MARTUJARRA PREHISTORY: VARIATION IN ARID ZONE
ADAPTATIONS
Peter Veth
In this paper preliminary results from recent fieldwork in the Little Sandy and Great
Sandy Deserts are discussed and placed in the context of other arid zone research.
Three points are developed. Firstly, that the arid zone is environmentally diverse and
therefore human adaptations within it are likely to be varied in space and through
time. Secondly, that a distinction should be made between late Pleistocene and
Holocene occupation patterns and finally, that there are changes common to many
arid zone sites throughout the Holocene.
The study area is located within semitropical desertlands experiencing a strongly
seasonal climate with a dominant vegetation of hummocWshrub grassland (Beard
and Webb 1974). It contains a wide range of landforms including longitudinal
dunefields, ephemeral water courses often draining into salt lakes, extensive quartz
sandstone ranges and one co-ordinateddrainage course -the Rudall River. The river
is aligned along the axis of a paleodrainage system, last active in the Tertiary (Van
de Graff et al. 197'7), and is the only mapr continuous drainage course wholly
contained within the Western Desert (Fg. 1).
These are traditional lands of the Martujarra: a collective term for four Western Desert
dialectal groups (Tonkinson1978), some of whom left the desert as late as the sixties.
Having knowledge of site function, seasonality, patterns of human movement and
plant use, these people contributedto my field research. Archaeological data will be
interpreted against a model for settlement and subsistence within a seasonal desert.
In summary, a seasonally determined pattern of resource exploitation characterised
by a flexible cycle of aggreavation and dispersion is defined. Social groupings tend
to be larger and more complex as a function of water permanency. Most ephemeral
water sources are used primarily in a transient mode by bands. The sequential loss
of waters and staggered phenology of plant staples follows a seasonal cycle. Grass
seeds ripen after summer rains and are most abundant from April to July. From July
to September herbaceous species ripen and from this period on throughout all the
warmer months Acacia seeds are available. Fruits are collected during the cooler
months while rootstocks are generally available throughout the year although more
palatable during the cooler months (Veth and Walsh in press; Walsh 1987).
The climate of the study area falls between the strongly seasonal climate of the
Gugadja of the northern Sandy Desert (Cane 1984) and the unseasonal climate of
the Ngatatjarra to the south (Gould 1969, 1980). Martujarra conceptualize the year
as a progression of seasons during which family groups aggregate or fragment.
Maximum mobility occurred duringthe summer rains from Decernberto Februarywith
small groups utilizing ephemeral waters on claypans and at small rockholes. People
stated they used caves during the summer rains.
By April ephemeral waters are lost and groups retreated towards more permanent
soaks and rockholes. Plant resources are abundant during this cool midyear period.
In September temperatures rise and only the most permanent soaks and rockholes
remain. Family groups joined together and exploited plant patches around series of
well known reliable water sources - these routes might follow the edges of rocky
uplands or be part of a drainage line.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Karlamilyi Rocksheher
Karlamilyi Quarry Rocksheher
Weenakurijuno Cave
Yulpul Rocksheher
5. Jalpiairi Rocksheher
Figure 1. Regionalcontext of study area. Stratified sites are shown as follows:
Duringthe end of the dry season people from a number of adjoining dialectal groups
often concentrated at a small number of permanent waters. These include springs
and a small number of soaks. Meetings are said to be held at this time of the year.
The availability of most plant foods is determinedby the structure of drainage and the
seasonal rainfall regime as described in detail by Walsh (1987; Walsh, this volume).
Approximately 85 open sites have been recorded in the study area, most being
surface scatters near water. It is important to note, however, that these sites are not
always directly adjacent to water. While sites are usually concentrated around
claypans and soaks, they do not commonly occur at springs or rockholes in the
ranges. Insteadthey are located near the richest and most diverse plant communities
which occur along ephemeral creek courses draining from the ranges. No major site
is located within an interior valley of the ranges.
