Society for American Archaeology
Opportunities for Advancement: Intra-Community Power Contests in the Midst of Political
Decentralization in Terminal Classic Southeastern Mesoamerica
Author(s): Patricia Urban and Edward Schortman
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Sep., 2004), pp. 251-272
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
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ARTIC~LE
OPPORTUNITIES FOR ADVANCEMENT:
INTRA-COMMUNITY POWER CONTESTS IN THE MIDST
OF POLITICAL DECENTRALIZATION IN TERMINAL CLASSIC
SOUTHEASTERN MESOAMERICA
PatriciaUrbanand EdwardSchortman
Archaeologists traditionallyinvestigate the emergence of complex sociopolitical formations at micro- and macroscales. As
fruitful as these analyses have been, they ignore insights garneredfrom studying how the diverse members of individual
communities contestedfor power and material resources during periods whenformer political capitals were in decline.
Such volatile circumstancesprovide ample opportunitiesfor those seeking power to experimentwith novel political forms
while their would-be subordinatesmaneuverto underminethese overweeningambitions.Site 128 in the Naco Valley,northwestern Honduras, witnessed these struggles during the TerminalClassic. Takingadvantage of the waning power of the
Naco Valley's Late Classic rulers at La Sierra, magnates in this small communitycompetedfor control over clients and
their labor. The resultingpolitical configurationpitted corporate institutions against individual aggrandizers, each using
a limited suite of valuable resources to capture the loyalty and labor of supporters.The inability of onefaction to vanquish
the other created an unstable situation ultimately underminedby unresolvedtensions. Thoughstudies of political decline
usually highlight thefalls of dynasties, there is much to be gained by studying those who scrambled, with varying success,
to cobble together sociopolitical structuresin the shadows of former states.
Los arquedlogoshan investigadoel desarrollo de la jerarquiapolitica a los niveles de la casa y de la regi6n.Aunqueestos
andlisis han sidofructuosos, no se tomanen cuenta lo que se puede aprenderestudiandocomo los miembrosde comunidades
lucharonparapoder y recursosdurantelas dpocascuandolos capitalespoliticos se habiancaido. Talescircunstanciasvoldtiles
proporcionanlas oportunidadespara aquellos quienes estdn buscandopoder pueden experimentarcon nuevasformas politicas mientrassus clientes luchan en contra de estas ambiciones.El Sitio 128 en el Vallede Naco, Honduras,atestiguda estas
luchas duranteel Cldsico Terminal.Aprovechdndosede la disminucidndelpoder de los lideresde La Sierraduranteel Cldsico
Tardio,los lideres en este pueblo pelearonpara controlarlas personas y su labor En la nueva configuracidnpolitica, instituciones colectivas se peleaban contra individuospoderosos, ambos utilizandorecursos limitadospara agarar lealtad y labor
La inhabilidadque unafaccidn tenia para vencer a las otras cred una situacidninestable.Aunquelas dpocas de decadencia
politica no llaman mucha la atencidn a los arquedlogos,hay mucho que se ganard estudiandoa los que intentarona crear
estructurassociopoliticas en las sombrasde los estados anteriores.
structured(Feinmanand Neitzel 1984; McGuire
interestin
sociopolitical
Archaeological
forms and change processesis enduring. 1983; Paynter 1989). Independentor correlated
In dealingwith this multifaceteddomain,
investigatorstendto focus on specificaspects.Two
componentsthathave exerciseda perennialfascination for archaeologistsare political centralization, the extentto which poweris concentratedin
a few hands;and inequality,the degree to which
relations among social groups are hierarchically
shifts in expressionsof these variablesare often
addressedatthelevelof entirepolitiesorevenintersocietal interactionnetworks (e.g., Blanton and
Feinman1984;Upham1982;see papersin ChaseDunn and Hall 1991; Kardulias1999; Peregrine
and Feinman1996; Schortmanand Urban1992).
Such macroscaleperspectivesmodel changes in
Patricia Urban a Departmentof Anthropology,Kenyon College, Gambier,OH, 43022 ([email protected])
Edward Schortman a Departmentof Anthropology,Kenyon College, Gambier,OH, 43022 ([email protected])
LatinAmericanAntiquity, 15(3), 2004, pp. 251-272
Copyright? 2004 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology
251
252
ANTIQUITY
LATINAMERICAN
politicalcomplexityas theyareexpressedoverlong
time spansandat extensivespatialscales.Alternatively, there are those who concentrateon how
households are articulatedwithin regional and
interregional
politicalframeworks(Bermann1997;
Blanton1995;see papersin SantleyandHirth1993;
Schwartzand Falconer1994; Wilk and Ashmore
1988).Here,attentioncenterson thewaysin which
thestructureof dailylife, includingpowerrelations,
withinthesebasicco-residential,cooperativeunits
reflectprocessesoperatingatpolityandinterpolity
levels (e.g., Sheets 1992, 2000, 2002). There is
even talk of how household resistance to elite
decreesmayhelpshapetheverypoliticalstructures
in which these supposedlyhumblesocial unitsare
embedded(Gailey 1987; Joyce et al. 2001).
Investigatorsworkingfromoppositeendsof the
spatial spectrumemphasize heterogeneityin the
interestsof socialfactions,theresourcesoverwhich
they compete, and the success with which these
assets aredeployedin effortsto achieveand resist
domination(Ashmore1988;Blanton1995;Smith
1993; Stein 1994, 1998). Such work exposes a
messy reality in which even the most mundane
decisions made by individuals,such as choosing
whereto live andwhatoccupation(s)to pursue,are
informedby principlesoperatingat spatialscales
rangingfromthe intimateto the interregional.
Selecting a point of entry into the study of
ancientsociopoliticalstructuresand processes is,
therefore, neither easy nor obvious. In general,
analysesof regionalandinterregionalpatternsare
amenableto top-downperspectivesstressingthe
undeniableimportanceof paramountdemandsin
definingthe social,political,andeconomicoptions
availableto theirclientpopulations.Comingat the
topicfromthehouseholdlevel usuallyleadsto considerationsof how non-elitescope with these constraints,creativelymeetingimposedrequirements
forsurplusesandlaborwhilepreservingsome level
of local autonomy(Hagstrum2001; Sheets 1992,
2000, 2002; Spielmann2002).
Suchcomplementaryviewpointsyield valuable
insightsbutoftenignoretwo facetsof the problem.
First,until very recently,therehas been little systematicattentionpaidto communities,those settlements composed of multiple households where
macro-andmicroscalepoliticalprocessesintersect
(Canuto2004). In many hierarchicallyorganized
societies,paramountrulersdo not meddledirectly
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
in thelives of theirsubordinates.
Instead,theywork
throughagentsembeddedwithinpre-existingcommunities(Bermann1997;Marcus1993, 1998).Elevatingparochialleadersto statefunctionariescan
exacerbateintra-communitysociopoliticaldifferentiationand inequalityeven as such promotions
createtensionsbornof conflictingloyaltiesbetween
local constituentsanddistantlords.Similarly,nonelitesmaintainimportantsocialrelationswithpeers
residingbeyondtheirimmediatehouseholds.These
horizontalties, and the social groupsthey engender, cover varying spatial extents but are most
intenseandclearlydelineatedwiththeirimmediate
neighbors.The communitiesresultingfrom these
processesare,therefore,volatilegroupsshapedby
forces(Canuto2004;
hierarchicalandheterarchical
see papersin CanutoandYaeger2000).
