Woman's Art, Inc.
Royal "Matronage" of Women Artists in the Late-18th Century
Author(s): Heidi A. Strobel
Source: Woman's Art Journal, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Autumn, 2005 - Winter, 2006), pp. 3-9
Published by: Woman's Art, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3598091
Accessed: 20/10/2009 16:55
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S
ROYAL "MATRONAGE"
OF WOMEN
ARTISTSIN THE
LATE-18TH
CENTURY
By Heidi A. Strobel
uring the last quarterof the 18th century,Queens Charlotte of England (1744-1818), Marie Antoinette of
France (1755-93), and MariaCarolinaof Naples (1752turned
to women artists for a variety of artistic projects.
1814)
created
an
informalnetwork,commissioningpaintingsfrom
They
some of the same prominentartists,amongthem AngelicaKauffman (1741-1807),AdelaideLabille-Guiard(1749-1803), and Elisabeth Vigee-Lebrun(1755-1842).Evolvingconceptionsof queenly duties and gender contributedto this flourishingof "matronage." Either by birthright,necessity, or desire, royal females assumed a more visible role in the public eye duringthe second half
of the 18th century. Catherine the Great (1729-96) and Maria
Theresa (1717-80) ruled the Russian and Austrianempires, respectively, while Charlotte and the sisters Maria Carolina and
Marie Antoinette, all consorts, exercised a significantamount of
power because of their husbands' unwillingness or inability to
rule.' Besides supportingmale artists, these three queens commissionedfemale artiststo produce conceptionsof royalfemininity that united both the privateand public roles that they were expected to fulfill.
While Enlightenmentwriters such as Jean-JacquesRousseau
fought the merging of private (primarilyfeminine) and public
(chiefly masculine) spheres of activity,traditionalconceptions of
these domainswere in flux.2In intellectualcircles, women often
presidedover salon gatherings,where the elision of class and gender roles occasionally occurred. Furthermore, the French and
Americanrevolutionscontributedto a profound,albeittemporary,
disruptionof the social order,which further blurred the boundaries between the feminine and masculinespheres.3While Charlotte, MariaCarolina,and MarieAntoinettechose female artiststo
portraythem duringa time when gender was particularlyat issue,
the visions of femininitythat they cultivatedwere unique and tailored to bolstertheir popularityin their adoptivecourts.
Charlotte'supbringinghad a profoundinfluenceon her decision
to supportfemaleartistsin England.4As a younggirlin the German
she had access to a rich intellecprovinceof Mecklenburg-Strelitz,
tual backgroundand was acquaintedwith a networkof migrating
artisticfamilieswho traveledbetween variousGermanprovinces,
Scandinavia,and the rest of Europe. Friedericke Elisabeth von
Grabow,a Germanpoet, and GottlobBurchardGenzmer,a natural
historianand close friendand schoolmateof JohannWinckelmann,
were Charlotte'stutors.Her educationemphasizedart, naturalscience, and theology, fields that remained lifelong pursuits. Von
Grabowtaught Charlotte poetry, geography,German literature,
French,Italian,and a smatteringof Latinand Greek.5She alsotook
drawing,dancing,and musiclessons,intereststhat she would share
with her futurehusband,GeorgeIII.6
In 1761, the Englishkingproposedmarriageto his thirdcousin
afterviewinga portraitof her thatwas likelyproducedby the German artistEsther "Eva"Denner (act. 18th c.).7Charlotte'snuptial
journeywas celebratedin a varietyof ways. For example,the Germanpoet AnnaLuise Karsch(1722-91)celebratedthe philanthropD
FALL2005 / WINTER2006
ic princessin verse,8while manyartists,amongthem MaryBenwell
(1739-aft. 1800) and Catherine Read (1723-78)-who wished to
earnthe patronageof the royalcouple-sent unsolicitedportraitsof
the young queen to the royal family.EngraverCharles Spooner
popularizedBenwell'sc. 1762 paintingof Charlotteintent on her
reading,The StudiousFair (Fig. 1). The revenuefromthis printand
latercommissionsenabledthe artistto purchaseher husband'smilitaryrankin 1792.9
Impressedby Read'spastel portraitof her, Charlottecommissioned several more, as well as portraitsof her two eldest sons.
While these worksdo not survive,Charlotte'sencouragementprovided Read with the cachet of royal approval,which led to other
requests from the royal household and London art patrons. For
example, in 1766 she completed a pastel of Elizabeth VenableVernon (1746-1826), the queen's lady of the bedchamber and
close friend.Venable-Vernonwas also the wife of Charlotte'sLord
Chamberlain,Earl Harcourt,who was in charge of the queen's
Unlike Benwell, the Scottish-born
artists,actors, and musicians.?1
Read was from a wealthy familythat could afford to send her to
the continent for training.In the 1750s Read studied pastel with
MauriceQuentin de la Tourin Parisand, while in Rome, viewed
the antiquities of the art connoisseur Cardinal Albani. Peter
Grant,one of Read'sRomanpatrons,describedher success in an
undatedletter to the artist'sbrother,Alexander:
At the rate she goes on, I am truly hopeful she'll equal at least if not
excel the most celebrated of her profession in Great Britain, particularly in "crayons"for which she seems to have a great talent. Was it
not for the restrictions her sex obliges her to be under, I dare safely
say she would shine wonderfully in history painting, too, but as it is
impossible for her to attend public academies or even design or draw
from nature, she is determined to confine herself to portraits.'l
Unableto participatein the lucrativefield of historypainting,Read
relocatedto London,where she was celebratedfor her portraitsin
pastel, a medium popularizedby Rosalba Carriera(1675-1757).
Benwelland Read,both of whom exhibitedat but were not allowed
to join the RoyalAcademy,utilizedCharlotte'sadvocacyas a way of
supplementingtheireconomicpossibilitiesin London.
Read'ssuccess also providedmatronageopportunitiesfor other
female artists, like Caroline Watson (1761-1814), who came to
Charlotte'sattentionafter she engravedRead's1765 portraitof the
Princeof Wales.Watsonwas eventuallyappointedthe queen'sofficial engraver.'2
In 1765, CharlottecommissionedJosiahWedgwood
to producea set of cream-coloredchina,which she had helped to
design. Wedgwoodwisely named his china "Queen'sware,"which
helped ensurethe popularityof this service.13Thus, fouryearsafter
her arrivalin England,Charlottewas a significantsource of royal
patronage.