Repeated surveys of areas away from water revealed different offsite patterning to
that suggested by Gould for the Gibson Desert (1977b) where he predicted the
majority of artefacts by weight would occur away from major occupation sites. In my
study area most materialclusters at water, and low density background material away
from these clusters is rare. This difference in spatial patteming between the Gibson
and Sandy deserts may be due to several factors.
Gould views the Western Desert as a 'core desert' with a cuttural system based on
non-seasonal and opportunistic movement in a risk minimizing mode (1974). He
claims that a lack of permanent water (including springs), extreme unreiiabiiity of
rainfall and the short list of plants and animals constituted an unreliable and
impoverished environment. His observations on water and plant restrictions do not
apply to the Sandy Deserts.
For example, he described a settlement system by which people targetted distant
complexes of waterholes after localised rains; some of these waterholes more
ephemeral than others. By saving the more permanent waters for last and using
satellite sources first, groups were characterised as 'eating their way into' a camp
(Gould 1969:267). The direction of subsequent movements was conditioned most
strongly by the locationof recent rainfall. Residentialmobility is high when ephemeral
waters are used (Kelly 1983). This state of flux is likely to be repeated often during
the year and is seen to be non-seasonal in its patterning.
By contrast, in the Sandy Deserts, the staggered loss of ephemeral waters after
summer rains, followed by the loss of semi-permanent sources and an evental
reliance on permanent waters by the end of the dry season follows a seasonally
determined pattern which will be replicated from year to year. In terms of settlement
dynamics a predictablecycle of aggregation and dispersion occurs on a yearly basis.
This dual system of aggregationfocusses on resource abundance during the middle
of the year and the restrictionof waters by the end of the dry season. A similar system
of gatherings based on either feast or famine is shared by the Pintubi (Hayden
1976:154) and Gugadja (Cane 198462) also of the northern deserts. It is, however,
noticeably absent for the Ngatatjarraand their neighbours inthe Gibson Desert (Gould
1967:56). The period of highest group mobility folbwing summer rains is marked by
transient, ephemeral use of widely scattered claypans, rockholes and soaks. From
this period on group movement is targettedtoward known water sources. Therefore,
following an initial period of high mobility, residentialmoves become less frequent as
the year progresses.
Thus in the Gibson Desert, we are possibly witnessing the archaeological expression
of a high ratio of peripheral to core habitation base camps. By contrast, in the Sandy
Deserts a high proportion of core habitation base camps characterises settlement
patterns. Therefore, the widely scattered, ephemeral and randomly placed satellite
camps in the Sandy Deserts are likely to have an archaeological imprint of low
visibility.
Alternatively, Gould's predictionsfor offsite patterning have never been tested in the
Gibson Desert and may be unfounded.
I have divided sites between the five major water types found in the region as there
appears to be a relationship between permanency of water and nature of occupation
debris.
The largest sites (withthe highest number of artefacts and with greatest lithic diversity
and formal tool component) occur at permanent springs and soaks. Grinding material
is abundant at these sites. Tulas are heavily reduced and debitage size is generally
small. Large sites also occur around claypans. Here however, lithic diversity is low
with the predominant use of local materials. Grinding material is negligible or absent.
Tulas and small modified flakes are rare at these sites which instead have numerous
large retouchedflakes.
Smaller sites tend to occur near ephemeral rockholes, soaks and pools. Lithic
diversity is variable, ranging from almost exclusive use of local materials through to
sites with a high number of non-local materials.
Cane (1984) has demonstrated that interassemblage variability in Western Desert
base camps can be great and that this can be explained by differences in site function.
Iwill attempt to look at site function in further detail by examining the following factors:
a) stone working processes,
b) the place of sites in the seasonal subsistence cycle,
c) permanency of site use,
d) composition of groups using the site, and
e) economic plants at sites and their accessibility, abundance and seasonality.