Second,studiesof sociopoliticalcomplexityand
its consequences,regardlessof scale, consistently
focus on periodswhen politicalcentralizationand
inequalityare increasing.Decidedly less interest
has been shown in the ways in which householders andminornobilitymaneuverto takeadvantage
of opportunitiespresentedby the declining fortunesof paramounts(butsee Fash 1991; Foiasand
Bishop 1997;Graffam1992;Marcus1993, 1998;
Websteret al. 2000). The study of communities
offers great potential for addressing this issue.
Communitiesfrequentlysurvivethe demise of the
polities that formerly encompassed them (e.g.,
Graffam1992; Marcus1993, 1998). Variationsin
thepowerandwealthof theirmembersprovidedifferentvantagepointsfromwhichindividualsassess
emergent opportunitiesfor aggrandizementand
can act on those realizations.At the sametime,the
dense networkof interpersonalties unitingcommunity participants of every rank encourages
involvementof all membersin thecreationof novel
political and economic relations. Community
responsesto political and economic shifts are the
productsof negotiationsamongpeoplewithdiverse
backgrounds,interests,andabilities.The resulting
structuresareneversimpleandneed not be stable.
This is especiallythe case when paramountruleis
in decline andrestrictionsimposedfromaboveon
the organizationof power at the local level are
relaxed.Communitystudies, therefore,can yield
insights into the creativeways people cope with
novel political landscapes and the opportunities
they provide.
Urbanand Schortman]
253
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
MESOAMERICA
N mag
0
cCaribbean Sea
/O
/
100
NACO
VALLEY
a
QUlIRGUA
50
TRAVESIA
COYTE
SALITRON
'E
GUALJOQUI
S
NARAJOS
ELNISPERO
*CHALCHUAPA
CEREN
Pacific Ocean
Figure 1. Map of Southeastern Mesoamerica showing the locations of La Sierra and the Naco Valley.
Researchconductedat Site 128in theNacoValley, northwesternHonduras,is usedto examinethe
ways in whichprocessesof politicalcentralization
and inequalityarticulatedin this specific community (Figure 1). Site 128 was occupied from the
Middle Preclassic (1000-400 B.C.) throughthe
Late Postclassic (A.D. 1300-1550). Its demographicandpoliticalfluorescence,however,coincides with the TerminalClassic (A.D. 900-1100)
waning of centralizedpower at La Sierra,5 km
southeastof Site 128 and the Late Classic (A.D.
600-900) capitalof the Naco Valley.The surgeof
TerminalClassicconstructionandeconomicactivity at Site 128 suggests thatthe decline of the La
Sierrapolity was not mournedby all its former
members.In orderto understandthis reactionand
specify its parameters,we focus on how strategies
promotingpolitical centralizationand inequality
wereadvancedatthe settlementandin its environs,
the mannerin which these strategieswere funded
(D'AltroyandEarle 1985), andtensionsresulting
fromthe above processes.
Setting
Site 128 is locatedin the northwestcornerof the
Naco Valley,a basincontainingapproximately96
km2of flatto rollingterrain,100-200 m asl. (Figure2). Thevalleyis hemmedin by thesteepascents
of the Sierrade Omoa and wateredby the southwest-northeasttrendingRio Chamelecon.Soils in
the settlement'simmediatevicinity are deep and
moderatelyfertile,productsof centuriesof alluviation from the Rio San Bartolo,ca.150 m northeast of the site (Anderson1994; Douglass 2002).
Proximity to perennial water and arable land
encouragedearly and persistentsettlementat Site
128. Scatteredremainsindicatediffuseoccupation
on thisspotduringtheMiddlePreclassicand,again,
throughoutthe EarlyClassic (A.D. 400-600). Site
128's population grew during the Late Classic,
though no large-scalebuildingefforts were initiated then. This trendmatchesthe generalpattern
noted for much of the contemporaryNaco Valley
wherethe foundingof new settlementsandexpansion in existingones pointto markeddemographic
254
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
IN
41 0
0128
OgO
iiIN
IN
IN?
mag
m
n
?
,
,
?
i
IN
IN
IN
?IN
N mag
ES
0
01
?
site
ON
IN?
Sit
aIN
m
it
wt
mouena
0
2
m
arhitetur
?
0
I
1n
, ,
2 km
Site with
monumental
architecture
Figure 2. Map of the Naco Valley showing the locations of Site 128 and settlements in its immediate hinterland (after Ross
1997).
increasescontemporarywith political centralization at La Sierra.
The subsequentTerminalClassic witnessed a
significantdrop in La Sierra's political preeminence,attestedto by the dismantlingof majorconstructionsin the capital'score. ThoughLa Sierra
remaineda significantpopulationand economic
center,its leadersexperiencedmarkeddeclines in
theirabilityto controlvalleypoliticalandeconomic
processesby thistime.TheTerminalClassicat Site
128, on the otherhand,was a periodof expansion.
All 28 of thecenter'sextantstructuresreachedtheir
final forms. Includedin this numberare six monumentaledifices,platformsstandingat least 1.5 m
high, most of which arearrangedin two adjoining
patio groupson the easternsite margin(Figure3).
Urbanand Schortman]
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
MESOAMERICA
255
26
DEPRESSION
23
1
18m5
2
IV
1
119020
16
O
25
2
1
13
mag
176N
10
6.
.
0 5 10 15 20m
25cmcontour
intervals
9
Figure 3. Map of Site 128.
The remaininghumblerconstructionsare,by and
large,organizedaroundtwo patiosthatbordertheir
monumentalcounterpartson the west; five additionalsmallbuildingsarescatteredwest andnorth
of this aggregation.By the TerminalClassic, Site
128 was one of at least eight contemporarypolitical centersin the Naco Valley,includingLa Sierra,
with 1 to 13 monumentalplatforms.In addition,
populationover the entire valley was apparently
growing throughoutthis span as new sites were
addedto the corpusof still-occupiedLate Classic
settlements.Site 128, therefore,flourishedin the
midstof politicaldecentralization
anddemographic
increase.
This successwas short-lived.By theEarlyPostclassic (A.D. 1100-1300) construction was no
longer being initiatedat Site 128 and population
seemedto be in decline.The abovetrendpersisted
throughtheLatePostclassic;Site 128 thenshowed
only scatteredsigns of small-scale,or intermittent,
settlement.By theselastprehistoriccenturies,most
of the area's populationwas living in the newly
ascendantcenterof Naco, ca. 3 km to the southwest, and an importantoutlierof thatcapital,Site
144, .25 km in the same direction (Wonderley
1981). Originallymappedin 1978, Site 128 was
excavatedfrom FebruarythroughMay 1996, by
studentsand staff of the Naco ValleyArchaeological Project.During the course of this work, 14
structuresand27 testpits weredug,resultingin the
clearingof approximately900 m2.Withinthe four
contiguous patios that comprise Site 128, three
monumentaledifices were investigatedalongwith
eight smallerbuildings;threeof the structuresdispersed north and west of the site were also dug
(Urbanet al. 1999). Studies of exposed architecture, stratigraphy,and slightly more than 28,000
artifactsformthe basis of this analysis.
