Holmes and Smith (2008) are correct in stating that crime control regulates threat to the
powerful. Cochran and Warren (2012) examined 3,439 cases from the 2005 Police Public
Contact Survey (PPCS), which is a supplement to the National Crime Victimization
Survey (NCVS) that provides information about individuals contact with the police. For
the purposes of their study, researchers were interested in cases where individuals were
only involved in traffic stops. Findings show 19% of individuals felt that they were
stopped for illegitimate reasons by minority officers compared to 12% for White officers.
Researchers also report that Black males and females were stopped by minority officers
39
at a rate that is 1.5 to 3 times more than that of White officers; however, Black males and
females were more likely to report being stopped for illegitimate reasons by White
officers. This study highlights that even Black officers are not immune to negative
evaluations by U.S. citizens, as evidenced by the findings that individuals who were
stopped by minority citizens for discretionary reasons were three times more likely to
believe the stop was illegitimate than those stopped for speeding. For Blacks, researchers
argue that their findings indicate that police officer race has less to do with the legitimacy
of the stop than the reason for the stop and when stopped by White officers, officer
behavior is more dubious. Officer race may have an influence on how individuals
perceive the police.
Updated findings from the 2011 PPCS (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011) indicate
that 26% out of 6.2 million U.S. residents had contact with the police during 2011. Study
findings show that Black drivers (13%) were more likely to be pulled over in traffic stops
by police officers than White (10%) and Hispanic (10%) drivers. Additionally, black
drivers were more likely to believe that the officer behaved inappropriately during the
stop. Findings also show that when residents were stopped by officers of the same race,
they were more likely to believe the officers motives just. Out of the 3% of traffic stop
drivers and 19% of individuals involved in street stops that were frisked; a majority of
these individuals did not believe the officers’ reasons for the frisk to be legitimate. About
1% of drivers pulled over in traffic stops had officers use physical force against them;
only 55% believed these acts to be justifiable. As agents of social control, these statistics
40
negate the role of protecting all citizens of the U.S. equally.
Feature as a Determinant of Treatment
Historically, race was considered immutable and linked to particular characteristics.
Race has been conceptualized as a marker or attribute that a person possesses. Saperstein
and Penner (2012) demonstrate through their use of 12, 686 respondents to the National
Longitudinal Survey of Youth, that race is a propensity not a characteristic. That is, race
does not simply happen to a person, it changes and is negotiated through interactions.
Findings from their study indicate racial perceptions change over time and situation in
response to unemployment, incarceration, and marriage.
Through a review of psychological literature, researchers identified two problems
with stigma literature (Link & Phelan, 2001). Namely, stigma has been conceptualized
from researchers whose vantage point is not one from a truly stigmatized group and the
main focus, in regards to stigma literature, has been on the individual. That is, the focus
has been on a mark or attribute that an individual possesses. Provided that the individual
is from a stigmatized group, the stigma is usually seen as “something in the person”
rather than a tag or classification. Link and Phelan (2001) note that unlike discrimination,
which focuses attention on the producer of rejection, with stigma the focus is on the
individual. Consistent with Link and Phelan’s (2001) assertions, Major and O’Brien
(2005) state that stigma is context specific, not residing within the individual. Link and
Phelan (2001) discuss their conceptualization of stigma as including four main
components which prove helpful in analyzing the police officer-suspect dynamic;
41
labeling; the creation of dominant cultural beliefs that designate an attribute to a negative
stereotype; the creation of an “us” versus “them” where they believe “others” to be
demarcated in some way; status loss which leads to discrimination based on undesirable
characteristics. Link and Phelan’s (2001) conceptualization is different than previous
ideas about stigma such that they argue stigma as being dependent on power. People tend
to focus on differences in attributes while failing to acknowledge power differences
between groups. Because the focus of the research is on those who are discriminated
against, the conceptualization of stigma must include power, status loss, and
discrimination. If stigma were solely defined by labeling or stereotyping (all doctors are
rich), those who are not disadvantaged are “stigmatized”.
Link and Phelan (2001) further highlight that past research on stigma has been
conducted on single circumstances or one type of life outcome (i.e., obesity, AIDS).
Researchers assert that many life chances can be affected by stigma, not just one (health
outcomes). Employment, housing, psychological well-being, and overall life is affected
by stigma; therefore, when individuals are stigmatized many aspects of their lives are
affected.
Wittenbrink, Hilton, and Gist (1998) explore some of the problems with
categorizing groups based on similarities. Researchers note that when stimuli are grouped
together solely based on similarity, it is unclear how these categories are made such that
categories may be different person-to-person. In an experiment, one hundred and fiftytwo introductory psychology students were given a background story and then asked to
42
organize pictures in a free sort task in accordance to their given story. Results showed
that the participants’ background knowledge significantly influenced how they sorted the
pictures. These findings are incompatible with the assertion that individuals depend on a
priori knowledge to categorize; thus, knowledge about a group can be influenced by
different circumstances, which is consistent with other researchers’ findings
(Wittenbrink, Judd, and Park, 2001). Granted that subjective construction is part of the
grouping process, Wittenbrink et al. (1998) argue that conceptual knowledge about a
given subject and “naive theories” of categorization provide individuals with
explanations for how a group is defined. In this light, researchers assert that stereotypes
are a type of “naive theory” or shorthand knowledge about a social category that
influence individual’s behaviors when their is contextual evidence to support their
theories. Researchers do however acknowledge that the dominant ideological framework
of a society can influence stereotypes or the subjective creation of social categories.
In a study examining variability in automatically activated attitudes, Wittenbrink et
al.(2001) conducted two experiments highlighting the influence that context plays in the
activation of stereotypes. Using an Implicit Association Test (IAT) and a priming
paradigm, the two experiments demonstrated black primes (faces) facilitated negative
responses when the situation was stereotypically negative, whereas in the positive context
condition the same faces yielded positive responses rather than negative. These results
illustrate that activation of stereotypes is context specific. That is, the same person may
have an automatically activated attitude that differs from station-to-situation in response
43
to the same object. Researchers assert that automatic processing is conditional. In light of
the police officer-suspect dynamic, it can be argued that police officers’ information
processing about a particular suspect may be context dependent.