For example, there are two major occupation sites on the Canning Stock Route:
Kadaru (Well 24) and Wantili (Well 25). These sites are only 15 km apaR yet contain
quite different stone tool assemblages. Wantili is a very large claypanwith ephemeral
water; Kadaru is a permanent well. Data from seven informants agreed that the sites
were used predominantly at different times of the year, for different lengths of time,
and to exploit different plant resources.
Wantili contains an estimated 500,000 artefacts made mainly from siliceous pebbles
found on the periphery of the claypan. Large retouched flakes are common; tulas
and backed blades rare. Only three grinding fragments were recorded.
Kadaru is equally large having an estimated 1,000,000 artefacts. While outcrops of
silcrete are available in adjacent ranges most material on the site is not local. There
are over 1000 heavily reduced adzes, numerous small retouched flakes and backed
blades. Over 100 whole grinding bases were recorded.
These assemblage variations may be explainedby differences in the function of each
site. Wantili claypan lies among homogeneous sandplains and holds water for
several months after summer rain. Ethnographic data suggests this is the time of
year when foraging groups size is small and site use is most transient. Plant foods
are restricted - seeds are unavailable and the local staple, Cyperus bulbusis,requires
little processing. Abundant siliceous pebbles provide a ready supply of flakes for
wood working activities. The low degree to which retoucheditems are reducedwould
seem consistent with the casual use and discard of local material by small groups
during a season marked by high residential mobility.
By contrast, Kadaru has permanent water and is surrounded by a number of different
landforms. It was said to be used in both winter and summer, often for gatherings. It
is one of several permanent water sources inthe region and is reliable during drought.
From August through to January Acacia seed is abundant in addition to other seed
staples. The use of these resources is seen to be reflected in the large numbers of
seed grinding implements.
Much non-local stone has been discarded at Kadaru. While basic wooden
maintenance activities might be expected at most occupation sites the exotic stone
at Kadaru is likely to have been recycled in response to an increase in specialised
woodworking at a more sedentary base camp, marked by larger and more complex
social groups.
Variations in the morphologyand modification of artefacts at large habitation sites are
seen therefore as the result of different stone working processes dependent on site
function.
Of approximately400 rocksheltersexaminedinthe regiononly 28 had some evidence
of occupation. Five with well developed deposits were excavated (Fig. 1). Three of
these are located within McKay Range, the other two are adjacent to Rudall River.
The three from McKay Range had cuttural material to depths ranging from 50 to 90
cm below the surface. Grindstones, retouched implements and abundant charcoal
are present in all excavations. Tula adzes and backed blades were recovered from
the lower spits and continue to the surface. A marked increase in the density of
artefacts and charcoal occurs in the upper spits. Charcoal samples from these sites
are being processedand are all predictedto have basaldates rangingf mm 5000-3000
BP. (Karlamilyi has a basal date of 3,200 BP, WK1093).
The first rockshelter from Rudall River is small with interior walls composed of
chalcedony, which has been quarried. Predictably, debitage is dense extending to
50 cm below the surface. The site is expectedto yeild technological data which may
be useful in providing relative chronologies for regional surface scatters containing
chalcedony. The largest strztified site found in the region is Karlamilyishelter located
2 km north of permanent soakage on the Rudall River.
Five cubic metres of this site were excavated with bedrock reached at 1.2 m.
Significant changes at the site include the presenceof very large cores from the lower
spits and then their bss, a reduction in core and flake sue through time and a
significant increase inthe rate of discardinthe upper levels. An increase inthe density
of artefacts in upper spits was common to all five excavations.
A preliminary depthtage curve from Kariamilyi (Fig.2) shows a doubling in the rate of
deposition over the last 1000years in comparisonto the preceeding2000 years. The
large increase in numbers of artefacts after 1000 BP shown in the adjacent graph is
therefore even more pronounced.
These sites and those recorded by Cane to the north suggest mid Holocene
occupation of the Sandy Deserts. When these and other mid Holocene sites are
compared to those with Pleistocene dates from the arid zone, there appear to be
marked differences in the nature of site use.