256
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
Table 1. Dimensions and Functionsof Buildings Excavatedat Site 128.
Structure
128-3
128-4
128-7
128-12
128-13
128-17
128-18
128-19
128-20
128-21
128-23
128-24
128-25
128-26
Basal Area (m2)
117
125
120
57
20
67
53
91
59
104
28
18
30
29
Height (m)
2
2.3
1
.63
.37
Surface-level
.39
1.5
.49
1.2
.47
.64
Surface-level
.63
Intra-Community Organization
of Domestic Groups
TerminalClassicSite 128 was composedof atleast
two householdswhosemembersresidedwithinthe
modest structures defining the western patios
(PatiosI and II,Figure3). The excavatedbuildings
herefunctionedas venuesforsuchdomesticchores
as storageand cooking as well as providingfacilities for sleeping (Table1; Figures4-7). Building
proximityandorientationtowarda sharedenclosed
space suggest thatthe occupantsof each western
patioparticipatedin a commonidentityre-created
in thecourseof daily,intenseinteractions(Ashmore
andWilk 1988).
Each westernpatio is pairedwith a plaza (Figure3), delimitedby monumentalconstructions,on
theeast (PatiosIIIandIV). In thecase of thesouthern dyad (Patios I and III), this linkage was formalized through behaviors associated with
Structure21, an edifice that covers 104 m2 and
stands1.2 m high (Figure6). The building'ssuperstructureis organizedarounda massive, by local
standards,stone-faced,L-shapedbench thatcovers 13 m2.This constructionfaced bothnorthwest,
over a set of steps leading up from Patio I, and
southeastinto Patio III, defined by monumental
Structures3-5. No otherinvestigatedbuildingat
Site 128 has this Janus-likeorientation.Structure
21 also standsout for the relativelyhigh ratio of
bowl to jar rims in its terminaldebrisassemblage
(Table 2). Diverging from the nearly ubiquitous
ratioatSite 128of 1:1,bowlrimfragmentsatStructure21 are roughlytwice as common as jar rims.
Function (s)1
Administration
Administration
Residence? Storage?2
Cooking, Residence
Storage,Cooking, WorkSpace
Residence, Storage
Residence, WorkSpace
Residence, Administration,Storage,WorkSpace
Residence, Storage,WorkSpace
Residence, Administration,Storage,WorkSpace
Residence, Storage,Cooking, WorkSpace
Residence, Storage,Cooking
Residence, Cooking, Storage
Residence, Storage, WorkStation
This discrepancymay indicatethat the activities
focused on Structure21 involved sharinglarger
quantitiesof preparedfoods than was the case at
most othercontemporarybuildings.Structure21's
distinctiveorientationand artifactpatterningsuggest that its residentsplayed a significantrole in
unitingat least two portionsof the settlement,this
integrationpossibly facilitatedthroughfeasting.
Destructionof thenorthernmonumentalpatioprior
to the 1996investigationsprecludesreconstructing
its relationto the neighboringdomesticunit.
Social groupswithinTerminalClassicSite 128,
therefore,consistedof those occupyingindividual
domicileswho were, in turn,organizedwithintwo
householdswhosedwellingswerearrangedaround
distinctpatios.Eachresidentialpatioclusteron the
west was seemingly paired with a monumental
counterparton the east. This linkage was formalized in the case of the southernpublic/domestic
dyad throughbehaviorsconductedon and around
Structure21.
Power Strategies within the Community
The public/domestic contrast noted above is
matchedby whatseem to be two differentways of
organizingpower at TerminalClassic Site 128. A
corporate strategy,focused on institutions supportedby, andoperatingin the nameof, the entire
community(Bawden 1995; Bayman2002; Blanton et al. 1996;DeMarraiset al. 1996;Earle2001;
Feinmanet al. 2000; Renfrew 1974; Saitta 1994)
is materializedin Patios III and IV on the east.
Theirrelativelylarge,formalizedopenspacescould
Urbanand Schortman]
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
MESOAMERICA
Bench
Rm 4
RmRm
R
17
257
1819
R3
c
Rm 3
Rm1
Cor
Rm1
Rm2
Rm2
Rm
Rm3
4
Plaza I
16
S21
m\Rm
15
Rm
1\Rma
"
-
Nmag
I
28
8,
,
0 1 2 3 4 5m
SCALE
Figure 4. Plans of structures excavated in Site 128's southwest patio.
accommodatemost of the community'stotalpopulation during public gatherings.The two excavated monumentalplatforms,Structures3 and 4
(Figure6), are also distinguishedby their ample
summitenclosures(covering20-23 m2;out of 32
measurableroomsat Site 128, 24 encompass5 m2
or less). These compartmentslack such common
domesticfurnitureas benches, implyingthatthey
were not domiciles.Instead,the summitsof Structures3 and4 may have servedas venues for regular gatherings in which segments of the total
populationparticipated.That the meetings took
place in an elevatedareahints at theirimportance
in thepoliticalprocess.The unusuallyhighratioof
jar-to-bowlrims at Structure3 (roughly2:1) suggests that significantquantitiesof food and drink
were storedhere,possibly to be dispersedin periodic feasts in which high-rankingmembersof the
communityparticipated.
The easternpatios were apparentlyarenasfor
conveningvariableproportionsof the entirecommunity.Insomecircumstances,thepatiosmayhave
been filledby all memberswhile, in others,particularlyinfluentialrepresentativesof the community
could have met atop the monumentalplatforms.
on Structures
The absenceof domesticarchitecture
3 and4 impliesthatthe gatheringswereheld under
the aegis of corporateinstitutionsand not at the
behest of powerfulindividualsresiding on these
platforms.The sizableeasternconstructions,therefore, were likely built by community labor to
memorialize and materializecorporatepolitical
258
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
24
Sub-1
23
27
Plaza II
25
Rm I
m
Rm
N mag
3
0 1
2
3
4
5m
SCALE
Figure 5. Plans of structures excavated in Site 128's northwest patio.
institutionswhose operationrequiredthe support
andparticipationof all residentsin varyingcapacities (DeMarraiset al. 1996).
Incontrast,anexcavatedmonumentalplatform,
Structure19, is embedded within the domestic
quarters.Like its easterncounterparts,this edifice
supporteda sizablesummitenclosure(21 m2)that
could accommodaterelatively large gatherings.
Here, however,a stone-facedbench occupies the
room's center.Whatevermeetings took place on
Structure19 were focused on the building'sresidents.The laborinvestedin raisingthis platform,
therefore, exalted its occupants as well as the
assembliesthey hosted.
Along the lower end of the architecturalspectrumthere is a continuumof buildingsizes, suggesting a comparableslidingscale of laborcontrol
for their occupants(Table 1). Almost all humble
Site 128 edifices were modifiedduringtheiruselives, thoughthesewererelativelysimpleactivities
resultingin lateralexpansionsratherthanthe creation of more imposing height. Variationsin the
sizes of modest structuresreflectrelativelyslight
differencesin the extentand strengthof the social
networksmobilizedby individualsforconstruction
tasks.