As partof her ongoingeffortsto fashionherself as a benevolent
nurturerof the royal family and the fine arts, Charlottecommissioned Angelica Kauffmanto paint Queen CharlotteRaising the
0
Genius of the Fine Arts (1767). This
painting followed the success of
Kauffman's portrait of Augusta,
Duchess of Brunswick (George III's
sister) and her child, which was painted ten days after the artist's arrival in
London. According to contemporary
accounts, the king's mother was so
pleased with this painting that she visited the artist in her newly appointed
Soho studio."4 Popularized by a 1772
mezzotint by engraver Thomas Burke,
'~
-_~~"
sL . ~dl
created Charlotte as Patroness of
Botany and the Fine Arts, a printthat
reiteratedthe queen'sroles as a patron
of art and botany and nurturerof the
royalfamily.20
In Queen CharlotteRaisingthe Genius of the Fine Arts, Kauffmanhas
i . ?:^?i
^
the fine, rather than decorative arts,
^
3
!
A
Queen CharlotteRaisingthe Geniusof
|::~:
....
'".
,.,
represented Charlotte as a patron of
although she was a considerable sup-
porter of both fields. In addition to
ppaintingand sculpture, she collected
wax models, embroidery, and Asianinspired furnishings.Another Kauffman painting that Charlotte owned,
MorningAmusement(1773), depicts a
young woman in orientalizing costume at work in one such field-embroidery, a genre very popular with
Charlotte and her daughters. BenJjaminWest highlighted the queen's
partiality for embroidery in Queen
Charlotte with Charlotte, Princess
Royal, commissioned by the royal
in 1777. The painting depicts
Charlotte and her eldest daughterin
the midst of an embroideryproject.
the Fine Arts (Fig. 2) depicts Chargv;,5 ^ ~^
lotte as a guardian of the fine arts and
"
the royal family.'5 Kauffman portrays
Charlotte clasping a myrtle wreath
.
destined for a successful artist in her
right hand, while she places her left
hand on the sleeping genius, modeled
.<+r
5.vM
~^
after her eldest son, George (later
Vu;~ ?it>wd
^
George IV). They are surrounded by
'
the attributes of sculpture, architec1I)^i,^'
-l
~
ture, geometry, music, history, poetry,
J,
and theory, and in the background of
.
1couple ^
"KB;
^^BB
the painting is a temple to Apollo.6
1
Charles Spooner after Mc
Fig
ary Benwell, TheStudiousFair
The Georgian viewer would have un(CharlotteSophia of Meckenburg-Strelitz)(c. 1762), 1767
derstood Kauffman's reference to
mezzotint
x 1. National PortraitGallery, London.
On a table next to them are a Raphael
Charlotte's maternal role, for she had
print, a bust of Minerva,and a piece
of sheet music, referencesto their other culturalinterests.21
given birth to five children (four sons and one daughter) by the
time this painting was completed.17
Producedon the eve of the foundingof the RoyalAcademy,
Kauffman'spainting symbolized both the public and private roles
Queen Charlotte Raising the Genius of the Fine Arts belies the
of the English queen, who quickly became a source of artistic supidea of Charlotteas a passive bystanderin her husband'sart proand
fulfilled
her
to
an
heir
to
the
throne.
The
port
duty
provide
gram. The painting was also Kauffman'sclever way of flattering
artist's simultaneous depiction of Charlotte's regal and domestic
the king and queen, who were then involved with the formation
of the Royal Academy.Kauffmanand Mary Moser (1744-1819),
qualities was part of a changing way of representing the royal family.
whom Charlottealso employed,were the only two women among
During George III's reign, a new type of royal mystique emerged
that unified both the ordinary and regal qualities of the royal family.
the founding members of this organization.Although Kauffman
A variation of the myth of the king's two bodies, it held that the king
and Moser were Academymembers, they did not have the privihad both a public, immortal body that embodied his rulership and a
leges of their male peers.2 They could not hold professorialposimore transitory one that related to his quasi-private life as a mortal
tions and mostly voted in absentia. Nevertheless, the queen'spaman.'8 George III and Charlotte cleverly commissioned paintings
tronage not only supplemented the incomes of female artists,it
that emphasized both the royal family's ritual splendor and bouralso helped them achieve a degree of mainstreamacceptance.Indeed, Charlotte'sportrait signified Kauffman'sprofessionalsucgeois domesticity from Kauffman, as well as from Johann Zoffany,
Thomas Gainsborough, and Benjamin West. Such images augmentcess in England-the artistdisplayedthe commissiondocuments
ed the family'spopularity with the British public, which empathized
above the entrance to her studio. Similarly, on the continent,
with the domestic happiness of the "farmer-king"and his large famiKauffmanand French artist Vigee-Lebrun supplemented their
restricted Academy memberships with matronage from queens
ly. Kauffman's representation of Charlotte as queen, mother, and
MariaCarolinaof Naples and MarieAntoinetteof France,daughphilanthropist brought a moder conception of the British monarto
closer
the
ters
of MariaTheresaof Austria.
chy
people.
For viewers uncomfortable with a depiction of a queen in the
FollowingKauffman's1781 marriageto the ItalianpainterAntonio Zucchi,the couple moved to Zucchi'shomeland.The nextyear
public role of art patron, the allegory in Queen Charlotte Raising
the Genius of the Fine Arts allowed multiple interpretations. The
they traveledto Naples,afterMariaCarolinaand her husband,Ferdomestic scene of Charlotte and her eldest son represented two indinand IV, commissioned portraits of their growing family and,
terwoven aspects of the queen's personality: her roles as royal
where,in circumstancessimilarto the Englishcourt,publicandprimother and as matron of the arts. While the painting represents
vate concernssoon foundtheirwayinto Kauffman's
art.2Duringthis
Charlotte's early attempt to fashion herself as a worthy consort for
initialvisit, the queen, an amateurartist,providedKauffmanwith
the English king, it also cleverly represents her as an accessible malodgingin her palace and requesteddrawinglessons for her young
ternal figure. Additionally, the image promoted Charlotte's practice
The artistbeganto workfor MariaCarolinaduringa pedaughters.24
of matronage, for she supported at least 16 female artists during her
riodwhen the queen'spopularityhad reachedits nadir;she was be-
lifetime,some of whomwere employedas tutorsfor her largefamily.'9 Kauffman's iconography continued to be associated with the
queen, for in 1799, Royal Academy member Francesco Bartolozzi
0
ing criticizedfor transgressing
typicalfemalebehaviorbecauseof her
activities.
