The Evolutionary Path from the Shang-Zhou
“Centralized Royal Cemetery System” to the
Qin-Han “Independent Mausoleum System”
Zhao Huacheng
Key words: centralized royal cemetery system
Qin-Han
During the Shang and Zhou periods, the royal households and the lords of local states (including spouses
and fellow ancestral lineage members) typically pursued
funerary practices in which multiple generations were
interred in a common burial ground. This “centralized
royal cemetery system” is characteristic of the initial
stages of the development of classes and nations. It expresses the preliminary institution of monarchic power,
but also preserves remnants of clan structure. As a product of a definite stage of history, the “centralized royal
cemetery system” inevitably changed along with the development of society; this led to the appearance of the
“independent mausoleum system” of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, in which the tomb of
each successive generation’s ruler constituted the center of a separate burial complex. The “independent mausoleum system” of these periods, however, was still in
the developmental stages. By the Qin/Han era, owing
to the establishment of a single large empire and the
extreme strengthening of the authority of the sovereign,
the “independent mausoleum system” was finally established and further improved, thus laying the foundation
for the subsequent imperial mausoleum system characteristic of the autocratic imperial society of China’s last
two thousand years.
The Types and Characteristics of the ShangZhou “Centralized Royal Cemetery System”
Zhou Li Chun Guan Zhong Ren 周礼·春官·冢人
(Chapter “Spring Officials” of the Rites of Zhou) contains an entry for “grave men,” which reads: “(Grave
men) are in charge of the lord’s (gong 公) burial ground;
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independent mausoleum system Shang-Zhou
they recognize its divined territory and map it out (冢
人)掌公墓之地, 辨其兆域而为之图.” This so-called
“lord’s burial ground” referred to a cemetery housing
the burials of the lord of a state and his relatives. The
most important characteristic of this type of royal burial
was the centralized interment of multiple generations of
state rulers in the same cemetery, and so we refer to it as
the “centralized royal cemetery system.” The system
flourished during the Zhou era, but its origins can be
traced back to no later than the Shang.
The Shang/Zhou “centralized royal cemetery system”
existed in three main varieties.
Type 1: Burial grounds in which multiple generations
of royal tombs were concentrated. This type is currently
known only from the late Shang royal burial mound complex at Xibeigang 西北冈, Houjiazhuang 侯家庄, part
of the ruins of Yin at Anyang 安阳. The royal burial
mounds of Xibeigang can be divided into eastern and
western areas; in the western area, seven large 亚-shaped
tombs were discovered, while the eastern area yielded
one 亚 -shaped tomb, three 中 -shaped tombs, and one
甲 -shaped tomb. In addition, a few small burials of
accompaniment and an extremely large number of sacrificial pits were found in the vicinity of the large tombs
nearest the eastern area (Figure 1). The Xibeigang cemetery contained mainly tombs of historically known
kings, and consorts and concubines were not, for the
most part, interred in the same tombs as the kings; this
is corroborated by the solitary burial of the famed “Lady
Hao 妇好,” consort of the Shang king Wu Ding 武丁,
in the northwest part of Xiaotun 小屯 Village, south of
the Huan River 洹水.
Type 2: Burial grounds in which multiple generations
123
of regional lords and their wives were buried in parallel
pits. The typical example is the cemetery of the lords of
the state of Jin at Beizhao 北赵 Village, Quwo 曲沃
County, Shanxi 山西. The terrain surrounding the cemetery is comparatively flat, and no moat, wall, or other
construction demarcating the extent of the cemetery has
been discovered in the vicinity. More than one thousand meters separate the cemetery from the large assemblage of small- and medium-size tombs to its west
(state tombs), and a residential area is located between
them; the cemetery thus constitutes a distinct burial
ground. All told, the cemetery yielded 19 tombs of lords
of the Jin state and their wives in nine groups. These
can be roughly divided into three sets: a northern series
of eight tombs in four groups, a middle series of four
tombs in two groups, and a southern series of seven
tombs in three groups (Figure 2). The tombs are generally arranged in chronological order from east to west.