Structure2 1's intermediatesize, fallingbetween
monumentalandhumblebuildings,mayreflectthe
role(s) its occupantsplayedin mediatingrelations
between the privateand publicspheres.Not quite
as massive as Site 128's monumentalplatforms,
Structure 21's relatively large size could have
accommodatedthose gatheringsthrough which
communitymembersandthe politicalinstitutions
they forgedwere integrated.
Powerwas differentiallydistributedwithinTer-
Urbanand Schortman]
259
MESOAMERICA
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
20
Rm
21
m~
-Rm1I
Plaza III
,
.. /
//R
K
.
0
3 4 5m
SCALE
9
Figure 6. Plans of structures excavated in Site 128's southeast plaza.
minalClassicSite 128.Continuousvariationin the
sizes of buildings less than 1.5 m high suggests
minor,probablyfluctuating,distinctionsin theabilities of theiroccupantsto call on help in erecting
and modifying their edifices (Hirth 1993; Trubitt
2000;Webster1990).Largerplatformssignifycentralizationof laborcontrol,thoughin some cases
this powerwas in the handsof an individualfamily (residentsof Structure19) while in otherslabor
was apparentlydirected by agents of corporate
institutions(Structures3 and4). Activitiescentered
on Structure21 may have helpedbridgethis gap.
Bothcorporateandindividualleadershipstrategies were enacted throughgatheringsheld atop
monumentalplatforms,butin the case of Structure
19 these assemblieswereorchestratedby, andcentered on, specific individuals. Such distinctions
imply that Site 128's residents were not simply
dividedintocommonersandelites. Instead,different political strategies pursued by community
membersyieldedbothpowerfulfamiliesandpotent
institutions,neither of which achieved absolute
dominion. Political centralizationwas therefore
relativelyunderdeveloped,thoughnotfromlackof
trying. Furthermore,despite mediating efforts
focusedon Structure21, the agendasof these contendingfactionsneed not have been congruentor
mutuallysupportive.Theirpotentiallyconflicting
260
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
13
28
'2
7
'
12
Rm
1
S"10
'InI
0\
4
2
',
012
34
Nmag
5m
Figure 7. Plans of excavated ancillary structures located on Site 128's southwest margin.
demandson the productiveeffortsof the population may have been a source of stressthatundermined the stability of both leading citizens and
institutions.
Funding Power Strategies
One way in which agentsof corporateinstitutions
and enterprisingindividualscould have advanced
theiragendaswas throughprivilegedcontrolover
commoditiesrequiredby all communitymembers.
Those in need would be forcedto surrenderlabor
and loyalty in exchangefor items only obtainable
fromthoseatthehierarchy'sapex(CostinandEarle
1989;D'AltroyandEarle1985;Earle1994).Elaboratelydecoratedand/orimportedceramicvessels
(EDICs)mighthave been used in this way to gain
politicaladvantageat TerminalClassic Site 128.
EDICs are pottery containerswhose appearances wereembellishedthroughthe applicationof
two or more surfaceenhancements;they include
painted bichromes and polychromes as well as
combinationsof incising, modeling,and/orpainting. The effort and skill requiredto manufacture
such items and/or secure them from afar would
have imparteda high valueto them(Feinmanet al.
1981; Hagstrum1988; Smith 1987). These same
factors of technicalexpertiseand distantsources
would also have conspiredto ensurethatdistribu-
tion of EDICs could be controlledby those who
monopolized the knowledge to fashion and/or
obtain them (Hayden 1995:22; Peregrine
1991:2-3). That these esteemed containerswere
widely used at Site 128 duringthe TerminalClassic is suggestedby theirrecoveryfromeveryexcavatedbuildingatthecenter(Table2). Nevertheless,
theproportionsof EDICsin terminaldebrisassemblagesvariesfrom2-5.63 percentacrosstheinvestigatedstructures.The two highestconcentrations
of decoratedandforeignwareswerefoundin Structures19 and20.As notedearlier,Structure19 seems
to havebeenanelite residence,its occupantsapparently enjoying privileged access to community
labor.Structure20, on the otherhand,functioned
as bothresidenceandstorehouse(Figure6). Three
diminutiverooms (.4-2.4 m2)here lack domestic
architectureandareso smallthatit is hardto imagine thattheywereusedforanythingbutobjectcuration. These cubicles are set in a line backingtwo
largercompartments(5.3-8.9 m2),each of which
has a bench.Suchan unusuallyhigh concentration
of storeroomsindicatesthatobjectcurationwas an
importantpartof Structure20's function,thegoods
kept hereprobablybelongingto morepeople than
the building's inhabitants. Interestingly, while
Structure20's EDIC proportionsare the second
highestat Site 128 (5.57 percent),its artifactdiversity measuresareamongthe lowest (Table3). This
Urbanand Schortman]
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
MESOAMERICA
261
Table 2. Proportionsof Bowl and JarRims and ElaboratelyDecoratedand/orImportedCeramics(EDICs)
at Site 128's ExcavatedStructures.
Structure
128-3
128-4
128-7
128-12
128-13
128-17
128-18
128-19
128-20
128-21
128-23
128-24
128-25
128-26
Bowl Proportion
39%
47%
55%
30%
50%
50%
58%
45%
57%
63%
46%
47%
51%
25%
Jar Proportion
Total Rims
EDIC Proportion
Total Ceramics
61%
53%
45%
70%
50%
50%
42%
55%
43%
36%
54%
53%
49%
75%
207
76
40
37
561
312
113
98
136
154
150
107
150
28
2.93%
4.79%
3.21%
2%
2.60%
4.36%
3.14%
5.63%
5.57%
4%
2.68%
3.42%
3.88%
3.60%
1,603
1,002
996
541
5,806
3,346
1,493
1,528
790
2,249
3,326
2,103
2,137
557
Table 3. Distributionof Six ArtifactCategories3by Numberand Occurrencesper m2Across Thirteen
of Site 128's FourteenExcavatedStructures.4
Structure
Ocarina
128-3
128-4
128-7
128-12
128-13
128-17
128-18
128-19
128-20
128-21
128-23
128-24
128-25
3 (.07)
3 (.05)
1 (.02)
9 (.29)
14 (.32)
21 (.24)
4 (.06)
13 (.11)
0
5 (.06)
9 (.22)
13 (.15)
11 (.18)
Fig.
12 (.28)
22 (.34)
7 (.11)
20 (.64)
56 (1.27)
53 (.61)
15 (.22)
27 (.22)
3 (.03)
9 (.12)
20 (.49)
26 (.31)
14 (.27)
Inc.
GS
Cand.
25 (.57)
13 (.20)
10 (.15)
11 (.35)
73 (1.66)
35 (.41)
16 (.23)
32 (.26)
6 (.07)
15 (.19)
9 (.22)
22 (.26)
29 (.48)
6 (.14)
8 (.12)
6 (.09)
2 (.06)
21 (.48)
12 (.14)
7 (.10)
18(.15)
10 (.11)
11 (.14)
2 (.05)
8 (.14)
9 (.15)
0
0
0
4 (.13)
10 (.23)
12 (.14)
4 (.06)
3 (.03)
0
0
6 (.15)
0
3 (.05)
building was seemingly the repository for a
restrictedsuiteof valuablecommodities.Structure
20's location in the centerof the site would have
facilitatedmonitoringaccess to these goods. Similarly,the architecturalarrangement,in which the
storeroomswere shielded behind two residential
spaces,enhancedthe safetyof the storedvaluables
(Hendon2000).