After
public
producinga maleheir in 1775, MariaCarolina
had become a memberof the NeapolitanState Council,whichgovWOMAN'S ARTJOURNAL
,,
erned Naples while her husbandpursued his love of hunting.2In 1784, she
oversaw the replacement of her rival,
Council member Bernando Tanucci,
who had held the post of primeminister
for 33 years, with one of her favorites,
the EnglishmanJohnActon,rumoredto
be her lover. In an effort to reviveher
reputation, the queen approached
Kauffman,who had alreadydemonstrated her abilityto depict the public and
private aspects of an 18th-century
queenship, to produce several history
paintings for her, including Cornelia,
Motherof the GracchiandJulia,Wifeof
Pompey(Fig.3), both 1785.
For the subjects of these paintings,
the queen and the artistchose Roman
heroines, Cornelia (160-100 B.C.E.)
and Julia (c. 75-50 B.C.E.), both celebratedfor their dualallegiancesto family and state.26The story of Cornelia
was an appropriate subject for a
Neapolitan commission, since legend
had it that she lived near Naples. Eighas
writers
such
teenth-century
_.
X
_
.
_
.
t
..
_
_
.
_
...
_
....
~
/
^
fchad
highet
Kaffacm
(
i
'i
Caesarand Pompey disintegratedinto
civilwar.o0
Why would images of Cornelia,
Motherof the Gracchi andJulia, Wife
of Pompey appeal to MariaCarolina?
Cornelia's primary duty was to raise
, her sons to be good statesmen. Like
Cornelia, the Neapolitan queen also
a primary role in the education
and upbringingof her children. Both
Pompeyand Ferdinandneglectedtheir
public roles, albeit for different reasons. AlthoughMariaCarolinawas not
ia widowlike Cornelia,Ferdinand'slaziness forced his wife to assume a position of leadership in the family and
government.Like Cornelia(and Maria
Carolina),Julia was a virtuouswoman
whose identityas wife and motherwas
interwoven with her duty to the Roman state. Furthermore, Kauffman's
paintingof Julia underlinedsimilarities
between her matchwith her father'sri-
Fig. 2. Thomas
Burkeafter Akngelica Kauffman, Her Majesy
Queen CharlotteRaisingthe Ge.niuss of the FineArts(1767), 1772
mezzotint, 18/2" x 1 5". TheRoyalCollection,
val and the political exigencies related
to Maria Carolina's marriage.' As the
mother of 17 children, Maria Carolina
would have also responded to the ma-
HerMajestyQ2ueen Elizabeth11.
Rousseau viewed her as the epitome of
ternaltheme in both CorneliaandJulia, for she believed that "the
the good mother, for she considered her children to be her finest
highest felicityon earth is the happinessof being a mother.I have
jewels. After her husband's premature death, Cornelia educated
had seventeen livingchildren;they were my onlyjoy. Naturemade
their two surviving sons, Tiberius and Caius, who later achieved
me a mother;the queen is only a gala-dress,which I put off and
soldiers.27
Kauffman
as
Roman
senators
and
success
painted
great
on."32Kauffman's1784 portraitof the royalfamilyemphasizesthe
this popular subject for three patrons during the 1780s.2
In contrast, the subject of Julia is unique-no other contempoimportance of maternityto the queen, whose pose and gesture
foreshadowsthe artist'ssubsequentdepictionof Cornelia.The disrary representations of Julia exist, with the exception of a 1775
sketch also by Kauffman. Given her early interest in the circumplay of these three paintings,especiallyin a royalreceptionchamstances of Julia's life, Kauffman seems to have been waiting for an
ber, stroveto soften the image of MariaCarolinaas a domineering
femalewho interferedwith the NeapolitanState Council.33
opportunity to do a large-scale painting depicting the only child of
Kauffman'scommissionsfor MariaCarolinaand CharlotteadJulius Caesar.29In 59 B.C.E., Caesar arranged a strategic marriage
dressed the issue of approprifor his daughter to the much
ate public and private activiolder Roman general Pom'
ties for late-18th-century
pey, who formed part of Caeconsorts. While there is no
sars triumvirate. Although Juevidence of communication
lia was Pompey's fourth wife,
s
these two queens
between
he fell passionately in love
e
with her. His enemies critiregarding Kauffman, Maria
w
Carolina was aware of the
cized him for loving his wife
v
_;|
;#
too much and thus neglecting
,..,.,
artist'swork in England, for
I:
.
L
she decorated her palaces
his civic duties to the Roman
with engravingsof the artist's
?
republic. While pregnant
paintings. Another female
with Pompey's child, Julia re4
p~artist,
ceived inaccurate news that
Vig6e-Lebrun, re_~
ceived Maria Carolina'ssupher husband, who was not a
port because of her sister's
-gt
popular statesman, had been
k
killed. Kauffman's painting
previous sponsorship of the
!t^Vpainter.3Close in age, Maria
depicts the dramatic moment
Carolina and Marie Anwhen the heroine sees her
toinette were raised together
wv __
husband's bloody shirt. After
"C!
at the Austriancourt of their
this shock, she fainted and
..
...
suffered a miscarriage. The ..
pmother, Maria Theresa,
where they became aware of
following year, Julia became
the importanceof the arts in
pregnant again but died in
childbirth. Without her pres-
ence,
the union between
FALL
2005 / WINTER2006
Fig. 3. Angelica Kauffman, Julia, VVife of Pompey (1785), oil on canvas.
zu 'Weimar. Schlossmuseum.
Kunstsammlungen
the royal household
and were
introduced to female intellec-
0
tuals and artists.35Although Vigee-Lebrun's commissions had failed to restore Marie Antoinette's honor, she
and Kauffman were moderately successful in improving Maria Carolina's
reputation in Naples. For Maria Carolina, who commissioned Vigee-Lebrun to paint portraits of the Neapolitan royal family, the artist also represented a link to her imprisoned sister.