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Figure 2. Distribution of Jin marquises’ tombs at Beizhao
1–9. horse and chariot pits 10, 11. brick kilns 12. contemporary house
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Chinese Archaeology
As compared with the Shang period royal burial
mound complex described above, the distinguishing
characteristic of this type of burial ground as represented
by the cemetery of the lords of Jin at Beizhao is the combined burial of regional lords and their wives. The Jin
cemetery belongs to the Western Zhou period, but Spring
and Autumn and Warring States sites such as the Eastern Zhou royal tombs to the east of Jincun 金村 Village
near Luoyang 洛阳 and the Yan State rulers’ cemetery
at Jiunütai-Xuliangzhong 九女台—虚粮冢, Yanxiadu
燕下都, Yixian 易县 County, Hebei 河北, also belong
to this type.
Type 3: Cemeteries in which regional lords, their
wives, and members of their clans were buried together.
These are comparatively numerous; among them, the
Western Zhou tombs of the Yan State at Huangtupo 黄
土坡, Liulihe 琉璃河, Beijing 北京 are representative
(Figure 3). As the burial ground for the lords of the Yan
State, their wives, and members of their clans, this cemetery contains small, medium-sized, and large tombs.
The cemetery of the ducal clan of the State of Wei at
Xincun 辛村 Village, Xunxian 浚县 County, Henan 河
南, is another example of this type dating to the Western Zhou period; the Guo State cemetery at Shangcunling
上村岭, Sanmenxia 三门峡, Henan, is an example belonging to the late Western Zhou to early Spring and
Autumn period. Further examples from the Spring and
Autumn period include the Jiang Qi 姜齐 ducal cemetery at Heyatou 河崖头 Village in the old city of Linzi
临淄, Shandong 山东; the Xue State cemetery at
Tengzhou 滕州, Shandong; and others.
Among the three types of “centralized royal cemetery
system,” the Shang period phenomenon of centralized
burial of kings and selection of a separate burial ground
for royal consorts is worthy of note. As is well known,
under the “exogamous marriage” system of early clan
society, in which ties were formed based on blood
relations, members exchanged in marriage between different clans, upon their deaths, were interred in the cemeteries of their original clans. Moreover, the equality of
given members of clans during their lifetimes determined
that the sizes of their tombs and the quality of their grave
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horse and chariot pit
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Figure 3. Distribution of Yan marquises’ tombs at Area II in Huangtupo
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125
goods would be basically similar. Ethnography and archaeology have already attested to the practice of this
mode of burial.
By the Shang, however, the situation was already quite
different. The Shang tribes had already established a
national government based on geographic ties, and royal
authority grew stronger with each passing day; thus not
only was the scale of the royal tombs far greater than
that of ordinary burials, but royal burials were concentrated in a single location in order to emphasize the supreme sacredness and authority of the Shang kings. Yet,
since it had not been long since the Shang tribes emerged
from early clan society, their internal divisions still preserved certain patterns of clan organization (the “clan
emblems” ubiquitous in Shang-era bronze inscriptions
may illustrate this). Although the status of royal spouses,
consorts, and the like was quite high during their
lifetimes, since they belonged to different tribes, they
were not, for the most part, buried with the kings after
their deaths. In short, this type of tomb system is characteristic of a time after the Shang tribes had developed class
and national identities, when royal authority had been
established, but traces of clan organization still remained.
With respect to the centralized burial of multiple
generations, the royal tomb system of the Zhou era had
still not broken completely free from the influence of
clan-based systems of burial, but it already exhibited
significant differences from the sort of burial system
associated with the Shang royal house. First, regional
rulers and their spouses were generally buried together.
This widespread convention not only reflected the fact
that the clan system of the Zhou era was heading toward
dissolution, but at the same time indicated the degree of
importance that the Zhou placed on ancestral lineage
groups (zongzu 宗族). This may relate to the fact that
the Zhou conquest of Shang and establishment of a state
took place with the assistance of the Jiang surname
group, with whom the Zhou shared affinal ties. Second,
with comparative frequency, regional lords of the Zhou
era were buried in the same cemeteries as aristocrats
with whom they shared ancestral ties. We must note
that throughout the entire Zhou era, the proportion of
occurrences of this pattern of royal burial is quite high.