Who, then, could use these items?The scant 3
m separatingStructures20 and4 suggeststhatthe
former'scontentswereemployedin corporatepolitical processes.The likelihoodthatStructures4 and
20 werelinkedby constructiontentativelysupports
this propositionas do the relativelyhigh EDICfiguresassociatedwithStructure4 itself(4.79 percent,
thirdhighestrankingat Site 128).
In contrast,Structure3, anotherputativelocus
Jewelry
0
0
0
1 (.03)
4 (.09)
7 (.08)
3 (.04)
0
0
1 (.01)
2 (.05)
0
0
of corporatepower,has very modest EDIC measures (2.9 percent) and no attached storehouse.
Such variationmay partly reflect differences in
buildingfunctions;displayanduse of EDICsmight
not havebeenas centralto the activitiesperformed
on Structure3 as theywereto thebehaviorsenacted
on Structure4. Corporatepower,therefore,could
have been variably expressed and materialized
throughactivitiespursuedon differentmonumental edifices. The intermediateEDIC measurefor
Structure21 (4 percent)also hints that valuable
potterycontainerswere used as, but did not dominate, serving vessels for feasts held at specific
buildings.
In general,decoratedandexotic potteryvessels
seem to havebeen deployedin social displaysand
ceremoniesin which all communitymemberspar-
262
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
ticipatedto some extent,as suggestedby theirdistributionthroughoutthe TerminalClassic settlement. Differences in the prevalence of EDICs
amongstructuresimpliesthatsomeindividualsand
representativesof political institutions enjoyed
privileged access to these items and may have
supervisedtheirlocal disbursement.Controlover
EDICs, therefore,was a potential point of contentionamongdifferentpoliticalfactionsatthecenter. Both corporateinstitutionsand enterprising
individualsmaywell haveusedtheseitemsin social
displays. They might also have been vying with
each other to capture clients through strategic
deploymentof EDICsas gifts andrewardsfor service. Such contests, in turn, could work to the
advantageof the communityat large,encouraging
therelativelyevendistribution
of valuablesby those
adherents
to
their
cause.
seeking
Thoughnoteveryone had equivalent access to these vessels, the
resultingdistinctionsare muted.
Similarfactors may explain the dispersionof
obsidianbladesthroughoutthe center.This import
was disbursedwidely among all excavatedstructures,implyingroughlyequivalentaccess. Obsidianwas so ubiquitous,it seems,thattherewas little
temptationto use locally availablechertas a substitute. If corporateand individualleaders were
responsiblefor acquiringobsidian from sources
approximately200 km distant,thentheywereconstrainedto be generouswith these imports.Ironically, therefore,the inabilityof any one factionto
monopolize the local distribution of generally
desiredgoods, whetherobsidianbladesor EDICs,
retardedthe development of the very hierarchy
would-berulersintendedto create.At leastthe use
of materialmarkersto expressandreinforceinvidious distinctionswas severelyrestrainedby interelite competitions.
Also counterbalancinghierarchicaldivisions
was what seems to have been communalownership of at least some propertystoredin Structure
13 (Figure7). This platform'ssmallsize (covering
20 m2 and standing.37 m high), two diminutive
summitrooms(1.6 m2and3 m2), andgenerallack
of built-inresidentialfurniture,such as benches,
suggest that it served primarilyas a warehouse.
ThatStructure13rankshighestin artifactdiversity
amongexcavatedbuildingsimpliesthatit contained
a wide arrayof objects used in a varietyof tasks
(Table 3). Its low EDIC proportion,2.6 percent,
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
however,indicatesthatmost of the objectsit containeddid notfigurein politicalcontests(see Table
2). The building'slocation outside a patio group
impliesthatStructure13'srelativelymundaneartifactinventorywas accessibleandpossiblybelonged
to all Site 128 residents.The ease with which one
could pass over Structure13's broadsoutheastern
terrace into the interior rooms reinforces the
impressionthat the building's contents could be
easily retrievedby communitymembers,a sharp
contrastto the situationat Structure20.
Structure13 mightnothavefiguredin anyone's
overtpoliticalstrategy;sometimesa warehouseis
simply what it seems. The daily practiceof securing items from its recesses, however,could well
have reinforcedand implicitly symbolized community solidarityand encouragedsome level of
settlement-wideintegrationfree of overt hierarchical expressions.In this sense, Structure13 was
morethanjusta handyrepositoryforprosaicgoods.
It was also an embodimentof the sharedexperiences and responsibilitiesthat linked Site 128's
residentsto each other(Hendon2000). The building'sdisassociationfromanyparticularpatiogroup
would have simultaneouslyexpressedits connections to all communitymemberswhile symbolizing thatunityto theinhabitantsof othersettlements.
Structure20's secludedlocationandphysicallinkage with Structure4, on the otherhand,unequivocally conveyed messages of exclusion and
distinction.Limitedaccess to this buildingand its
contentscontributed,albeitimperfectly,to the elevationof one socialsegmentoverothersatSite 128,
to markingdivisionsratherthanencouragingsolidarity(Hendon2000).
Site 128duringtheTerminalClassicwas a locus
of contradictoryforces. Representativesof different factions soughtprivilegedaccess to a limited
laborsupplythroughthe local distributionof valuable ceramic vessels and, possibly, otherimports
suchas obsidianblades.Unableto assertandmaintain their preeminencevis-A-viseach other,these
agents were constrainedto be generousto potentialclients,givingawaymuchof theirpoliticalcapital in efforts to woo supporters.Consequently,
corporateand individualizingstrategiesremained
at loggerheads,with no one side gaining ascendance.This stalemateworkedto the benefitof the
majorityand, in fact, may have been encouraged
by those who playedone side off againstthe other.
Urbanand Schortman]
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
MESOAMERICA
263
Table4. Distributionof ArtifactsSuggestive of CraftSpecializationAcross Site 128.5
Structure
Used/WorkedSherds
128-3
2
128-4
4
128-7
0
128-12
2
128-13
5
128-17
0
128-18
0
128-19
0
128-20
0
128-21
0
128-23
1
128-24
6
128-25
2
128-26
0
Northwest Depression
5
Stamps
1
1
0
0
4
8
11
0
2
0
0
0
2
0
1
Underlyingthese machinations,and contributing
to the failureof hierarchy,was a persistentcommunalethic implicitlysymbolizedthroughgroup
ownershipof prosaicitems storedin a humbleedifice on the site's southwestmargin.
Craft Specialization
Craftspecializationalso couldbe usedto forgeand
defend corporateor individualpower (Clarkand
Parry 1990; Costin 1991, 2001). If rulers can
monopolizethe fashioningof goods neededby all,
then they can convertpeersinto subordinateswho
comply with elite demandsratherthanrisk alienation from crucial assets (Clarkand Parry 1990;
Costin 1991, 2001). Evidence for the production
of four craftsdatingto the TerminalClassic was
uncoveredat Site 128.