Within the arid zone there are now nine sites with Pleistocene dates showing multiple
occupationevents (Hiscock 1984; Lampert and Hughes 1987; Manrn 1974; Maynard
1980: Morse, pers. comm.; Smith 1987; Troilett 1982; Williams 1986 and Wright
1971). Excluding Lawn Hill and Koonalda these sites have occupation dates which
straddle the range of the height of the last glaciation (18,000-14,000 BP). It can be
argued that dates from KoonaMa indicate only task specific activities (such as stone
quarrying) resulting from occasional foraging excursions by groups based on the
coast. In a recent paper, Hiscock (n.d.) argues that the sequences at both Colless
Creek and Louie Creek Caves clearly illustrate the retreat of inhabitantsfrom a vast
arid landscape to gorge refugia during the height of the last arid phase. He believes
a reduction in territory during a lengthy arid phase is evidence for the lack of extended
social networks which are germane to the contemporary desert adaptation. During
the glacial maximum, Pleistocene humans were unable to expki truly arid portions
of their landscape. It may be that a similar contraction of territory also occurred
towards the gorges and valleys of the Hamersley Plateau and Flinders Ranges.
n
0
DEPTH -AGE CURVE
No. of artefacts
Age
Depth
below
surface
(cm)
B.P (years)
Figure 2. Karlamilyi Rocksheler: number of artefacts per splt for Square A
There are no dates between 20,000 and 12,000 BP at Puritjara (Smith 1987) or the
Hamersley Plateau sites (Maynard 1980; Troilet 1982). The Mandu Mandu Creek
site at Exmouth has a hiatus from 19,000 to 2000 BP (Morse, pers. comm.) and site
N I45 on the Nullarbor is unused from 17,000 to 13,000 BP (Marun 1974). This lack
of dates combined with an extremely low rate of artefact discard raises questions
about whether we are observing permanent occupation. For example, at Puritjarra
the discard rate is three artefacts per 1000years from 22,000 to 6000 BP. At Newman
Rocksheler it is five artefacts per 1000 years per square from 26,000 to 6000 BP.
Occupationduring this periodat Newrnanis representedby 94 artefactswhich include
45 flakes and 14chips. There are only two retouched implements over a 20,000 year
period and no hearths (Williams 1986). Later in the occupation of these two
Pleistocene sites we see marked changes in the rate of discard of artefacts, their
assemblage composition and the presence of features such as hearths. These later
changes are paralleled in other Holocene sites.
There appear to be three common features in the later use of arid zone sites during
the Holocene. Firstly, the majority of sites date from the mid to late Holocene and are
found in all landform and environment types. While early Holocene occupation
probably occurred at eight of the nine sites with Pleistocene dates mentioned above,
only two additionalsites, Puntutjarpa(Gould 1977a)and Balmramna Creek (Lampert
and Hughes 1987),were occupiedduring the early Holocene. Most central Australian
sites, including James Range East (Gould 1978) have unequivocal base dates from
the mid to late Holocene (Napton and Greathouse 1985; Smith 1983). It is only by
6000 BP at Puritjarra that the artefact discard rate increases signlicantly by 30 fold
from three to 105 pieces per 1000 years (Smith 1987). Evidence from other sites on
Coopers Creek (Williams, in press), at mound springs (Florek 1987; Lampert 1985)
and at wells in the Sirnpson Desert (Hercus and Clarke 1986) also supports mid to
late Holocene occupation.
Secondly, there is the addition of new technologies at sites from 5000-3000 BP.
These include the introduction of micmliths, hafted adzes (if the Puntutjarpa
micro-adzes are excluded - see Hiscock and Veth nd.) and formal grinding bases
(Smith 1986).
Thirdly, at most sites there is a significant increase in the rate of artefact discard over
the last 1500 years. Duringthis periodthe artefact discard rate at Puritjana increases
to 330 pieces per 1000 years (100 times that at 6000 BP). Similarly, over 60% of all
implements from the 10,000 year occupation of Puntutjarpa come from spits
encompassing the last 500 years (Gould 1980: Fig. 6). These increases are often
accompanied by increases in other economic remains such as charcoal, fauna and
grinding material (Smith 1983).