Some of the family portraits that
Maria Carolina requested from the
pro-monarchy artist, such as Portrait
of Maria Christina (1791), were compositionally similar to paintings that
had done for the
Vigee-Lebrun
French queen. Recent research by
Roworth and Mildenberger suggests
that these paintings were commissioned by Maria Carolina for another
sister (her daughter's namesake),
Maria Christina. Maria Christina, as
the Archduchess of Sachsen-Teschen
and the wife of Albert, governor of
the Austrian Netherlands, also had to
negotiate traditional views of femininity in the public and private
spheres.6
aweath.chemise,
so
j
ic'slthe
:eC
pb
4
Cadet (act. late-18thcentury).
Despite (or possibly because of)
the criticismof Marie-Antoinetteen
in 1785
beVigee-Lebrun
S
to
jwork
on
Portrait
A
Marieof
~gan
Antoinette and Her Children. This
portrait was commissioned to celebrate the maternal virtues of the
queen, whose popularitycontinued
to plummet. Her involvementin the
scandalous Diamond Necklace Affair and its ensuing trial (1785-87)
caused the Parisianpressto question
queen's sexual and financial
practices, while the French finance
minister was forced to resign.4' Real-
izing that it was necessaryto present
herself in a more matronly light,
Marie Antoinette requested more
conservative dresses from Bertin,
r
e sdi
such as the one she wears in this
portrait,which showsthe queen surrounded by her children, Mariev
Two
soP
AhTherese Charlotte and Louis
Charles, the namesake of his godmother, Maria Carolina of Naples.
Dauphin Louis Joseph points to an
empty cradlethat symbolizedthe reie-Antoinetteen chemise (1783),
While Maria Carolina's commiscent death of the infant Princess SoFig. 4. ElisabethVigee-Lebrun,IMoar
oil on canvas. Private C0ollection,Germany.
sions from Kauffman and Vigee-Lephie.42The inclusion of the large
brun addressed her domestic role,
jewelry box behind the royalcradle
some of Vigee-Lebrun's paintings for Marie Antoinette reprewas likely an allusion to the story of Cornelia,implyingthat the
sented the queen's efforts to distance herself from her familial
queen viewed her progeny,ratherthan her possessions,as her reand national duties. The French queen cultivated a distinct
al wealth. Vigee-Lebrun'sportrait,however,sufferedin comparibrand of femininity marked by a preoccupation with fashion and
son to more informal portraits of maternity,such as the artist's
a taste for sensuality. For example, in 1783, Vigee-Lebrun exhibSelf-Portraitwith DaughterJulie (called MaternalTenderness,saited Marie-Antoinette en chemise (Fig. 4) at the Salon, where it
lon of 1787) or Kauffman'sFamily of King Ferdinand IV and
was immediately criticized for its representation of the king's
Queen Maria Carolina(1784). Finally, the queen's unpopularity
wife en chemise, a fashionable semi-transparent dress of white
forced Vigtee-Lebrunto delay the hanging of the portraitat the
muslin. The queen's chic and expensive French dressmaker,
1787 salon until after its official opening. Instead of enhancing
Rose Bertin (1744-1813), had imported the robe en chemise from
the queen's reputationby depicting her as a happy and devoted
mother, the circumstancessurroundingthis paintingunderlined
England.37Because of its simple lines and relatively minimal decthe public'slow esteem for the queen.43
oration, this dress connoted simplicity and leisurely pursuits. The
Academymember and aspiringhistorypainter Labille-Guiard
queen's detractors viewed this garment, which they also called
chemise a la reine, as part of her ongoing effort to disregard
was at the center of another circle of matronageat the French
court etiquette.38 In the public's eye, the robe en chemise was
court. In 1783, Labille-Guiardwas appointed court painter to
connected to the queen's pleasure grounds at Versailles, Petit
Marie-Antoinette'schief critics, the aunts of Louis XVI, Mesdames Adelafde, Sophie, and Victoire. Labille-Guiard also
Trianon, where she often wore this casual garment. The Petit
Trianon was a feminine realm, inhabited by Marie Antoinette and
opened her studio and home to a number of female artists,
her friends, who spent lavish amounts of money on clothing and
among them Gabrielle Capet and Carreauxde Rosamond,both
entertainment and were rumored to engage in promiscuous sexuof whom are elegantly depicted in her 1785 Self-Portraitwith
al practices. With its imposing architecture and gardens, VerTwo Pupils (front cover). At the 1787 Salon, Labille-Guiardexsailles represented the absolutist, masculine ruler of France,
hibited a portraitof MarieAntoinette'sdaughter,MadameElizawhile the Petit Trianon symbolized the invasion of these grounds
beth, and portraits of the Mesdames.44In Portrait of Madame
a
feminine
In
influence.
this
she
environment,
by foreign,
suspect
Adelaide de France (1787; Fig. 5), Labille-Guiardincluded several iconographicmotifs that signified the less corruptreigns of
ignored her duties to her husband and children. Vigee-Lebrun's
1783 portrait, which was removed from the salon because of the
Louis XVI'spredecessors. The king's aunt, for example, is seen
next to portraitsof her deceased parents and brother.Above her
public uproar, emphasized the queen's association with these
head, an antique bas-relief panel illustratesthe life of Louis XV,
pleasure grounds.39These traits were most apparent in Vigee-Lebrun's commission, but not so much with the other female artists
culminating in a heroic deathbed scene.45The Neoclassical dein her employ, portraitist and still-life painter Anne Vallayerpiction of Madame Adelaide was in stark contrast to the femiCoster (1744-1818) and miniaturists Marie-Christine Vagliengo
nine ideals of pleasure and sensualitythat were present in Vigeeand
Lebrun'sportraitsof the queen. Gendered terminologywas used
(act.
late-18th,
centuries),
Campana
early-19th
Aglae Joly
0
WOMAN'S ART JOURNAL
to differentiate the styles of
these two artists, whose work
was shown at four of the same
salons. Paintings by Vigee-Lebrun, who was closely connected to the French queen, were
often described with feminine
adjectives associated with the
Rococo period, such as "charming," "graceful," "pretty," and
"seductive." In contrast, words
such as "hard," "strong," and
"noble" emphasized LabilleGuiard'sadherence to the more
austere Neoclassical style; yet
images such as her Self-Portrait
with Two Pupils demonstrate
that she conceived her practice
in very feminine terms.46 Labille-Guiardfashioned a type of
femininity that celebrated aristocratic dignity without raising
the issues of dangeroussexuality
or frivolousmorals.