The industrythat left the largestmark on the
landscapeis productionof ceramicvessels.A 1.43
m-deepdepressionmeasuring32 x 45 m lies on the
site'snorthwestmargin;Structure24 overlooksand
is built into the southeasternrim of this declivity
(Figures3 and5). Excavationsrevealedthatthepit
was dug into extensive clay deposits duringthe
earlyTerminalClassic,creatinga borrowpit analogousin formandsize to thoseassociatedwithboth
modernand ancientceramicmanufacturingfacilities in theNacoValley(Connell2002).Associated
with the northwestdepressionwas an unusually
dense concentrationof worked and used sherds,
vessel fragmentswhoseedges wereroundedintentionally or throughuse. Eleven of these items (40
Figurine Molds
1
1
1
1
3
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
3
0
0
Polyhedral Obsidian Cores
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
1
percentof the Site 128 collection) were found on
the marginsof and withinthe depression,including six of this total associatedwith Structure24
(Table4). The functionalsignificanceof worked
andusedsherdsis unclear,thoughtheformandsize
of theseitemsarecompatiblewiththeiruse in shaping potteryvessel walls (LopezVarelaet al. 2001;
Smithand Smith 1994:359).No clear firingfacilities were recordedat Site 128; however,an irregularlyshapedpatchof fire-reddenedandashyearth
covering .96 x 1.36 m was located on the declivity's northwestedge. This featuremayresultfrom
open-airfiringof ceramics,thoughalternativeinterpretationsarepossible.
Thatresidentsmanufacturedmorethanpottery
containers is suggested by the recovery of 11
ceramicfigurinemolds at Site 128. These implementsarewidelyscatteredamongsevenstructures.
Slight concentrationsoccur Structures13 and 25
(threemolds foundin andaroundeach building).
Thirtyceramicstampswith designs moldedin
high reliefon theirflatsurfaces,likely used in decoratingcloth,wereretrievedfromeight structures.
Slightly more than a third of the collection (11
pieces) derivesfromStructure18 in the southwest
domestic group.The next largestconcentrationis
fromneighboringStructure17 whereeightstamps
were found(Figure4). The absenceof othersigns
of cloth production,such as spindle whorls, may
imply thatweavingandfiberpreparationoccurred
at locales otherthanthose investigatedin 1996.
Fivepolyhedralobsidiancoresweredistributed
widely acrossthe site,thoughthreewererecovered
264
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
from contextson the settlement'snorthwestmargin (Structures24, 26, and within the northwest
depression;Figures3 and5). Knappingbladesfrom
these nuclei seems to have been a task in which a
few residentsparticipatedto limiteddegrees(Ross
1997).
Withthe exceptionof the northwesternborrow
pit, the distributionaldata outlined above most
likely do not identifyproductionloci. Instead,the
patternprobablyreflects where implementsused
in differentcraftswere storedand,as such,gives a
sense of variationsamongdomesticgroupsin their
commitmentto specializedmanufacture(MoholyNagy 1997). It appears,therefore,that craft production was largely conductedwithin household
contexts,pursuedat relativelylow levels of intensity, and yielded modest outputs.The quantityof
clay mined from the northwestdepressionpotentially suggests a production scale above that
inferredfor the otherthreeindustries.If, as seems
likely,thisminingoperationwas spreadovera centuryor more,however,the yield in any given year
may not have been very high.
The distributionof implements used in craft
activitiesalso indicateswidespreadparticipationin
these pursuits,though several households seemingly were more heavily involvedin manufacturing tasks than others.Patio I, for example, has a
greaterconcentrationof the tools neededto decorate cloth and residentsof Patio II were possibly
more involved in fabricatingfigurinesthan were
people living elsewhereat the settlement.A slight
concentrationof obsidiannuclei on the northwest
site marginmay indicatenothingmore thanrelegation of blade fabricationto an area where the
sharpdebrisgeneratedin themanufacturing
process
would not be a threatto casualpassersby(Santley
and Kneebone 1993). There are also instances
whereevidence for the practiceof differentcrafts
overlaps,Structures13 (figurinesand cloth decoration),17 (obsidianbladesandcloth decoration),
and24 (potteryvessels andobsidianblades)being
the most salientexamples. Structure13, as noted
earlier,was likely a repositoryfor goods belonging to most, if not all, community members.
Accordingly,the occurrenceof tools used in several manufacturingprocesses here could simply
reflectgeneralparticipationin these tasksby Site
128's residents.Structures17 and24, on the other
hand,mayhavehousedsocial groupswhose mem-
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
bersengagedin multiplecrafts,andstoredsome of
theirimplementsclose at hand.
Though commitmentto specialized manufacturevariesacrossTerminalClassic Site 128, there
is no reasonto suspect that craft productionwas
anythingmorethana part-timeoccupation.Nor is
therean indicationof centralizedcontrolovermanufacturingormostdistribution
processes.Theputativeelite residence,Structures19, is unusualfor its
totallack of evidencefor specializedmanufacture.
The preeminenceof those residingthere was not
foundedon their directparticipationin craftproduction. Implements used in manufacturing
processesarefoundat Structures3, 4, and20. The
numbersinvolveddo notexceedthoserecordedfor
humblerdomesticloci at the center,however,and
theycannotbe usedto arguefor supervisionof productionby corporateinstitutions.It maybe thatthe
obsidiancoresemployedin thebladeindustrywere
importedby localmagnates,operatingon theirown
or as representativesof institutions.Elites would
have hadthe time andcapital,in the formof community surpluses, with which to acquire these
nuclei from distant sources. Nevertheless, once
obtained, the cores were apparently dispersed
widely to the actualproducers.Thoughwe cannot
be certain how blades were disseminated, the
observeddistributionof nucleidoes not supportan
argumentfor centralizedcontrolover the artisans'
output.Consequently,craftproductionhadlimited
politicalimpactin TerminalClassic Site 128.
Site 128 and Its Environs
Site 128's residentswere embeddedwithin social
and politicalnetworksextendingwell beyond the
settlement'slimits. The social, occupational,and
politicalheterogeneityof this communityguarantees thatits externalties were complexandvaried.
Wewill focus,therefore,on a specificfacetof those
linkages,the mannerin which the powermanifest
at Site 128was foundedon relationsmaintainedby
the settlement'sleaderswithresidentsof its immediate 6 km2hinterland(a figurebased on the distributionof comparablylarge TerminalClassic
centersin Site 128's vicinity).Resultsof extensive
excavationsat Sites 410 and 411, two of the estimated 10 TerminalClassic hamlets within Site
128's putativesupportarea, are used to consider
this query(Figures2, 8, and9). Sites 410 and411
Urbanand Schortman]
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
MESOAMERICA
265
Sub 1
0
I1111
0
1
2
3
Scale
4
5m
N mag
1
Bench
Bench
Figure 8. Plan of excavated structures at Site 410.
containthreeandfive structuresless thanim high,
respectively,are within 700 m northwestof Site
128, and date primarilyto the TerminalClassic.
Theirsmall sizes andproximityto the lattercenter
makethemlikely residencesof some of Site 128's
dispersedsupportpopulationand membersof its
extendedcommunity.
Excavationsat Sites 410 and 411 during the
1996 field seasoncleared147 m2and 189 m2in the
courseof exposingtwo andfourbuildings,respectively (Figures8 and 9). Organizedaroundpatios,
these constructionsare the physical remains of
households comparableto those occupying the
westernSite 128 buildingclusters(PatiosI andII).