Besides the cemetery of the lords of Jin at Beizhao and
that of the Qin State at Yongcheng 雍城, most of the
others belong to this type. This is clearly an embodiment of the Zhou-era “ancestral model” (zongfa 宗法)
system in shared burial grounds.
The “centralized royal cemetery system” of the Shang126
Zhou era had the following characteristics:
1. Multiple generations of rulers were buried together
in the same cemeteries, but due to shifts of the capital or
other major incidents, the same state might have cemeteries of this sort in multiple locations.
2. The Shang-Zhou-era “centralized royal cemetery
system” existed in three types, and there were definite
differences between the systems of the Shang and the Zhou.
3. Cemeteries generally lacked moats or other enclosures indicating their extent. This was probably because
multiple generations of rulers were to be interred in the
same cemeteries, but there was no way to predict how
many generations of rulers a cemetery would eventually hold when first setting it up.
4. Judging from textual records, each common burial
ground had only one collective geographic name, and
the burial sites of individual rulers did not have separate
names.
The Emergence and Formation of the Spring
and Autumn to Warring States “Independent
Mausoleum System”
The “independent mausoleum system” was a new type
of burial pattern distinct from the “centralized royal cemetery system.” Among currently known sites, the Spring
and Autumn period Qin ducal tombs at Yongcheng represent its emergent form; the Warring States Qin tombs
at Dongling 东陵, the royal tombs of the state of
Zhongshan 中山, and others, a further step in its
development; and the mausoleums of Qin Shihuang 秦
始皇 and the Han emperors, its establishment and
perfection.
The Spring and Autumn ducal cemetery of Qin at
Fengxiang 凤翔 is located to Nanzhihui 南指挥 Village,
southwest of the Qin capital of Yongcheng. The area of
tombs already explored is about 7km long from east to
west and nearly 3km wide from north to south, comprising a total area of 21 sq km. Trenches ranging from
2–7m in width and from 2–6m in depth were discovered on the north, south, and west sides of the tomb
district, forming a protective barrier for its preservation.
Within this range, 43 tombs and horse-pits of medium
to large size have already been examined. Among them
were 18 large 中 -shaped tombs; 3 large 甲 -shaped
tombs; and one L-shaped tomb, as well as 21 目 - and
凸 -shaped tombs and horse-pits (Figure 4).
The arrangement of the Qin ducal tombs at
Yongcheng has the following characteristics. First, only
Chinese Archaeology
a certain segment of the Qin dukes had mausoleums divided up by trenches, but two or three large, 中-shaped
tombs are sometimes contained within a single complex
and may house two or more generations of Qin dukes.
Secondly, each tomb complex is relatively close to the
others, and a wide-ranging trench surrounds the tomb
district, such that each tomb complex is only one portion of the greater, overall complex associated with
Yongcheng. Third, apart from a few which have traces
of construction atop the tombs, none of the individual
tomb complexes include any special, subordinate
structures, which is to say that none of them are equipped
for management as independent mausoleums. Fourth,
this cemetery was apparently referred to in the literary
records by the single, collective name yong 雍, and the
burial complexes of individual Qin dukes lacked separate names. In short, the Qin ducal cemetery at
Yongcheng, in its fundamental characteristics, still belongs to the category of centralized royal burials, and
the use of trenches to demarcate the burial complexes of
certain Qin dukes is merely a process of division based
on geographic boundaries.
Apart from a few burials of accompaniment, the cemetery of the Qin dukes at Yongcheng contains few other
burials of either aristocrats or commoners. Based on
this aspect, it shares a certain similarity with the previ-
ously discussed cemetery of the Jin lords at Beizhao,
but the fact that a few of the lords interred in the
Yongcheng cemetery had separate burial complexes demarcated by trenches is an innovation. We can thus consider it a transitional form between the “centralized royal
burial system” and the “independent mausoleum system.”