During the 18th century,
women artists often pursued
portraiturebecause it was lucrative and did not require the
anatomical knowledge acquired
by male students at the official
academies, to which women did
not gain admittance until the
end of the next century. Yet
many women of the period aspired to be history painters and
had female patrons who enhanced their professional goals.
..
.
'
..
-
..-
...;....
.....
-
.
N OTE S
-*
;
K
*:
_4s??4
:* ' .."f ' 'f
*1-.;
.. ':,::
-*
'
.:i*
~"'~
I ;!
i
B_
-b.
r
L 1. Charlotte's
husband,George III,
began to sufferfromporphyriain
1789, a disease thatcaused intermittentmentaland physicalproblemsfor
the restof his life.Historians
havecriticized LouisXVIof France(husbandof
MarieAntoinette)
and Ferdinandof
of MariaCarolina)
~.. ; I. '."'Naples(husband
3AFor
_
fortheirineffectual
leadership.For
moreinformation
on theserulersand
theirshortcomings,
see IdaMacalpine
A ClassicCaseof
KingGeorgeIII:
in Porphyria-ARoyal
Porphyria,"
British
Medical
Malady(London:
Association,
Hunt,
1966), 1-16;Lynn
P
TheFamilyRomanceof theFrench
Revolution
of
(Berkeley:
University
1992), and HaroldActon,
TheBourbonsof Naples (1734-1825)
cne
rater~
aurCalifornia,
;
Methuen,
(London:
1956).
2. Rousseau
begantoreceivea
pensionfromKingGeorgein 1766.
ClarissaCampbell-Orr
detailsthe
betweenthephilosopher
relationship
and the Englishcourtin Queenshipin
Britain166a 1837: RoyalPatronage,
CourtCulture
and DynasticPolitics
_
Manchester
(Manchester:
University,
as
2002), and "QueenCharlotte
Patron:SomeIntellectual
and Social
Contexts,"TheCourtHistorian
(Decem-
'
'
ber1999),183-212.Campbell-Orr
a thorough
of
analysis
-" alsoprovides
it offMadameAd6laidede France(1787),
Portra
Fig. 5. AdelaideLabille-Guiard,
oil on canvas,107,/2" x 73/2". SppeecJArtMuseum,Louisville,Kentucky.
Kauffman and other female
artists were invited into the royal households to instruct Charlotte's and Maria Carolina'smany daughters in the arts. Kauffman also proved especiallyadept at portrayinga type of femininity that met the public and privateneeds of her female sponsors.
Finally, these relationshipswere fruitful because these queens
felt, perhaps, an affinityfor the female artistsin their employ,for
they were also women participatingin a predominantlymasculine field during a time when traditional definitions of gender
were changing.
In art-historicalaccountsof the late-18th century,queenly patronage is often consideredonly in conjunctionwith that of their
spouses. Yetit is importantto recognizethatwomen such as Charlotte, MariaCarolina,and MarieAntoinettehad independent resources and often were the conduit to royal supportboth within
their households and among European courts. Charlotte and
Maria Carolinacommissioned female artists to construct a new
model of femininitythat united qualitiesof leadershipand domesticity. In contrast, Marie Antoinette'scommissions, particularly
from Vigee-Lebrun,were relatedto the queen'sinterestsin luxury
and fashionand largelyavoidedthe issue of domesticresponsibilities. Although these three royalwomen fashioned different selfimages for diverse purposes, they nonetheless turned to women
artists to execute new representations of the queen. This fact
alone suggeststhat they were united in their belief that femininity
was a subjectfor women artiststo define.?
FALL2005 / WINTER2006
.
religious,scientific,and
Charlotte's
and thefemaleintellecliteraryinterests
tualcirclesin the royalhousehold.
3. Fora considerationof changinggender rolesduringthe late-i8th
century,see, among others,Joan Landes,Womenin the PublicSpherein
theAge of the FrenchRevolution(Ithaca,N.Y.:CornellUniversity,1988).
4. ExceptforOlwenHedley's
1975 study,QueenCharlotte
(London:
mostbiographies
of Charlotte
werewritten
JohnMurray),
after
immediately
her1819 deathandprimarily
relyon anecdotesandpersonalreminiscences ratherthanprimarysources.UponCharlotte's
mostof
instructions,
her personaldocumentswere destroyedfollowingdeath. OnlyCharlotte's
diariesfrom1789 and 1794 andherlettersto thedukesof MecklenburgStrelitz
survive.
See theRoyalArchives,
WindsorCastle,British
(T.S.
Library
andtheMecklenburg
Schwerin.
Archives,
Collection),
Blakeley
5. Hedley,QueenCharlotte,
139. Charlotte
wasthefifthchildof
Dukeof Mirow,andElisabeth
Albertina
of Sachsen-Hildburghausen,
Charles,
andwas namedforheraunt,SophiaCharlotte,
wifeof Frederick
Iof
Prussia
andcofounder
of theartandscienceacademiesof Berlin.
Aftershe
becametheEnglish
inthenatural
continued
herinterests
queen,Charlotte
sciencesbyappointing
historian
andfounder
JeanAndrede Luc,a natural
of modern
geology,as herReaderin 1774. Otherfemaleintellectuals
household
included
Mmede la Fite,alsooneof the
employedinCharlotte's
andtheauthorof a seriesof educational
treatises
queen'sReaders
inspired
andFannyBurney,
authorof thenovelsEvelina
and
bytheroyalprincesses,
SecondKeeperto theRobes
Cecilia,whobeganherpositionas Charlotte's
onJuly17, 1786.
6. Jane Roberts,ed., George 111
& Queen Charlotte:Patronage,
Collectingand CourtTaste(London:
RoyalCollection,2004) providesa
0
rolein the progressof the royalcouple'sintellectureassessmentof Charlotte's
al interests.Thecontentsof Charlotte's
privatelibraryindicatethatshe, like
herhusband,was an avid consumerof publicationsin the fieldsof art,
science, literature,
history,education,and manyothers.
7. UlrichThiemeand FelixBecker,AligemeinesLexikonder bildenden
Denner
Kinstler,IX(Leipzig:WilhelmEngelmann,1909), 75. Esther("Eva")
was the daughterof portraitand miniature
painterBalthasarDenner,who
executedcommissionsforthecourtsof Mecklenburg-Strelitz
and Schwerin.