266
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
N mag
3f Slf
3
Shelf
Sub 1
-Bench
2
Sub 2
Sub 3
0
1
2
3
Scale
4
5m
Figure 9. Plan of excavated structure at Site 411.
Unlike Site 128, however,thereis no evidence of
markedvariationsin structuredimensionsthatpoint
to significantdifferencesin thepowerexercisedby
theirresidents(Table5). In fact,comparingTables
1 and5 suggeststhatdenizensof Sites410 and411
could call on smaller labor forces to raise their
buildingsthanalmostany of Site 128's occupants.
While not dramatic,these distinctions reveal a
greater heterogeneity in the power of non-elite
domestic groups than is evident within Site 128
alone.
A specializedstoragefacility, StructureSub1,
was recordedat Site411. Thisedificehastwo small
roomseachcovering1.5m2andcontaininga stone-
faced shelf. StructureSubl suggests that householdsabovea certainsize (thoseusingfive ormore
structures,perhaps)required,orcouldsupport,constructionsdevotedto curatingitems on which all
membershada claim.As notedabove, suchwarehouses may have symbolized,as well as created,a
sense of settlementunitythroughthe regularpractice of retrievingitems from theircubicles (Hendon 2000). Smallersocial groups,such as the one
occupyingSite 410, mighthavebeen betterable to
accommodatestoragewithintheirresidencesand
did not need to reinforcecommunalties so explicitly. This situationcontrastswith thatreportedfor
seventh-century Cer6n in western El Salvador
Urbanand Schortman]
MESOAMERICA
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
267
Table 5. Sizes and Functionsof ExcavatedStructuresat Sites 410 and 411.6
Structure
Structure410-1
Structure410-2
Structure411-1
Structure411-2
Structure411-3
Structure411-Sub1
Basal Dimension (m2)
19
11
26
16
25
7
Height (m)
.45
.35
.3
Surface-level
.5
Surface-level
whereeach of the fourexcavatedhouseholdscontained a free-standing warehouse (Sheets
2002:198-200). Suchvariationin how items were
curatedsuggestsnot only differentways of storing
goodsbutvariationsin the socialrelationsreflected
Fornow,all we cansurmise
by thosearrangements.
is thatfurtherstudy of storagepatternsmay well
provideinsightsintosociopoliticalformsthatcomplementthose obtainedfromthe analysisof other
datacategories(Hendon2000).
The existence of at least one storagefacility at
Site 411 indicatesthatits residentsexercisedsome
controlovertheirlaborandits fruits.Limitedvariation in structuresizes at both settlementsfurther
suggeststhattheirinhabitants'dailyexperiencesof
hierarchyandits physicalexpressionswere muted
comparedto constantencounterswith both at Site
128.As notedearlier,however,it is verylikely that
the productiveefforts of those living within Site
128'shinterlandwereperiodicallyco-optedto support the institutionsand preeminentpersonages
operatingfromthatcenter.The uniformlydiminutive sizes of constructionsat Sites410 and411 may
reflectthis persistentsiphoningoff of labor.How
was such loyalty secured?Institutionaland individualcontroloverEDICsandobsidiancores may
have been componentsin centralizingstrategies.
TheEDICproportionsfor Sites410 and411 are
nearlyidentical:2.8 percentout of 3,052 analyzed
sherdsat Site 410 and2.5 percentoutof 3,557 analyzed sherdsat Site 411. These figuresareslightly
below the averagefor Site 128 (3 percent)but are
about half the proportionsobtainedfrom Structures 19 and 20 at the center.One possible interpretationfor this patternis thatbothinstitutionsof
corporatepower(withstoreroomsin Structure20)
andprominentindividuals(residingin Structure19)
exercised some controlover the dispersalof valuedceramicsto clientswithinandoutsideSite 128.
Thatthe EDICfiguresfor the centerandtwo of its
Function(s)
Residence, Storage
WorkStation
Residence, WorkStation
Residence?
Residence
Storage
hamletsareso close impliesthatthesedistributions
were relativelyeven-handed.
Sites410 and411 yieldedminimalevidencefor
occupationalspecialization.A polyhedralobsidian
core fragmentwas recoveredfromthe largerhamlet, Site 411, a ceramicstampcame fromSite 410,
andeachsettlementyieldeda singleusedorworked
sherd.This distributionsuggests that specialized
manufacturewas pursuedin ruralsettlementsat
scales and levels of intensity lower than those
attestedto at Site 128. It maybe thatartisansat the
lattercenter fashionedat least some of the items
used in the immediatearea.Figurines,for example,possiblywerefabricatedprimarilyby Site 128's
residents,alongwithpotteryvessels.Nucleineeded
to knapobsidianbladesmayalsohavebeensecured
by Site 128's magnatesand distributed,to a limitedextent,amongtheirruralsupporters.Evidence
from Site 410, however,implies that certainhinterlanddenizens were consumers,not producers,
of these lithicimplements.Whetherbladesflowed
to Site 410 down the hierarchyfrom Site 128 or
moved horizontallyfrom anotherhamlet,such as
Site 411, is unclear(Ross 1997).
Presentevidence,therefore,suggestssome disparity in the investmentsSite 128's households
theirruralneighmadein craftproductionvis-ha-vis
bors.Whetherthesedistinctionstranslatedintoeconomic dependenciesused to secure the laborand
loyalty of supportersdepends on the degree to
which artisanaloutputwas controlledby political
institutionsor preeminentindividuals.At present,
thereis no reasonto inferelite oversightof manufacturingprocesses.Rather,the decisionto engage
in specializedproductionseemsto havebeenmade
by specific individualsor households, operating
free of paramountinterference.The one potential
exceptionis the obsidianbladeindustry.Obsidian
cores had to be importedfrom considerabledistances,theiracquisitionmostlikely in thehandsof
268
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
notableindividualsor agents of corporateinstitutions who could mobilize the resourcesneededto
fundthese long-distancetransactions.Some political leveragemighthavebeen securedthroughthe
elite's abilityto disburseor withholdthis essential
item. The actual fabricationof blades, however,
was in the handsof peopleresidingin Site 128 and
its vicinity.
The capacityof Site 128's leadersto directthe
actionsof subordinatesthroughouttheirhinterland
and claim their allegiances may, therefore,have
restedin parton centralizedcontrolover distribution of EDICsandobsidiancores.As notedearlier,
the inabilityof any one factionto monopolizedisbursementof thesegoods seeminglycontributedto
a contestedpoliticalstructureandwidespreadsharing of elite largesse.