It is an emergent form of the later pattern typically designated as the “independent mausoleum system,” and
as such its significance is great.
In contrast to the situation at the Spring and Autumn
cemetery of the Qin dukes at Fengxiang, in which multiple generations of rulers were gathered together and
buried in the same cemetery, the distribution of the burials of the Warring States-era rulers of Qin was already
comparatively scattered. Dukes Xian and Xiao may have
been buried in the tombs at Yueyang 栎阳, Kings
Huiwen 惠文 and Daowu 悼武 seem to have been buried north of Xianyang, and Kings Zhaoxiang 昭襄 and
Zhuangxiang 庄襄 were buried at Zhiyang 芷阳, more
than 10km to the east of Xianyang 咸阳. At the group
of burials at Zhiyang, also known as the “tombs to the
east of Qin,” four mausoleum complexes and several
large tombs with tumuli have already been excavated.
These four mausoleum complexes are linked to each
other, but a trench, either man-made or created by improving on a naturally existing ravine, surrounds each
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Figure 4. Distribution of Qin dukes’ tombs in Fengxiang
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127
of them. The mausoleum complexes contain main
tombs, auxiliary tombs, burials of accompaniment, installations constructed on the surface, etc.
The occupants of the mausoleums were as follows:
mausoleum number 4 contained King Zhaoxiang and
Queen Tang, mausoleum 1 contained King Zhuangxiang
and Queen Di, and numbers 2 and 3 contained Crown
Prince Dao and Queen Xuan, respectively. According
to historical documents, starting from the time when
Huiwen assumed the title of king, each subsequent Qin
lord’s mausoleum bore a different name: King Huiwen
was buried at Gongling 公陵, King Daowu 悼武 at
Yongling 永陵, King Zhaoxiang at Zhiling 芷陵, King
Xiaowen 孝文 at Shouling 寿陵, King Zhuangxiang at
Yangling 阳陵, and the First Emperor at Lishan 骊山.
This practice of giving burial sites distinct names was
an important characteristic of the “independent mausoleum system.” But historical records also call the mausoleums in the burial district at Zhiyang by the collective name of “the Eastern Barrows” and moreover make
reference to a “Lord of the Eastern Barrows” under
whose jurisdiction they fell. This is in a certain respect
similar to the assemblage of burials in the burial ground
of the Qin dukes at Yongcheng, thus retaining some characteristics of the “centralized royal cemetery system.”
Unlike the Zhiyang tombs, in which trenches were
used as landmarks indicating the extent of individual
burials, the royal tombs of the state of Zhongshan 中山
at Pingshan 平山, Hebei, those of the state of Zhao at
Handan 邯郸, Hebei, and others had walls of tamped
earth built at ground level. Each cemetery was centered
on the burial of a single generation of rulers, as shown
by a bronze plate bearing a territorial map excavated
from the royal tombs of Zhongshan (Figure 5). This
setup was fundamentally different from the “centralized
royal cemetery system,” in which multiple generations
were buried together in the same cemetery; it constituted an entirely new cemetery system. Atypical independent burials such as the “Eastern Barrows” of Qin
still existed during the Warring States period, however,
and the Zhou royal household, the state of Yan, and other
groups still employed the “centralized royal cemetery
system.” In other words, the Warring States period saw
the transitional stage between the “centralized royal cemetery system” and the “independent mausoleum system.”
We may also note that the area in which this type of
“independent mausoleum system” was prevalent corresponded for the most part with the state of Qin and the
three (former) states of Jin, in which the Legalist culture of the Warring States period enjoyed official authority (the states of Zhongshan and Zhao bordered on
these and were influenced comparatively deeply by the
culture of the three former Jin states). This phenomenon was probably not coincidental. Evidently, the “independent mausoleum system” was both a result of the
trend towards the weakening of the “clan-based burial
system” and an inevitable product of the strengthening
of monarchic authority.