Social image and race as determinants of sentencing. Processing a group’s level
of threat may be dependent on the social image a group has for a particular person. While
many minority groups are equated with those that are disadvantaged, Asian-Americans
have been deemed the “model minority” due to their relatively higher educations,
incomes, and lower levels of poverty compared to other minority groups (Johnson &
Betsinger, 2009). Asian offenders represent a unique group such that there is little
research on this population. Due to the growing population of Asian-American offenders
researchers attempt to investigate the inequalities in sentencing for Asian-Americans.
It has been routinely thought by scholars that those who are not White will receive
more severe punishments compared to their White counterparts. In testing their
hypotheses, Johnson and Betsinger (2009) combine conflict, consensus, and
organizational theory. Conflict theorist would argue that race has a significant influence
in sentencing, whereas consensus theorist believe legal factors to have a strong influence
on sentencing. Organizational perspectives seek to understand the court actor behavior.
When the court actor (judge) is forced to make decisions under situational constraints
(time/informational), judges may be forced to make their judgments based on attributions
they have for a particular group. Racial attributions (stereotypes) are key in the decisionmaking processes regarding sentencing. Stereotypes help determine the culpability and
44
dangerousness of the individual. Using data from the United States Sentencing
Commission, it was shown that Asian-Americans receive less serve sentences compared
to other racial minorities, and at times more lenient sentences than White individuals.
These findings are consistent with the organizational perspective that proposes that
Asian-American offenders have more favorable outcomes associated with their positive
social image. Findings indicate that race plays an important role in treatment in the
criminal justice system.
Facial feature as a determinant of criminality. For some, race is equated with
physical features and physical features are associated with treatment. Present research
deems that physical features are important in identifying criminals. Blair, Judd, Sadler,
and Jenkins (2002) found that Afrocentric features were more likely to be associated with
crime than with Eurocentric facial features. Afrocentric compared to Eurocentric facial
features were negatively associated with being smart, successful, and responsible.
Hochschild and Weaver’s (2007) findings that individuals with dark-skin tend to face
more barriers than light-skin individuals within the African American community is
analogous to Blair et al., (2002) conclusions. Considering these findings, it is clear to see
how associations between stereotypes and facial features can lead to prejudice. Oliver,
Jackson, Moses, and Dangerfield (2004) examined viewers’ memory of race related
facial features of individuals in four different news stories; nonstereotyped
stereotyped/noncrime, nonviolent crime, and violent crime. Findings show that memories
of Afrocentric features were more pronounced when news stories pertained to crime, but
45
were not as pronounced when they were nonstereotyped. This suggests that Afrocentric
facial features are associated with criminality, and may reflect negative stereotypes of
African Americans.
Out of an array of stimuli, those which are threatening are more noticeable; thus,
capturing attention more quickly (i.e., a spider on a wall with picture frames). To test this
in regards to people, Donders, Correll, and Wittenbrink’s (2008) examined attention
allocation of twenty-eight college students by using two tasks that measured attentional
cues and automatic stereotyping and prejudice. Danger index findings revealed that study
participants were more likely to associate danger stereotypes with Blacks while
associating safety with Whites. Danger stereotypes associated with Blacks are as follows:
danger, crime, violence, and murder. Overall attentional bias was found to increase as
danger stereotype accessibility increases. Findings suggest that Black faces capture
attention more quickly and White faces capture attention more slowly in regards to
danger stereotypes. Racial danger irrelevant stereotypes and prejudice did not
significantly predicted attention; meaning, threat stereotypes directly relate to attention
allocation bias.
Skin tone as a marker of worth. Racial minorities in the United States have been
disadvantaged for centuries compared to light skinned individuals. While intergroup
racism has been made apparent, intra-group racism also exists, but is sometimes unknown
to outsiders. Within minority groups, dark-skinned individuals face more barriers than
their lighter-skinned counterparts. This phenomena has been termed colorism
46
(Hochschild &Weaver, 2007). Colorism differs from prejudice and racism in that
colorism represents in-group prejudice instead of prejudice between two separate groups.
Within groups designated as non-White, for some unknown reason, people tend to
attribute higher status and power to those of fairer complexions. Researchers found that
having light skin is associated with better societal outcomes; thus, demonstrating that
dark skin magnifies racial inequalities. Through national surveys researchers describe
how Black people as a whole strive to fight primary discrimination but together they do
not fight the secondary racism that affects those of darker skin tones. It can be assumed
that this struggle is not only experienced by African Americans, but is most likely
experienced across many ethnic groups. Fighting against discrimination from the outside
is a task that social workers must pursue in order to empower those fighting multiple
battles.
The review of the literature demonstrates a need for more research in the field on
racial microaggressions within the criminal justice system. Far too many accounts of
racial profiling, police brutality, and activities based on racial stereotypes demand the
attention of social scientist. The research highlights that automatic stereotype activation is
dependent on context and situation; meaning, that stereotypes have the potential to be
flexible. With further research, social scientist and criminal justice officials may be able
to develop a curriculum to help current and future officers develop ethical practices.
Given the themes of this literature review (Ideology as a Means of Justification
(ideologies as a precursor to labeling, racializing through microaggression, labeling as a
47
precursor to deviance, labeling of locational criminality), Microaggression as a Social
Hierarchy Maintenance Mechanism (decreased domain performance as a result of racial
microaggressions, microaggression as a threat to social identity), Police as Agents of
Social Control (in-group favoritism, training as the beginnings of brotherhood,
stereotyping of others as a threat, social identity and information processing as
instrumental mechanisms in police misconduct, citizens’ perceptions of police work), and
Feature as a Determinant of Treatment (social image and race as determinants of
sentencing, facial feature as a determinant of criminality, skin tone as a marker of worth),
it is clear that there are many components of the police officer-suspect dynamic that must
be examined.
48
Chapter 3
Methods
This chapter presents the methods used to conduct the study on microaggression
and microinvalidation manifestations, using a modified version of Kevin Nadal’s Racial
and Ethnic Microaggression Scale (REMS), as perceived in the interactions between
police officers and persons stopped by police officers. It is organized to include the major
sections of the methodologies utilized such as the study design, sampling procedures,
data collection procedures, instruments, data analysis, and protection of human subjects.
Study Objectives
The objective of this study was to examine the level of racial microaggressions
including microinvalidation within the context of the police officer-suspect initial
encounter relationship in situations of initial contact with law enforcement officers. With
the high number of minority individuals involved in the criminal justice system, the
purpose of this research was to gain an understanding of the various ways in which
microaggressions are present in the interactions between police officers and those
stopped by law enforcement as depicted in the “COPS” television series.