Dennerand hischildrenalso workedat the Dutch,Danish,and English
courts,and completedprojectsforthe Germanduchiesof Hanover,
Thispaintingwas
and Holstein-Gottorp.
Braunschweig-Wolfenbuttel,
commissionedby Charlotte's
great-aunt,PrincessAlbertinaLouiseof
who livedwiththe royalfamily.Thisattribution
Schwarzburg-Sonderhausen,
in Mecklenburg-Schwerin,
is based on archivalinformation
whichis the
repositoryforboththe Strelitzand Schwerincourts.
8. Karschwas well knownduringthe 18thcenturyand workedfor
Frederick
theGreatof Prussia.
9. EllenClayton,EnglishFemaleArtists,II(London:
TinsleyBrothers,
1876), 360; Thiemeand Becker,Lexikon,III,361.
Readand RoyalPatronage,"
10. VictoriaManners,"Catherine
Connoisseur(March1932), 35-40.
The
11. A. FrancisSteuart,"MissKatherine
Read,CourtPaintress,"
ScottishHistoricalReview(1905), 40-42.
ThomasWatson,James
Mezzotinters:
12. GordonGoodwin,British
A.H. Bullen,1904), 77-78; DeliaGaze,
Watson,ElizabethJudkins(London:
of WomenArtists,II(London:
FitzroyDearborn,1997), 1430.
Dictionary
CarolineWatsonreceivedherappointmentin 1785. Herengravingof
Read'sportraitwas eventuallymovedto Frogmore,whereCharlottekept
muchof herfavoriteartwork.
StocktonPress,1989), 49-51,
13. RobinReilly,Wedgwood,I (London:
200-01; II,579-84. Thequeen,who visitedWedgwood'sGreekStreet
showroomin 1774 and 1779, also requestedtwo moresets of chinafrom
his factory,one foreach of hereldestsons.
and WendyWassyng
and Portraiture,"
14. AngelaRosenthal,"Kauffman
A ContinentalArtist
Kauffmann:
in
Art
of
"The
Roworth,
Painting," Angelika
ReaktionBooks,1993), 190, 37, 42-43,
in GeorgianEngland(London:
frustrated
104. Kauffman,
by the lackof patronagein Rome,traveledto
thewife of the
of LadyBridgetWentworth,
Englandfollowingthe invitation
British
consulin Rome.
15. OliverMillar,TheLaterGeorgianPicturesin the Collectionof Her
Phaidon,1969), 58-59; BettinaBaumgdrtel,
Majestythe Queen,I (London:
1741-1807: Retrospektive
(Ostfildern-Ruit:
VerlagGerd
AngelikaKauffmann
Hatje,1998), 159-60; AngelaRosenthal,letterto the author,May 16,
in late 1767,
2000. Charlottealso commissioneda portraitfromKauffman
the locationof whichis unknown.Itlikelydisappearedaftera 1916 New
Yorkauctionin whichitchangedhands.
16. Thesymbolsof the sevenfieldsin the paintingare a square,compass,
bothhistoricalwritingand poetry),and a
globe, lyre,papyrus(representing
bookopen to a theoreticalpassage.
159-60. Kauffman's
17. Baumgartel,
husband,
AngelikaKauffmann,
AntoniaZucchi,statedthatthe Princeof Waleswas the modelforthegenius
the geniuswas paintedovera portraitof
figure.Accordingto Baumgartel,
the prince.
18. LindaColley,Britons:ForgingtheNation 1707-1837 (London:
Vintage,1996), 247-48. Colleymaintainsthatduringthe Georgianperiod,
aboutcelebratingthe
the Britishpublicwas increasinglyenthusiastic
so. She observesthat
of
of
a
and
doing
ways
variety
supported
monarchy
thiscelebrationof regalitywas especiallyapparentfollowingthedownfallof
the Frenchmonarchyin 1793.
19. Inadditionto Kauffman,
Benwell,and Read,Charlotteemployed
Catherine
Jones,
Andras,
Moser,
MaryBlack,AnneDamer,Charlotte
Mary
Anne
Foldstone
Meen,
Mee,
Linwood,
Knowles,
Margaret
Mary
Mary
CarolineWatson,MarieAnne Bourlier,
MaryDelany,and PatienceWright.
0
MarciaPointon's
"Working,Earning,Bequeathing:MaryGrace and Mary
in StrategiesforShowing:Women,Possessionand
Moser-Paintresses,"
in EnglishVisualCulture,1665-1800 (Oxford:Oxford
Representation
University,1997), 131-71, remainsthe definitivestudyof Charlotte's
patronageof MaryMoser.
20. Bartolozzi's
printwas partof the prefaceto a botanicalpublicationby
of the
dedicatedto Charlotte,TheNew Illustration
RobertJohnThornton
SexualSystemof Carolusvon Linnaeus(1799). Theprintwas based on
WilliamBeechey's1793 portraitof thequeen,whichportraysCharlottein
discussionof
withthreeof herdogs. Fora comprehensive
frontof Frogmore
the queen'ssupportof miniature
painters,amongthemBeechey'swife, Anne
withBrilJessopBeechey(1763-1834), see MarciaPointon,"'Surrounded
Art
Bulletin
in Eighteenth-Century
liants':MiniaturePortraits
(March
England,"
2001), 48-71.
21. Millar,LaterGeorgianPictures,I, 129.
on the foundationof the RoyalAcademy,see
22. Formoreinformation
DavidSolkin,PaintingforMoney:TheVisualArtsand the PublicSpherein
1992), 259-61,
Eighteenth-Century
England(New Haven:YaleUniversity,
and SidneyC. Hutchison,TheHistoryof the RoyalAcademy1768-1968
(London:
Chapmanand Hall, 1968). On December10, 1768, the king
of the RoyalAcademythatestablished
of Foundation
signedthe Instrument
a societyforthe promotionof theartsof painting,design,and architecture.
AlthoughtheAcademywas notestablisheduntil1768, artistshad been
meetingwiththe kingaboutitsformationsinceJuneof 1767. Whilethereis
a plethoraof information
aboutthe king'srolein the formationof the Royal
and Portraiture,"
104, indicatesthatthe
Academy,Rosenthal,"Kauffman
queenwas also involved.However,in mycullingof theAcademy'sarchives,
of Charlotte's
involvement.