Changes in site use can usefully be seen in the context of climate fluctuations over
the last 40,000 years (Jones and Bowler 1980). Favourable conditions from
40,000-22,000 BP may have enabled earty (though Iwould argue ephemeral) use of
the arid zone. Only three sites have evidence for occupation during the height of the
last glacial maximum. During the glacial maximum there is widespread evidence for
lowered temperatures and precipitation (Bowler and Wasson 1984). Occupation at
Puritjarra andthe Hamersley Plateau duringthis periodof climatic stress is extremely
sparse and suggests, at best, ephemeral use of sites. The Lawn Hill Caves show a
restriction in economic range from 18,000-14,000 BP and several other arid zone
sites evidence a hiatus in occupation during this same period. From approximately
12,000 BP in southeastern Australia to as late as 7000 BP inthe northwestof Australia
(Wyrwoll et al. 1986) there is evidence for climatic amelioration. This is when
Puntutjarpa is first occupied. During a longer favourable period from 7000-4000 BP
(at least in southern and central Australia) increases in the rate of discard occur at
Puritjarra. The majority of central Australian sites as well as Lake Frome are first
occupied at this time. It is during more atid conditions from 4000-2000 BP that formal
grinding slabs occur, that small tool components are widely adopted and desert
occupation appears to expand. These strategies may have enabled the maintenance
of population levels which had developedduring the favourable climate of the previous
3000 years (Smith 1986). Amelioration in climate over the last 2000 years coincides
with a dramatic increase in the rate of discard at many sites including it seems the
Sandy Deserts. It is perhaps the development of more efficient land exploiting
strategies involving social readjustments corresponding with climatic relaxation over
the last 2000 years that provided the catalyst for a recent desert efflorescence.
I would suggest an early to mid Holocene expansion of humans from the well defined
drainage lines and gorges of the Pilbara into the hummock grasslands of the Sandy
Deserts. While it is likely that earlier colonising 'pulses' entered this region during
favourable climatic phases these were not a permanent desert adaptation. The plant
associations and continuous drainage courses of the Pilbara have much in common
with central Australia and it is in both these regionsthat evidence for occupationbefore
20,000 BP has been found. The sandy and stoney deserts lying in between and
lacking coordinated drainage, may have been more difficult to utilise during the last
major arid phase due to a reduction in permanent water sources and the increased
need to have a well defined seed grinding technology to exploit this major group of
staples.
It seems reasonable to argue that changes in social structure and economy were
necessary before the arid zone could be occupied on a permanent basis and that the
timing of permanent occupation of different regions varied.
Sites are occupied more intensively after the intmduction of new technologies and
markedly so in the last 1000 years. As Jones (1987) argues, this increase in site
occupation 'might have been a reflection of other social transformations within
prehistoric Aboriginal society'. Iwould hypothesise three changes in social structure
during the occupation of the arid zone.
Firstly, a permanent arid adaptation was established by the early Holocene, possibly
featuring large tribavdialectal boundaries and extended social networks providing
reciprocal access to vital resources in marginal environments. Secondly, a mid to
late Holocene increase in the number of people and sites on the landscape is noted.
This may be a result of greater permanency at major sites (perhaps in the form of
ceremonial gatherings), more intensive use of resources and the utilisationof a wider
range of desert habitats. Finally, a late Holocene increase in the intensity of
occupation at sites can be demonstrated and possibly reflects an elaboration of
previously established social relations (after Lourandos 1985).
Assumptions basedon a conservative cultural system through time seem at odds with
the archaeological evidence for change within the arid zone. It is likely that the social
structure and economic behaviour of desert people changed at least several times
from the earliest use of the desert through to the present.
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Cent re for Prehistory
University of Western Australia
Nedlands WA 6004