Data from a random sample of fifty COPS television episodes, each running
twenty-two minutes in length, produced by Langley Productions and broadcast by Fox
comprised the sample used for the investigation. A sample of fifty COPS episodes was
appropriate for this study because it is one of the only shows that is unscripted and filmed
on-scene following the activities of law enforcement officers. It is important to mention
49
that a sample of fifty COPS episodes is not a representative sample of the general
population in the United States. Although the producer claims that the show is unscripted
and filmed on-scene, it can be assumed that law enforcement officers may not behave as
they usually would if they were not under the public’s eye. Similar to the limitations of a
laboratory study (Leedy & Ormrod, 2013), being subjected to a camera crew may provide
an artificial setting that does not translate to real-life.
Study Design
The researcher used a content analysis method to identify mass media portrayals
of incarceration initiatives conducive to racial microaggressions and stereotype
vulnerability. Leedy and Ormrod (2013) define content analysis as a systematic and
rigorous examination of human communication such as analyses of magazines, movies,
television, or books. Content analysis was appropriate for identifying themes, patterns,
and biases in material.
Using an adapted version of Kevin Nadal’s Racial and Ethnic Microaggression
Scale (REMS) (Appendix A) allowed the researcher to determine the level and frequency
of racial microaggressions in each COPS episode. The content analysis of COPS episodes
using a random sampling method was quantitative.
Although there are numerous types of mix-method designs, the best design for
this study was the exploratory design that allowed for action research to be the goal. The
exploratory research design was selected due to its two-phase process of first using
qualitative methods and then the second phase of using quantitative methods (Leedy &
50
Ormrod, 2013). The anticipated benefit of using an exploratory design was the flexibility
allowed for gaining insight into a problem where little research exists (Cuthill, 2002;
Taylor, Catalano, & Walker, 2002). Due to the exploratory nature of the design, many
types of questions were used to address the problem. Findings from an exploratory design
generate more precise research problems that further define the phenomena under study.
Sampling Procedures
A probability sample of the study units was selected using a table of random
numbers until fifty episodes were selected. This increases the external validity of the data
and affords generalizability to similar situations of initial contact with the law
enforcement officers. Every episode of the COPS unscripted, recorded on the scene had
an equal chance of being represented in the sample for this study.
Data Collection Procedures
The researcher reviewed each episode and used the adapted REMS (Appendix A)
to determine the level and frequency of racial microaggressions in each episode. There
were no human subjects used for the study. The secondary data consisted of fifty COPS
television episodes that are in the public domain. Due to the limited timeframe for study
completion and limited funding for research, secondary data analysis was appropriate, as
it provided access to a large sample of relevant measures (Leedy & Ormrod, 2013). Smith
et al. (2011) states that secondary data analysis should have a research question, study
sample, appropriate measures, and analytic approach, which were identified in Chapter
One, Chapter Two, and Chapter Three.
51
Instruments
The entire content analysis was based on items specific to characterization of
microaggressions, as specified by experts and scholars on microaggressions and related
concepts using the REMS. Dr. Nadal is a professor at Columbia University who has done
extensive research on racial and ethnic microaggressions. He is a nationally renowned
scholar in this field and has given this researcher permission to use his scale “Racial and
Ethnic Micro-aggression Scale (REMS)” after email and telephone correspondence
between this researcher, researcher’s advisor Dr. Antonyappan, and Dr. Nadal.
Although many items on the REMS are not specific to the police officer-suspect
dynamic, and therefore several of the concepts were not applicable, wherever it was
applicable the items were used as a useful guide in observing the presence or absence of
racial microaggressions within the police officer-suspect dynamic.
Data Analysis
The researcher used both descriptive and inferential statistics as relevantly
demanded by the data and research questions. Descriptive statistics was used to describe
findings associated with the frequency of racial microaggressions distilled from the
sample COPS episodes. Descriptive statistics were used to condense and present the
information gathered in graphs and tables displaying the numerical findings. Inferential
statistics were used to develop meaningful inferences between the primary concepts of
the study as observed in the sample using independent samples t-test, correlation
coefficients, and regression analysis.
52
The research hypothesis was that the handling officer’s racial background and the
suspects’ ethnicity were bound to influence the behavior of the officer towards the
subject, as operationalized on the microaggression score. Frequency distributions were
conducted for the following measures: number of police officers in the encounter that
were of the same race as the suspect, the handling officer’s expression of an attitude of
condescendence towards the alleged suspect, the portrayal of the suspect in the episode as
positive, a police officer’s behavior as being unduly aggressive, the handling police
officer’s racial background, the suspect’s racial background, whether the majority of
police officers in the encounter were of the same race as the suspect, the police officer’s
indication of generalized assumptions based on the alleged suspect’s race, and the body
language of the police officer indicated disrespect towards the alleged suspect. Cross
tabulations, Pearson Chi Square, and Cramer’s V were conducted on the handling
officer’s presentation of generalized assumptions based on the alleged suspect’s race and
the handling officer’s ethnic background, a police officer acting unduly aggressive and
the handling officer’s ethnic background, and the alleged suspect’s ethnic background
and the handling officer’s ethnic background. Correlation tests were run for the number
of police officers in the encounter - the same race as the suspect, microaggression score,
the police officer did not listen to what the alleged suspect was trying to say, and the
police officer assumed that the alleged suspect’s marijuana was of illegal action without
proceeding to ask if the alleged suspect had a license for the marijuana. The researcher
conducted an independent samples test between the microaggression score and whether
53
there is a difference between Caucasian officer’s handling of suspects compared to nonCaucasian officer’s handling of suspects.
Protection of Human Subjects
The researcher submitted an exempt Institutional Review Board (IRB) application
on October 3rd, 2014. Approval for the application was given on October 14th, 2014. The
Human Subjects Protocol number is 14-15-018. See Appendix B for the IRB approval
letter.
54
Chapter 4
Study Findings and Discussions
The purpose of the study was to gain an understanding of the expressions of
microaggressions as observed in the interactions between police officers and persons
stopped by police officers from the unscripted, and recorded on the scene, “COPS”
television series. This chapter presents the study findings in the context of the themes
presented in the literature review and the study questions. The researcher used the content
analysis method to identify mass media portrayals of incarceration initializations
conducive to racial microaggressions using an adapted version of Kevin Nadal’s Racial
and Ethnic Microaggression Scale (REMS) (Appendix A) to determine the level and
frequency of racial microaggressions in each COPS episode. As presented in the
following tables (Tables 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and Figures 1 and 2), COPS
episodes were measured for a variety of factors contributing to racial microaggression
within the police officer-suspect dynamic.