The Establishment and Perfection of the QinHan “Independent Mausoleum System”
The “independent mausoleum system” had its beginnings
in the Spring and Autumn period and became established
in the Warring States period.
The mausoleum of the First
中宫垣
中宫垣
中宫垣
Emperor of Qin marked its full
implementation, and the im内宫垣
内宫垣
内宫垣
perial mausoleums of the Han
丘足
丘足
succeeded and elaborated on
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夫人
□堂
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哀后
that of the First Emperor, thus
堂
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中
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中
laying the groundwork for the
宫 内宫垣
宫
丘足
垣
丘足 内宫垣 垣
imperial mausoleum system
丘足
丘足
of the next two thousand
内宫垣
内宫垣
years of Chinese history.
This process can be
中宫垣
中宫垣
summed up in four points: the
separation of mausoleums as
Figure 5. “Bronze plate of Zhaoyu map” from Cuo’s mausoleum at Pingshan
free-standing entities; the es中宫垣— Middle Palace Wall 内宫垣— Inner Palace Wall 丘足— Terrace
tablishment of the burial dis王堂— Hall of King 王后堂— Hall of Wang Hou 哀后堂— Hall of Ai Hou
□堂— Hall of ? 夫人堂— Hall of Fu Ren
trict as a unit of scale; in128
Chinese Archaeology
crease in the complexity of accompanying installations;
and improvement in the various functional aspects of
mausoleum complexes.
The separate, free-standing nature of the mausoleum
and burial district of the First Emperor of Qin is not universally acknowledged. Some scholars consider the First
Emperor’s mausoleum to be a portion of the Qin tombs
at Zhiyang. In reality, however, the tomb of the First
Emperor had already broken away from the Zhiyang
complex and constituted a distinct unit. The Zhiyang
complex was in the western foothills of Mount Li, while
the tomb of the First Emperor lay in the northern foothills of the same mountain; a distance of more than ten
kilometers separated the two, making it difficult to suggest that any relationship existed between them.
Moreover, the scope of the mausoleum of the First Emperor was many times that of the Zhiyang mound district,
and the former had its own name and its own administrative complex, all helping to confirm that the mausoleum and burial district of the First Emperor constituted
an independent complex. It is notable as well that the
First Emperor’s tomb is a single burial, and the selection of its site did not take into account even the preparation of those of the so-called “Second Generation” and
“Third Generation,” much less a predicted sequence of
hundreds of successors. This is clear from the topography and terrain of the First Emperor’s burial district and
from its scope of more than fifty square kilometers.
With respect to the establishment of the burial district as a unit of scale, disregarding the fact that the First
Emperor’s burial district ranged over tens of square
kilometers, the scale of the mausoleum itself (i.e., the
area inside the wall) was also quite large. Though the
scale of the mausoleums of the Han and later emperors
may not have matched that of the First Emperor’s,
overall, they were still quite large.
The status of the First Emperor’s mausoleum as an
indication of the establishment of the independent mausoleum system can be seen mainly in the increased complexity of the installations making up the mausoleum
complex and in the improvement of its functional
aspects. Many traces of the First Emperor’s mausoleum
complex, both inside and outside, survive. These include hundreds of imitation “palace officials” in pits
accompanying the burial, the function and symbolism
of which are quite obvious. In addition, a bedchamber
originally placed on the First Emperor’s burial mound
was moved to the side of the tomb, and there are auxiliary halls, a storehouse on Lishan, a lodging for temple
Volume 7
officials, a “grave city” (i.e., a community housing the
support staff necessary to maintain the mausoleum
complex), etc. All these features serve to support the
management functionality required as a feature of the
“independent mausoleum system” (Figure 6).
Overall, the mausoleums of the Han emperors carried on the features of that of the First Emperor, with a
few new developments.
Nine of the eleven Han emperors were interred in the
plains of yellow earth to the north of the Wei River 渭
河 near Chang’an 长安. The remaining two burials, the
Baling barrow of Emperor Wen and the Duling barrow
of Emperor Xuan, were located to the southeast of the
Han-era Chang’an, south of the Wei River. The nine
burials in the plains of yellow earth north of the Wei
stretch over more than 50 kilometers from east to west.