I foundno documentation
23. PeterWalch,"ForeignArtistsat Naples: 1750-1799," Burlington
Magazine(April1979), 248. Accordingto Walch,MariaCarolinaand
Ferdinandfavoredartistsof Germanicdescentsuchas Kauffman.
aboutMariaCarolina,see
24. Foradditionalbiographicalinformation
AmadeiBordigaAmalia,MariaCarolinad'Austriae il Regnodelle Due
Sicilie(Napoli:CooperativaEditriceLibraria,1950), and AndreBonnefons,
reinedes deux-Siciles1768-1814(Paris:Perrin& Co., 1905).
Maria-Caroline
25. Accordingto HaroldActon,TheBourbonsof Naples (1734-1825)
continuedto neglecthis duMethuen,1956), 175-92, Ferdinand
(London:
of Spain,demandingthat
Charles
his
from
missives
father,King
ties, despite
he resumehis publicresponsibilities.
der Goethezeit.Mehr
in "DieSiedlern-Malerinnen
26. BettinaBaumg6rtel,
als hibsche Talente,"KunstundAntiquitdten
(May1994), 8-13, describes
Kauffman's
paintingsCorneliaandJuliaas pendantpieces of propaganda
forthequeen, butshe does notrelatethemto MariaCarolina'scircumstances
or explainthe need forideologicalartworkin Neapolitansociety.
27. Forthe storyof Corneliaand herchildren,see, amongothers,Mika
Arctos;acta philogica
Kajava,"CorneliaAfricanif. Gracchorum,"
fennica(1989), 119-31. Corneliawas a favoritesubjectamonglate- 8thcenturyartists.Forexample,Davidusedthe storiesof Corneliaand Brutusin
an allegoryforan Operacurtaincreatedin 1793 and 1794. Corneliawas
an attractivesubjectto artistsbecauseshe provideda feminine
undoubtedly
to the celebrationof traditionalmasculinevaluesin paintings
counterpart
suchas David'sOathof the Horatii(1785).
tailoredthe different
discussionof how Kauffman
28. Fora comprehensive
versionsof the Corneliathemeto suithervariouspatrons,see Wendy
WassyngRoworth,"AncientMatronsand ModernPatrons:Angelica
in MelissaHydeandJennifer
as a ClassicalHistoryPainter,"
Kauffman
Milam,eds., Women,Artand the Politicsof Identityin Eighteenth-Century
Eng.:Ashgate,2003), 188-210. (See review,p. 57) In
Europe(Aldershot,
of
also
Kauffman
1785,
paintedversionsof CorneliaforPrincePoniatowski
Polandand the BritishbankerGeorge Bowles,who becameone of
best patrons.
Kauffman's
29. VictoriaMannersand George C. Williamson,AngelicaKauffmann,
R.A.HerLifeand Works(1924; reprint,New York:HackerArtBooks,
WOMAN'S ARTJOURNAL
1976), 148-49. Kauffman's
preparatory
drawingforJuliais in the Printand
in
Collection
the
Albertina
Vienna.Itis unknownwhat
Museum,
Drawings
classicalsourceKauffman
consultedfortheJuliaand Corneliacommissions.
CharlesRollin's
HistoireRomaine,the firsteditionof whichappearedin Paris
in the 1730s, was a popularsourceamong Neoclassicalartists.
30. MaryBeardand MichaelCrawford,Romein theLateRepublic
(London:
Duckworth,
1999), 98-101.
31. ByarrangingMariaCarolina'smarriageto the Neapolitanking,
MariaTheresamaintaineda certaindegree of controloverthiskingdom,
whichhad been an Austrianterritory
until1734.
32. Acton,Bourbonsof Naples, 506. LikeMariaCarolina,Corneliahad
manychildren,onlythreeof whomsurvivedpast infancy.Similarly,
pregnanroleinJulia'sshortlife.
cy playedan important
33. Itis unclearwherethese pendantpaintingshungor who saw them,
butgivenMariaCarolina'sappreciationof Kauffman's
work,it is possible
thattheywere hungin a roomwhereMariaCarolinaworkedor entertained.
Theywouldhave senta powerfulmessageaboutthe loyaltyand fecundity
of the queenand servedan ideologicalfunction,counteracting
the negative
attitudestowardMariaCarolina'spublicpositionand domineeringrelationshipwithherhusband.MariaCarolinamay have also sensed, particularly
withhersisteron the shakyFrenchthrone,the need fora new typeof representationfora femalemonarch.
34. Early-20th-century
biographiesof the sisterqueens,suchas Catharine
of Maria
MaryCharltonBearne,A Sisterof MarieAntoinette:TheLife-Story
T.F.Unwin,1900), andJeanneLouise
Carolina,Queenof Naples (London:
HenrietteCampan,Memoirsof the PrivateLifeof MarieAntoinette(New
York:Tudor,1934), indicatethatthe sisterskeptin contactwithone another
the 1780s. Forexample,in 1787, MariaCarolinaunsuccessfully
throughout
to
attempted arrangea marriagebetweenhereldestson and hersister's
daughter,MadameRoyale.However,I foundno discussionsof artistic
patronagein theircorrespondence.
35. See, especially,AntoniaFrasier,MarieAntoinette:
TheJourney(New
York:Doubleday,2001), 3-25. MariaTheresahad a lifelongrelationship
withMariaAntoniaWalpurgis(1724-80), afterwhomMarieAntoinettewas
named.MariaAntonia,who livedwiththeAustrianroyalfamily,was a respectedartist,composer,and poet.Thisrelationship
may have been
a prototypeforthe princesses'subsequentencouragement
of femaleartists.
Fortheircorrespondence,see WoldemarLippert,KaiserinMariaTheresia
undKurfirstin
MariaAntoniavon SachsenBriefwechsel1747-1772 (Leipzig:
B. G. Teubner,1908).
36. Roworth,AngelikaKauffmann,
200. Accordingto Roworth,the fact
thatKauffman's
preparatory
drawingforJuliawas in the collectionof Albert
von Sachsen-Teschen
husbandand founderof theAlbertina)
(Christina's
the probabilitythatthese historypaintingswere eventuallysentto
strengthens
MariaChristina.
37. Frasier,MarieAntoinette,149; JacquesPeuchet,Memoiresde
MadameBertinsurla reineMarieAntoinette(Paris:BossangeFreres,
1824), 175.