Table 1
Background of the Handling Police Officer
Frequency
Latino
African
American
Caucasian
Other
Total
Percent Valid Percent
4
8.0
8.0
Cumulative
Percent
8.0
3
6.0
6.0
14.0
42
1
50
84.0
2.0
100.0
84.0
2.0
100.0
98.0
100.0
55
The frequency distribution of officers in the fifty COPS episodes indicated that the
majority of the (84.0%) police officers were Caucasian, 8.0% of police officers were
Latino, 6.0% of police officers were African American, and 2.0% of police officers were
categorized as “Other”. Findings indicate that law enforcement is still predominantly
occupied by Caucasians, as indicated by the fact that 42 of the 50 handling police officers
observed in the content analysis being Caucasian. According to the Bureau of Justice
Statistics (2003), in a study of over 3,000 local and state law enforcement agencies, racial
and ethnic minority police officers composed 23.6% of full-time sworn police officers in
2003.
Table 2
Handling Officer's Perceived Ethnic Background
Frequency
Caucasian
Ethnic
Minority
Total
Percent Valid Percent
42
84.0
84.0
8
16.0
16.0
50
100.0
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
84.0
100.0
Police officers were divided into the categories of Caucasian or ethnic minority to allow
for comparison of treatment towards suspects depending on the officer’s background.
Table 2 indicates that in 84.0% of episodes, the handling police officer was Caucasian
and in 16.0% of the events, the handling police officer was from an ethnic minority
group.
56
Table 3
Group Statistics of Microaggression Score
The handling officer's
ethnic background
Caucasian
Ethnic Minority
N
48
2
Mean
17.6905
12.1250
Std. Deviation
11.15410
8.77395
Std. Error
Mean
1.72112
3.10206
The number of COPS episodes observed was fifty; there were forty-two Caucasian police
officers and eight ethnic minority police officers in the sample. The mean
microaggression score for the Caucasian police officers was 17.6905 with a standard
deviation of 11.15410. The mean microaggression score for ethnic minority police
officers was 12.1250 with a standard deviation of 8.77395. A higher microaggression
score was found for Caucasian police officers which is consistent with Sue et al.’s (2007)
claims that Caucasian Americans are generally unaware of the advantages afforded them,
and that they tend to be the perpetrators of unintentional and intentional discrimination
towards minority individuals.
One of the hypotheses was that the handling police officer’s perceived racial
background might influence the behavior of the police officer towards the subject as
operationalized on the microaggression score. The null hypothesis was that the handling
police officer’s perceived racial background would have no impact on the scores received
on the microaggression score. This study found that difference in the average
microaggression score between Caucasian police officers and ethnic minority police
officers was not statistically significant, t (48)= 1.331, mean difference of 5.56548, and p
> .05.
57
Table 4
Alleged Suspect Perceived Background
Latino
African
American
Caucasian
Asian
Other
Total
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
5
10.0
10.0
Cumulative
Percent
10.0
14
28.0
28.0
38.0
28
1
2
50
56.0
2.0
4.0
100.0
56.0
2.0
4.0
100.0
94.0
96.0
100.0
Suspects were also predominantly (56.0%) Caucasian. The following groups were
represented as follows: 10.0% were Latino, 28.0% were African American, 2.0% were
Asian, and 4.0% were marked as “Other”. Findings that a majority of alleged suspects in
the COPS episodes were Caucasian is not consistent with the overall trend of more
minority individuals being in contact with the criminal justice system.
Table 5
Majority Police Officers that were of the same Ethnicity as the
Alleged Suspect
Yes
No
50/50
Total
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
24
48.0
48.0
19
38.0
38.0
7
14.0
14.0
50
100.0
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
48.0
86.0
100.0
58
In 48.0% of episodes, the majority of police officers in the encounter were of the same
race as the alleged suspect. 38.0% of episodes indicated that the majority of police
officers in the encounter were not of the same race as the alleged suspect. 14.0% of
episodes indicated that there were equal numbers of police officers from the alleged
suspect’s race and from other racial backgrounds.
Figure 1. Microaggression frequency distribution.
Figure 1 indicates a slightly skewed normal distribution of microaggression scores with a
mean of 16.80 and a standard deviation of 10.925. The tail is long on the left side of the
curve. A majority of police officers (16.0%) had microaggression scores between 10.00
and 20.00.
59
The specific findings of the study are based on scores received on the adapted
version of the REMS (Appendix A). The current study indicates that there were several
factors such as preconceived notions about the suspects, the handling officer’s attitude
toward the suspect and the general demeanor contributed to racial microaggression
scores. Narrative comments were also noted while collecting data to indicate examples of
the appearance of different types of microaggressions.
Microassaults were indicated through comments such as “Where is your
documentation?” “I am tired of hearing from you,” and “Come on, how old are you?
When will you get it?” Microinsults were seen as police officers repeatedly asking an
innocent suspect “Are we going to find anything in the car?” or stating to suspects “Look
who we found again”.
Microinvalidations were seen as police officers not listening to a suspect when
completing an investigative stop. One incident in particular was when a transgender
individual was pulled over and the police officer kept calling the transwoman by her legal
name on her ID, which was a male name. This suspect stated her preferred name to the
police officers multiple times, but the police officers continued to call the suspect by their
assigned birth name.
Out of the fifty episodes, 92.0% of police officers assumed the suspect was
already guilty. These findings were indicated by terms such as “suspicious looking
person,” “known criminal,” “parolee,” and “potential warrant holder”. Robbins et al.,
(2011) assert that deviance is a social creation rather than a psychological characteristic.
60
As culture determines what is right or wrong, the assumption made by the police officer
indicating the alleged suspect was already guilty is a socially constructed phenomena
used to criminalize a person; in some cases, a person found to be innocent. Social
constructivists believe that the depathologizing of what the dominant culture would
consider “deviant” may have intervention implications (Coady & Lehmann, 2008) such
that these behaviors can be constructed as unique opportunities for change.