The closest together lie within a few kilometers of each
other, while more than ten kilometers separate the furthest apart. There are several residences and simple cemeteries within this broad area, which cannot therefore be
characterized as a centralized royal burial ground. It is
evident that the old style of royal burial ground had by
this point met its fate (Figure 7).
Historical records indicate that the burial sites of the
Western Han emperors were selected either according
to some preference or through geomancy and divination,
with no thought given to the relative placement of previous rulers. On the other hand, if the location selected
for a tomb was inappropriate, it could be provisionally
changed. From this standpoint, the Western Han Dynasty lacked a unified, planned, and centralized royal
burial ground, instead employing an “independent mausoleum system” centered on each subsequent generation of the imperial line. Certainly, most of the Han
imperial tombs were placed in the plains of yellow earth
north of the Wei River, which may reflect some degree
of consideration of the resting places of previous
emperors, but this was a loose, unplanned, and extremely
disorderly sort of “large cemetery” pattern, essentially
different from the “centralized royal cemetery system”
of the Shang and Zhou periods. This sort of “large cemetery” pattern of burial was practiced generally throughout the successive dynasties and, moreover, gradually
developed into a “large cemetery” pattern in which tombs
were positioned according to certain types of geomantic
practices, but overall, it was still based on the “independent mausoleum system.”
The “independent mausoleum system” of the Western Han emperors’ tombs carried on the fundamental
129
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Figure 6. Distribution of Qinshihuang’s mausoleum
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Figure 7. Distribution of Western Han period mausoleums
1. Maoling 2. Maolingyi 3. Pingling 4. Pinglingyi 5. Yanling 6. Kangling 7. Weiling 8. Yiling 9. An’ling 10.
An’lingyi 11. Changling 12. Changlingyi 13. Yangling 14. Yanglingyi 15. Changling 16. Baling 17. Balingyi
18. Empress Bo’s Nanling 19. Duling 20. Dulingyi
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characteristics of the First Emperor of Qin’s tomb, but
with some new developments. Each imperial mausoleum complex had its own name, a bedchamber, side
chambers, a “grave city,” and other accompanying
installations, thus strengthening the management functionality of the complex. Furthermore, many accompanying burials of accomplished servants and aristocratic
relatives were placed in the vicinity of the imperial
tombs. In particular, the practice of interring accomplished servants from different clans within the scope
of the burial district was not permitted under the centralized royal cemetery system of the Shang and Zhou
periods. This was also a new characteristic of the independent mausoleum system as manifested in the burials
of the Western Han emperors.
Now, let us summarize the salient characteristics of
the “independent mausoleum system”:
1. Each ruler had his own independent mausoleum
complex, and each complex had a wall, trench, or hedge
demarcating the tomb area. But many important vestiges of the imperial burial mounds of the Qin and Han
lie outside the complex walls, making up independent
tomb districts.
2. Mausoleum complexes were substantial distances
away from each other, thereby constituting independent
units. As compared with the “centralized royal cemetery system,” the mausoleums were arrayed in a loose
and disorderly fashion.
3. Each mausoleum had its own name; for example,
the tomb of the First Emperor of Qin was called
Lishanyuan 骊山园 ( “the Garden at Mount Li” ), while
the Western Han had the Changling 长陵 mausoleum
of Gaozu, the Baling 霸陵 mausoleum of Emperor Wen,
the Maoling 茂陵 mausoleum of Emperor Wu, etc.
4. Both tombs and mausoleum complexes were
massive, with all manner of additional installations, and
had dedicated, specialized management. Besides the
actual tombs of rulers and their consorts, there were also
bedchambers, side chambers, auxiliary pits, “grave cities,”
large numbers of accompanying tombs, etc.
Reference Works
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written by Zhao Huacheng 赵化成. This summary is prepared by the author himself and English-translated by Nick
Vogt.
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