38. MarySheriff,TheExceptionalWoman:ElisabethVigee-Lebrun
and
the Cultural
Politicsof Art(Chicago:University
of Chicago, 1996), 143-47,
165-68. Unlikecourtattire,the robe en chemisewas comfortableand did
nothindermovement.MarieAntoinettewas also criticizedfordisregarding
the separationof the sexes duringthe royalmealtimesand refusingto use
the heavytraditionalmakeupfavoredby the Frenchwomenat court.
39. Ibid.,172-74; Hunt,FamilyRomance,93, 105. In 1783, Marie-Antoinettestartedto receivecriticismforthe considerablecostsassociatedwith
the decorationof the PetitTrianon.Someof theseexpensesincludedthe installationof a jardin-anglais
and a hameau.Althoughthe predominanceof
womenat the PetitTrianonappearsto have fosteredthe accusationsof leswithbothmenand
bianism,the pressattackedMarie-Antoinette's
promiscuity
womenas earlyas 1774. Becausequeenswere notallowedto rulein
France,Huntpositsthatthe ruleof the king'stwo bodiesdid notapplyto a
queen,whichallowedfora large numberof highlysexualized
FALL2005 / WINTER2006
of the queen.
representations
40. EikKahngand MarianneRolandMichel,Anne Vallayer-Coster:
Painterto the Courtof Marie-Antoinette
(New Haven:YaleUniversity,
2002),
82, 92, n. 50-51. MmeCadet paintedthe queen in 1787 and Campana
withherhusband,Vittoriano
producedportraits
Campana,who heldthe
of
Painter
of
Cabinet
of
the
the
Queen.
Marie
Antoinettewas a witposition
ness at Vallayer-Coster's
1781 weddingand providedthe artistwithan
apartmentin the Louvre.
41. Thequeen'spopularityreachedits pre-Revolutionary
nadirbetween
1785 and 1787 withthe DiamondNecklaceAffairand the resignationof
de Calonne.Cardinalde Rohan,a
financeministerCharles-Alexandre
noble,wishedto restorehimselfin the queen'seyes by obtaininga necklace
forher.Trickedby the Countessde la Motteand a prostitute
who disguised
herselfas the queen,the cardinalorderedthisjewelrywithoutpayingforit.
He was subsequently
The
chargedwiththeftand triedby the ParisParlement.
ensuingtrialencourageda rumorthatMarieAntoinettehad tradedsexual
favorsforthe necklace.Herreputation
also sufferedafterCalonne'sdeparturefromgovernmentservice.
42. Fraser,MarieAntoinette,224, 240, 255-56; JosephBaillio,Elisabeth
LouiseVig6e-LeBrun
1755-1842 (FortWorth:KimbellArtMuseum,1982),
75-76. Thispaintingwas commissionedby the AcademieRoyale'sdirector,
CharlesClaudeFlahautd'Angiviller.
was paid the astronomical
Vigee-Lebrun
sumof 17,000 livresforthe portraitof the queenand herchildren.Itis
unclearwhetherd'Angiviller
or the queenspecifiedthe iconographicalmotifs
in the portrait.
43. In"TheCradleis Empty:Elisabeth
MarieAntoinette,
and
Vigee-Lebrun,
the Problemof Intention,"
Hydeand Milam,Women,Artand thePoliticsof
Identity,164-87,Sheriffdescribestheambiguityof variouscomponentsof this
painting,suchas theemptycradleand heraldicdecorationand showshow
these multifaceted
elementshaveoccludedcontemporary
and current
of
the
the
Once
was
exhibited
at the salon,
interpretations painting.
painting
somecriticsnicknamedit "MadameDeficit,"whileothersrefrainedfrom
MaternalTenderness.
comment,insteadpraisingVigee-Lebrun's
44. Hyde, "Underthe Sign of Minerva:Adelaide Labille-Guiard's
Portraitof MadameAd6laide,"in Women,Artand the Politicsof Identity,
and
139-63; Jean Cailleux,"RoyalPortraitsof MadameVig6e-Lebrun
Madame Labille-Guiard,"
Burlington
Magazine (March1969), v, and
"Portrait
of MadameAdela'de of France,Daughterof LouisXV,"Burlington Magazine (March1969), iii. Labille-Guiard's
1785 Self-Portrait
broughther to the attentionof MadameAdelaide, who wanted to, but
ultimatelydid not purchasethis portraitfor 10,000 livres.Theking'saunt
did, however,commissionmultiplecopies of figure5, includingone for
her own collection.
45. Adelaide is shownwitha plan of the conventat Versailles,of which
she was director.Fora considerationof portraitsof Ad6laide and her sisters, see Milam,"Matronageand the Directionof Sisterhood:Portraitsof
MadameAdela'ide"in Women,Artand the Politicsof Identity,115-38.
46. Sheriff, TheExceptionalWoman, 262-63; Roger Portalis,
"Adela'de Labille-Guiard,"
Gazette des BeauxArts (November 1901),
355. In addition to the salons of 1783, 1785, 1787, and 1789,
Vigee-Lebrunand Labille-Guiardboth exhibited at the Acad6mie
before becoming membersin 1783. Theyalso exhibited duringthe
same years at the Acad6mie de Saint-Lucand the Salon de la Correspondance. Althoughother female artistsexhibited at these salons, for
instance, Vallayer-Coster,the Parisianart world created an artificial
competitionbetween Labille-Guiardand Vigee-Lebrun,which mounted
with each salon. UnlikeVigee-Lebrun,Labille-Guiard
successfullynegotiated the changing tides of patronage broughtabout by the Revolution. In the 1791 salon, she exhibited eight portraitsof deputies of the
National Assembly,includingRobespierre.
Heidi Strobel is AssistantProfessorof Art History at the Universityof
Evansville,Indiana.
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PI. 12. Romaine Brooks, Muriel Draper (1938), oil on canvas,
46" x 30". Gift of Carl Van Vechten to the Yale Collection of
OL
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SI
PI. 13. Kiki Smith, Born (2002), lithograph, 68/8" x 55/4".
Museum of Modern Art, New York.
Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.
PI. 14. Lavinia Fontana, Judith with the Head of Holofernes (1600), oil
on canvas, 51/4" x 43".Museo Davia Bargellini, Bologna.
PI. 15. Josefa D'Obidos de Ayala, SalvatorMundi
(1680), oil on canvas, 43" x 28/2". Convent of
St. Carmen, Columbra,Portugal