Table 6
Frequency Distribution of Episodes that Indicated the Alleged Suspect was
already Guilty
Frequency
Did not
experience
Experienced
once
Experienced
twice
Experienced
three
Experienced
five
Total
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
4
8.0
8.0
8.0
35
70.0
70.0
78.0
4
8.0
8.0
86.0
2
4.0
4.0
90.0
5
10.0
10.0
100.0
50
100.0
100.0
The assumption of guilt is an example of a microaggression; the categorization about a
person’s criminality can be damaging to their energy and self-image. For example, for
those who have been pulled over or followed by a police officer, the experience is usually
61
unsettling, even when not doing something wrong. In many instances the suspects were
clearly in psychological distress thus affirming the themes from the literature reviewed
pertaining to the stereotype vulnerabilities as a source of ongoing psychological distress.
Table 7
Frequency Distribution of Episodes where Initial Procedures were Disrespectful in
such a way that made Assumptions about the Alleged Suspect’s Race
Did not experience
Experienced once
Experienced twice
Experienced three
Experienced five
Total
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
37
74.0
74.0
5
10.0
10.0
3
6.0
6.0
4
8.0
8.0
1
2.0
2.0
50
100.0
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
74.0
84.0
90.0
98.0
100.0
Majority (74.0%) of alleged suspects did not experience initial procedures that were
disrespectful in such a way that made presumptions about the alleged suspect’s race;
however, 10.0% experienced it once, 6.0% experienced it twice, 8.0% experienced it
three times, and 2.0% experienced it five times or more. The researcher noted that in a
majority of cases involving African American suspects, law enforcement would arrive to
a call fully masked in SWAT gear. It was also seen that law enforcement was less likely
to explain reasons for detaining a suspect when the suspect was African American. In a
majority of traffic stops involving Caucasian suspects, police officers were less likely to
detain the alleged suspect during the search; whereas, they were more likely to detain if
62
the alleged suspect was African American this is consistent with racial profiling (The
Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, 2000).
These findings correspond with conflict theory’s claim that conflict rather than
cooperation is part of social interactions when one group is dominant over another, such
as the police officer being dominant over the alleged suspect. The expectation of
confrontation was higher as indicated in the SWAT gear of police officers when
preparing to interrogate the suspects of ethnic background, particularly African American
descent, while responding to a police dispatch.
Table 8
Frequency Distribution of Episodes where the Portrayal of the
Alleged Suspect in this Episode was Positive in General
Yes
No
Total
Frequency Percent Valid Percent
12
24.0
24.0
38
76.0
76.0
50
100.0
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
24.0
100.0
In 24.0% of the episodes, the suspect was portrayed as having positive attributes; in
76.0% of episodes, the suspect was not positively portrayed. William Glasser (1998)
contends that humans have five needs- one being power. Individuals who use fear and
threat to control others such as vilifying a suspect operates to fulfill the human need for
power. One way of examining this behavioral finding is that it is advantageous for the
dominant group in this situation, police officers, to exploit the image of the oppressed
63
because it justifies the necessity of police intervention.
Table 9
Frequency Distribution of the Episodes in which the Police Officer Expressed an
Attitude of Condescendence Towards the Alleged Suspect
Frequency
Did not
experience
Experienced once
Experienced
twice
Experienced
three
Experienced four
Experienced five
Total
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
13
26.0
26.0
26.0
8
16.0
16.0
42.0
8
16.0
16.0
58.0
5
10.0
10.0
68.0
1
15
50
2.0
30.0
100.0
2.0
30.0
100.0
70.0
100.0
Condescending attitudes towards a suspect observed in the episodes supports the notion
of in-group favoritism. Holmes and Smith (2008) describe this as the “us” versus “them”
dynamic that discerns qualities about out-group members as negative. In this way,
condescendence towards out-group members serves to strengthen the ethnocentrism of
the police officer identity.
64
yes no 34% 66% Figure 2. Officers in the episodes indicated the pluralism of the United States.
Figure 2 indicates 66.0% of police officers did not manifest attitudes that
considered inherently the pluralism of the United States and 34.0% of police officers
indicated behaviors that have considered the pluralism of the United States. Pluralism
was indicated by the respect for individual, ethnic, and cultural rights, and the police
officer’s demonstration to a commitment to end discrimination and prejudice. The
attitude of a police officer indicating the pluralism of the United States was seen as the
police officer seeking to understand shared and unique experiences of the given suspect.
Out of 42 episodes involving Caucasian police officers, 45.0% did not indicate
generalized assumptions towards the alleged suspects. Out of 8 episodes involving ethnic
minority police officers, 38.0% did not indicate generalized assumptions towards the
alleged suspects. These results are interesting and provoke analytical thought; however,
the data is relatively limited and additional data would be needed to further analyze these
percentages.
65
Table 10
Crosstabulation of the Handling Police Officer's Ethnic Background and Indications of
Generalized Assumptions Based on the Alleged Suspect’s Race
Officer’s
Ethnic
Background
Generalized assumptions based on the alleged suspect’s race
Did not
One
experience Time
Caucasian
19
Count
Two
Times
Four
Times
Five
Times
Total
13
6
0
4
42
Ethnic
Minority
Count
3
1
2
1
1
8
Total Count
22
14
8
1
5
50
Total % of
50
44%
28%
16.0%
2.0%
10.0%
100%
Since these numbers appear so close, the producer of COPS may intentionally
want to portray a neutral view of Caucasian versus minority policing. Another
assumption could be drawn that the producers of COPS want to portray the police
departments in a fair light for continuance of filming.
66
Table 11
Police Office-Suspect Microaggression Correlations
Number of
police officers in
encounter that
were the same
race as the
alleged suspect
Microaggression
score
Did not listen to
alleged suspect
Pearson’s
Correlation
Number of
police
officers in
encounter
that were
the same
race as the
alleged
suspect
1
Microaggression
score
Did not
listen to
alleged
suspect
Assumption
that
suspect’s
marijuana
was of
illegal action
-.213
-.001
-.022
.137
.997
.880
50
1
50
.404**
50
.071
.004
.627
50
1
50
-.156
Sig. 2tailed
N
Pearson’s
Correlation
50
-.213
Sig. 2tailed
.137
N
Pearson’s
Correlation
50
Sig. 2tailed
Assumption that
suspect’s
marijuana was of
illegal action
N
Pearson’s
Correlation
50
.404**
.004
.281
-.022
50
.071
50
-.156
Sig. 2tailed
.880
.627
.281
N
50
50
50
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)
50
1
50
67
There was a negative low correlation between the number of police officers in the
encounter that were of the same race as the suspect and microaggression score, r= -.213,
n=50, p > .05. The number of police officers has an impact on the level of
microaggression displayed. There was a medium positive correlation between the
microaggression score and the statement that the police officer did not listen to what the
alleged suspect was trying to say, r= .404, n=50, p < .05; thus, indicating microaggression
scores are related to whether the police officers listen to the alleged suspects or not. There
was almost a non-existent correlation between microaggression score and the police
officer’s assumption that an alleged suspect’s marijuana was of illegal use r=.017, n=50,
p >.05.
Table 12
Crosstabulation of the Handling Police Officer’s Ethnic Background and a Police Officer
being Unduly Aggressive
A specific police officer was unduly aggressive
Police
Did not
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Total
Officer’s
experience Time
Times
Times
Times
Times
Background
Caucasian
12
9
11
4
1
5
42
Ethnic
Minority
Total
Total % out
of 50
Episodes
5
0
3
0
0
0
8
17
34.0%
9
18.0%
14
28.0%
4
8.0%
1
2.0%
5
10.0%
50
100.0%
Overall, the Caucasian police officers demonstrated higher levels of being unduly
aggressive towards alleged suspects. Caucasian police officers did not display undue
68
aggressiveness in 29.0% of the 42 episodes. Undo aggressiveness was displayed by
Caucasian police officers one time 21.0% of the time, two times 26% of the time, three
times 10.0% of the time, four times 2.0% of the time, and five times or more 12.0% of
the time. Ethnic minority police officers displayed undue aggressiveness towards
suspects on two times 37.0% of the time, and no aggressiveness 63.0% of the time.
The current study demonstrates that suspects within the police officer-suspect dynamic
do experience instances of racial microaggressions in initial contacts leading to further
encounters.
69
Chapter 5
Conclusion, Summary, and Recommendations
The major findings from the study include factors related to microaggressions as
they occur within the police officer-suspect dynamic, as indicated by microaggression
scores using an adapted version of the REMS (Appendix A). In addition, the researcher
observed examples of specific incidences in which police officers disrespected suspects
or disempowered them. As research in the literature review indicates, taking a
multicultural perspective rather than a color-blind approach to policing has the possibility
of reducing ethnocentrism and increasing group differentiation. Further research indicates
how ideologies combined with labeling an individual as a deviant or criminal can play a
role in subsequent criminal behaviors. These labels may provide precursors to deviance
that contributes to the beliefs that criminality has a color. With this belief a racial
hierarchy is created by the use of racial microaggressions, as these less overt forms of
racism may be more detrimental than blatant statements. Chronic exposure to racial
microaggressions may negate an individual’s engagement within a particular domain
leading to domain disengagement. Similarly, automatic stereotype activation and stigma
about a particular group’s behavior may actually trigger those behaviors in the person
being observed. With the literature review revealing the following themes: Ideology as a
Means of Justification (ideologies as a precursor to labeling, racializing through
microaggression, labeling as a precursor to deviance, labeling of locational criminality),
Microaggression as a Social Hierarchy Maintenance Mechanism (decreased domain
70
performance as a result of racial microaggressions, microaggression as a threat to social
identity), Police as Agents of Social Control (in-group favoritism, training as the
beginnings of brotherhood, stereotyping of others as a threat, social identity and
information processing as instrumental mechanisms in police misconduct, citizens’
perceptions of police work), and Feature as a Determinant of Treatment (social image and
race as determinants of sentencing, facial feature as a determinant of criminality, skin
tone as a marker of worth), it became clear that the study of racial microaggressions in
the criminal justice system was lacking and needed to be expanded. Using quantitative
data analyses, the current study measured racial microaggressions within the police
officer-suspect dynamic.
In the process of collecting data, it became apparent that police officers tended to
display unfair treatment towards many alleged suspects. Microaggressions are a
significant part of everyday experiences for alleged suspects. Even seemingly
insignificant comments and actions can be disempowering towards an alleged suspect.
In the last year there has been a cultural shift whereby society is beginning to look
at police brutality in a serious way. Police officers, at times, glorify the troubles of others
or the ways in which they violate the rights of community members. By addressing the
occurrence of microaggressions within the criminal justice system more awareness of
better treatment of those who come in contact with the criminal justice system can begin
to be a reality.
71
Summary of Study
This study examined instances of encounters between police officers and suspects
in the context of differential treatment based on racial classifications of alleged suspects
and the handling offficers. While statistical significance was not found between
microaggression scores and specific police officer backgrounds, findings indicated higher
microaggression scores for the police officers of majority group.
Microaggressions in the form of microassaults, microinvalidations, and
microinsults were evident in COPS episodes. This was seen as police officers not
respecting the law that says “you are innocent until proven guilty.” In many episodes it
was assumed the African Americans were guilty when that was not assumed of other
suspects. On the other hand, police officers were noted in many instances to take on a
mentoring approach with Caucasian suspects, as indicated by comments referring these
individuals to treatment or stating “You are too young for this. We can get you help- it is
not too late”. COPS episodes were selected using a random sampling method that did not
allow for the researcher to be region specific or crime specific in analyzing episodes.
Despite this, there were definite expectations of how an alleged suspect should behave
and the level of fear they should demonstrate in interactions with police officers.
Assumptions about a suspect’s criminality do not respect the suspect’s
individuality, and in fact teeter on violating a person’s Fifth Amendment rights. Majority
(92.0%) of suspects were assumed to be guilty before the police officer had a chance to
investigate the allegation and discuss the incident with the alleged suspect. Waddington
72
(1999) discusses the main elements in police sub-culture as being a desire for action, the
glorification of violence, authoritarianism, suspiciousness, and in-group favoritism.
Waddington discussed the need to protect oneself from harm by negating dangerous
situations with fear and anxiety; however, the researcher questions the reasons why this
sub-culture endorses being “macho” and “denigrating” minority populations. Some
researchers have asserted that police sub-culture is a reflection of the realities of their job,
as policing can, at times, be dangerous. Waddington’s literature review reveals that police
officers glorify violence as a high point for their career experiences, which can be similar
to what other individuals do in their professions. For example, a businessman would
probably brag about a big deal that he closed with a top company compared to sharing
less menial details of his career. The image of a “crime fighter” in the face of threat
creates a heroic self-image for the police officer. Regardless of self-image, research
indicates that “police have little impact on crime rates, are responsible for discovering
few crimes and detecting few offenders, do not spend much duty-time on crime-related
task…” (Waddington, 1999, p.299). Waddington claims policing is much more
associated with “help” and “assistance;” although, he points out that this rhetoric is rarely
espoused by police officers themselves. Rather rhetoric of exclusion—an “us” versus
“them” dichotomy is created whereby “in societies characterized by racial and ethnic
divisions the distinction between ‘citizens’ and other is ready—made for exploitation by
the police” (Waddington, 1999, p.301). In the U.S., the exploitation of minority
individuals can be seen in the high number of minority populations incarcerated, as
73
discussed in Chapter One. Others explain this dichotomy by using the analogy of a
protagonist and antagonist (police officer), by virtue, the antagonist attempts to defame
the image of the opponent. Waddington (1999) concludes that much of the banter from
police officers has nothing to do with the realities of the job. While assertions can be
made based on interviews with police officers, Waddington (1999) suggests exploring
police culture within the circumstances they act to get clearer view of the police officer
career.
Implications for Social Work
As described in the preamble to the National Association of Social Worker’s
Code of Ethics, a major goal of social work is uphold the dignity and self-worth in every
person, and strive for social justice through advocacy and awareness (NASW, 1999). A
fundamental aim is to address conditions that cause discrimination, poverty, and injustice.
Having a clearer understanding of the specific behaviors law enforcement officers
espouse during interactions with alleged suspects can shed light on how training
programs can be structured to uphold the dignity and self-worth of every individual.
Given that the study was a content analysis, and COPS episodes are not produced
with the intent to scorn police officers, the implications from this study suggests that even
under observed conditions (filmed), microaggressions espoused by police officers are
very apparent.
The lasting impact of microaggressions can be long-term (Sue et al., 2008) which
suggests that covert forms of racism can be detrimental to an individuals identity.
74
Through the use of racial profiling, minority communities have been affected at higher
rates than Caucasians. Bernburg and Krohn (2006) found that juvenile justice
intervention compared to no intervention increased a person’s chance of subsequent
delinquency. Labeling a suspect can prime a suspect to take on a negative identity.
Woodcock et al., (2012) asserts that chronic exposure to threatening situations can cause
individuals to disengage with a previously valued domain, such a being a law-abiding
person.
Recommendations
Realizing that over 25% of Americans have four-year-college-degrees highlights
the need for law enforcement to have the equivalent of higher education (Roberg &
Bonn, 2004). As society continues to advance and becomes more diverse, the duties of
policing become more complex, requiring problem solving and analytical skills.
Corresponding to the trends in more departments adopting Community Organized
Policing Services, law enforcement needs an appreciation of the sociology and
psychology of crime, an understanding of their community’s history and developing
trends, and leadership initiatives. In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported in their
Law Enforcement and Management Administration Statistics surveying, 3,095 local and
state enforcement agencies throughout the U.S., found that 82% of agencies require a
high school diploma, 9% require a two-year-college-degree, and 1% require a four-yearcollege-degree for officer educational requirements (U.S. Department of Justice, 2010).
In a meta-analysis of police education, Roberg and Bonn (2004) found the following
75
benefits of police officers possessing college degrees compared to non-educated
counterparts; educated officers were less authoritarian, more open and flexible, possessed
a greater acceptance of minorities, displayed higher levels of job performance, exhibited
less use of deadly force, and demonstrated greater awareness of social/cultural problems
of the community.
On the other hand, Baro and Burlingame (1999) assert that higher education is
problematic because a four-year degree from a university develops professionals who
apply abstract theories and principles. Researchers term this type of behavior as
"professional discretion" which they assert is not accommodated by police organizations.
Because of this, researchers claim the importance of higher education may not be as
equivocal as described by other researchers. Baro and Burlingame (1999) differentiate
between education and training; defining education as more theoretical and academic,
and training as general job information. They propose a system that allows for education
and training to be enmeshed. A program designed to incorporate hands-on learning
appears to be needed, as every police department has different requirements for
employment. As bureaucracies tend to move slowly in policy implementation, a
continuous program that has specific educational components connected to community
activities should be developed off of findings from the present study and other studies
indicating a need for police officer education.
The relationship between minority communities and Caucasian individuals has a
strained past in the United States. Today this can be seen as discriminations by police
76
officers against minority individuals, known as racial profiling. Racial profiling is a
major social problem as it violates an individual's constitutional rights to civil liberties. In
addition, it affects police officer and community relations by creating distrust among
community members towards law enforcement. In a study conducted in Oakland and
Richmond, California, a majority of police officers did not believe racial profiling
happened very often, yet there is evidence that minority individuals receive differential
treatment within the United States Criminal Justice System (Ella Baker Center for Civil
Rights, 2011). Minority communities are disproportionally affected by racial profiling
such that they loose trust in law enforcement and are disempowered by the infringement
of their civil rights. Racial profiling also affects law enforcement agencies because the
practices of racial profiling are less effective. As defined by the U.S. Department of
Justice (2003), racial profiling is:
at its core concerns the invidious use of race or ethnicity as a criterion in
conducting stops, searches and other law enforcement investigative procedures. It
is premised on the erroneous assumption that any particular individual of one race
or ethnicity is more likely to engage in misconduct than any particular individual
of another race or ethnicity. Racial profiling in law enforcement is not merely
wrong, but also ineffective. Race-based assumptions in law enforcement
perpetuate negative racial stereotypes that are harmful to our rich and diverse
democracy, and materially impair our efforts to maintain a fair and just society.
(p.1)
77
In efforts to create a fair and just society for all, American values must be
examined. Ritter (2013) contends that American values are important in shaping social
policies and political viewpoints. The values of progress, equality, freedom, and
democracy have become more apparent in recent years due to the highly publicized
abuses of power by law enforcement. On the other hand, the values of conformity versus
individualism also influence law enforcement’s interactions with alleged suspects such
that police officers expect conformity to their superiority, at the cost of individualism.
The individualism of minority communities has been a struggle in the US's past and
present, as characterized by the racism that continues to be part of society today. Past
legislation to address this issue is the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as it sets forth to prohibit
discrimination and protect the rights of individuals (Civil Rights Act (1964)). While
police officers exercise power over community members, there are limits to how much
power police officers can enforce. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 limits police powers and
protects the rights of community members from unlawful practices. Specifically, Title VI
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination on the grounds of race, color, or
nation of origin by government agencies. Law enforcement may not provide police
services differentially based on race, color, or national origin.
The Universal RESPECT Act (H.R.3560), a bill introduced November 20, 2014
by Representative Steven A. Horsford, a Democrat of Nevada District 4 at the 113th
Congress 2012-2014 addresses racial profiling among law enforcement. The Universal
RESPECT Act prohibits racial profiling by federal and state law enforcement personnel
78
(H.R. 3560, 2014). This bill mandates basic education and regulatory management
actions necessary for the prevention of racial profiling by police officers. Additionally, it
requires law enforcement entities receiving grants or training from Department of Human
Services to: (1) collect data on all routine or spontaneous investigatory activities, (2)
provide that the data collected shall include detail sufficient to permit an analysis of
whether a law enforcement agency is engaging in racial profiling, (3) utilize a
standardized form that shall be made available to law enforcement agencies, (4) maintain
all data collected for not less than four years, and (5) protect the privacy of individuals
whose data is collected.
The long term goals of the Universal RESPECT Act would deny accreditation of
programs and instructors not meeting the requirements of this Act; thereby, forcing
agencies to be compliant with this Act, and set standards for recruits and recurrent
training of officers on Civil Rights and Civil Liberties to meet minimum requirements of
anti-racial profiling standards. The short-term benefits would be the requirement for law
enforcement agencies to review states deficiencies in their curriculums and programs, and
for the government to develop and distribute curricula that are consistent with the
requirements of the Act.
Limitations
Because this study used content analysis, findings are limited in scope and do not
reflect the underlying motives for the particular patterns observed. Considering that every
human’s evaluation of language and behaviors varies from person to person, the
79
researcher attempted to make objective observations within human limitations. Given this
constraint, the researcher developed a scale diligently. At times, cases presented different
due to the duration of the clip such that some clips provided the researcher with less
details than other episodes. Additionally, episodes did not indicate whether an alleged
suspect was charged with a crime. Because COPS is a popular television show, there was
no way for the researcher to ascertain what types of episodes were broadcasted versus
episodes that were not shown. It is believed that extreme cases of police officer brutality
or disrespect towards alleged suspects would not be selected for public viewing.
80
Appendix A
Adapted Version of Dr. Nadal’s Racial and Ethnic Microaggression Scale
Please read each item and think of how many times this event occurred in the episode.
0 = Suspect did not experience this event in the episode.
1 = Suspect experienced this event 1 time in the episode.
2= Suspect experienced this event 2 times in the episode.
3= Suspect experienced this event 3 times in the episode.
4= Suspect experienced this event 4 times in the episode.
5= Suspect experienced this event 5 or more times in the episode.
1. The alleged suspect’s individuality as a person was ignored by the police officer.
2. The police officer’s body language showed that the alleged suspect was not
respected as a person of worth.
3. The police officer assumed that the alleged suspect was already guilty.
4. The police officer repeatedly highlighted the alleged suspect’s race.
5. The police officer assumed that the alleged suspect grew up in a particular
neighborhood because of their race.
6. The initial procedures were disrespectful in such a way that made presumptions
about the alleged suspect’s race (i.e. you know how to do this).
7. The attitude of the police officer was one of acceptance/colorblind.
81
8. The police officer assumed that the alleged suspect would not be intelligent
because of their race (repeating the same thing to the suspect).
9. The police officer was making statements that indicated using race as a way to get
out of trouble.
10. The alleged suspect received substandard service in the encounter with the police
officers compared to those of other racial groups.
11. How many police officers in the encounter were of the same race as the suspect:
_____________?
12. The police officer stated that he/she treats all people of all racial groups the same.
13. The police officer did not listen to what the alleged suspect was trying to say.
14. The police officer expressed views that somehow the alleged suspect was inferior
to other racial groups.
15. There was presumptive statements/attitudes about the alleged suspect’s
work/education.
16. Police officers in the episode indicated the pluralism of the United States.
17. The episode indicated prejudice regarding immigrants.
18. The police officer expressed an attitude of condescendence towards the alleged
suspect.
82
19. The police officer told the alleged suspect that all people in their racial group are
all the same.
20. The portrayal of the suspects in this episode was positive in general: YES/ NO
21. A specific police officer was unduly aggressive.
22. There was a denial of any form of covert or overt forms of racism.
23. The police officer made attributions to being colorblind.
24. In this specific episode the alleged suspect was of the following minority groups:
a. Latino
b. African American
c. Caucasian
d. Asian
e. Other
25. In this specific episode the handling officer was:
a. Latino
b. African American
c. Caucasian
d. Asian
e. Other
26. The majority of the officers were of the same ethnicity as the suspect: YES/ NO
27. The police officer’s handling the alleged suspect indicated undue fear.
28. The police officer used excessive force using the rational to prevent being hurt.
29. The police officers assumed that the suspect’s marijuana was of illegal action
without proceeding to ask if the suspect had a medical license for the marijuana.
83
30. The police officer made assumptions about the economic status of the alleged
suspect.
31. The body language of the officer indicated disrespect towards the alleged suspect.
32. The officer indicated generalized assumptions based on the alleged suspect’s race.
33. There were illusions to perceived physical force of the alleged suspect.
84
Appendix B
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
D IVISION OF SOCIAL WORK
To: Brieana Higley-Anderson
Date October 14, 2014
From: Research Review Committee
RE: HUMAN SUBJECTS APPLICATION
Your Human Subjects application for your proposed study, “Perceived Racial
Microaggression and its Role in Stereotype Vulnerability”, is Approved as Exempt.
Discuss your next steps with your thesis/project Advisor.
Your human subjects Protocol # is: 14-15-018. Please use this number in all official
correspondence and written materials relative to your study. Your approval expires one
year from this date. Approval carries with it that you will inform the Committee
promptly should an adverse reaction occur, and that you will make no modification in the
protocol without prior approval of the Committee.
The committee wishes you the best in your research.
Research Review Committee members Professors Jude Antonyappan, Teiahsha
Bankhead, Maria Dinis, Serge Lee, Kisun Nam, Francis Yuen
Cc: Antonyappan
85
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