Discussion
Excavationsat Site 128reveala communitywhose
membersweredividedby theiroccupations,access
to valuables,and controlover labor.The political
structurethey createdwas characterizedby unresolved tensionsbetweencorporateandindividualizing tendencies. The labor and, presumably,
surplusesof subordinatesresidingin thecenterand
its hinterlandfinancedthese politicalfoundations
and agents.In spite of effortsto mediaterelations
amonginstitutionsandaggrandizers,the resulting
situationwas far from stable.At the very least we
can imaginethatcompetitionoverassetsneededto
supportcommunaland individualpoliticalactivities and agendas was persistent, if not always
openly expressed. One such contested resource
might have been EDICs. Concentrationof these
itemsin anelite residence(Structure19) anda storage arealinked to a public edifice (Structures20
and4, respectively)implythatbothinstitutionsand
individualsusedsuchvessels in socialdisplaysand
as gifts withwhichto bindclientsto patrons.Given
their limited supply and high value, access to
EDICs may well have been the subject of many
tense negotiations.Local distributionof imported
polyhedralobsidian cores might also have been
contested.ThatStructure4's finalversionwasnever
finishedsuggeststhatthese competitionswere not
always amicably concluded.Access to the labor
neededto completeremodelingof this edifice was
abruptlycut off, possibly as a resultof unresolved
[Vol.15, No. 3, 2004
rivalriesfor the allegianceof subordinates.Unfortunately,we cannot specify whethertheoccupants
of Structure19 continuedto thriveas Structure4
deterioratedor whether they, too, experienceda
comparableand simultaneousdecline in theirfortunes.
Craft specialization does not seem to have
played an important(or, at least, an obvious) role
in securinglaborandloyalty.Instead,peopleresiding both at the centerand in its vicinity seem to
have engaged in manufacturingprocesses largely
free of meddlingfromabove.The horizontallinkages created by exchanging craft goods supplementedthose actualizedthroughintra-community
sharingof items stored in special-purposewarehouses.Theseheterarchicalties contrastwithhierarchicalrelationsunderwritten
by elite-supervised
distributionof polyhedralobsidiancoresandvaluableceramicvessels.TerminalClassicSite 128 and
its hinterlandwas,therefore,a communityrivenby
tensions among contending political actors and
betweenheterarchicalandhierarchicaltendencies.
Political centralizationwas stuntedas a result of
these contradictoryforces, andinequality,as measuredby access to valuables,was minimized.
As complexas the synchronicrenderingof Site
128's communitymay be, it pales in comparison
to the image of this structurein motion. Site 128
roseto prominencein themidstof La Sierra'spolitical and economic decline. The lattercenter had
been the undisputedcapital of the Late Classic
Naco Valley.Ten times the size of its next largest
valley contemporary, La Sierra was not only
densely settled but containedthe largestconcentration of monumentalplatforms in the region.
These 20 constructions defining the site core
include apparenttemples, elite residences,and a
ballcourt(SchortmanandUrban1994).In addition
to its politicalimportance,Late Classic La Sierra
supported a diverse array of workshops where
ceramic vessels, incensarios, figurines,obsidian
blades,andconch shell andcoral ornamentswere
fashioned.At least some of this outputwas consumedthroughoutthe valley,suggestingthatsubordinateswere partiallydependenton rulers for
goods fabricatedat the capital.
As notedearlier,much of La Sierra'score was
abandonedand dismantledby the end of the Late
Classic.The formercapitalremaineda majorpopulation center throughoutthe TerminalClassic;
Urbanand Schortman]
POWERCONTESTSINSOUTHEASTERN
MESOAMERICA
mostof its 468 surface-visiblebuildingswereprobably still occupiedduringthis span.Craftproduction continued here as well, at least one of La
Sierra'sceramic kilns having been used into the
thirteenthcenturyA.D. Similarly,monumentalconstructiondid not cease; 13 largestructureserected
immediatelyeast of the Late Classic core were
likely a new focus of politicalpower.Nevertheless,
theemergenceof monumentalcenterslike Site 128
throughoutthevalleyandthedispersalof craftproductionfrom La Sierrato its ruralhinterlandsuggest that the TerminalClassic was an intervalof
politicalandeconomic decentralization.La Sierra
probablyremaineda majordemographicandeconomic centerduringthe TerminalClassic and its
leaders may have retained some degree of
suzeraintyover the valley.This control,however,
was considerablyreducedfrom Late Classic levels, creatingchancesforenterprising
agentsto forge
novel politicaland economic relations.Site 128's
rapidascentfromsmallfarmsteadto politicalcenter indicatesthatat least some people took advantage of theiropportunity.
The political and economic structures that
emerged from this process were not necessarily
uniformacrosstheNacoValley,orstable.Thematerial heterogeneity and varied crafts attested to
within the TerminalClassic Site 128 community
need not have been replicatedamong its contemporaries.Further,thejuxtapositionof corporateand
individualizingpower structuresinferredfor Site
128 could well have been distinctiveof its political system.Even withinsmallregions,such as the
Naco Valley,we cannotassumethatthe possibilities offered by shifting power relationstriggered
uniformresponsesnor that these responseswere
uniformlysuccessful.In the case of Site 128, hierarchywas stymiedby the inabilityof any one faction to monopolize local distributionof crucial
social valuables(suchas EDICs)andmoreprosaic
items(obsidiancores).Theresultingpoliticaleconomy was multifocused,pittingelites againsteach
otherin conteststo secureadherents.In this case,
clients could maximize their access to valuables
while alternatelysupportingone set of claimants
againstanother.We have no directproofthatsuch
manipulationsoccurred.Thegeneralandextensive
distributionof EDICs as well as obsidianblades
andpolyhedralcoresis, however,in line with such
aninterpretation.
Anotherobstacleto centralization
269
andexpressionsof inequalitymayhavebeenthose
heterarchical
linkssymenduringintra-community
bolizedthroughsharedownershipof at least some
propertyandtheexchangeof craftproductslargely
unfetteredby elite interference.Further,the small
size of the communityfocusedon Site 128, with a
populationprobablynumberingin the low hundreds, workedagainsthierarchybuilding.Living
in the midst of their followers, interactingwith
them in a wide arrayof contexts,magnateswere
boundto theircommunitiesin ways thatthe more
remotelordsof largerpolitieswouldnothavebeen.
As such, would-beleaderscould not easily ignore
the demandsor opinions of all communitymembersandcould not elevatethemselvestoo farwithout alienatingtheircompatriots.The resultwas a
compromisein which centralizationand inequality were advancedto limited degrees. This compromiseshouldnot be confusedwith equilibrium;
as a compromiseits tenetswere undoubtedlysubject to constantrenegotiation,ultimatelyresulting
in a collapseof hierarchyby the EarlyPostclassic.
The demise of centralizedpoliticaleconomies
offers an excellent contextin which to investigate
the machinationsof agents and the consequences
of theirpoliticalstrategies.Usually,we lookto periods of politicalfluorescencefor telltalesignatures
of aggrandizersand the institutionsthey created.
This approach, though fruitful, encourages an
emphasison paramountelites and a view of their
subordinatesas those whose loss in power struggles results in their uniform subordinationand
impoverishment(cf. papersin Schwartzand Falconer 1994).Lookingatthe situationfromtheperanddisintegration
gives
spectiveof decentralization
us a chanceto see how theseputativesubordinates
respondedto new opportunitiesfor control over
formerly centralized political and economic
processes.Inthecourseof suchstudiesfocus shifts
from overpoweringinstitutionsand people to the
diverselystructuredand variablyenduringstrategies employedat local levels by aspiring,and not
always successful,individualsand agentsof relatively small-scale social groups. Such a perspective complementsthe view from the crest of the
politicalwaveandprovidesinsightsobtainableonly
when sociopoliticalprocesses are looked at from
the trough.As importantas a hinterlandperspective on politicalformandprocessoften is, thereis
also somethingto be gained by examiningthese
270
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
developmentsduringintervalswhen distinctions
betweencapitalsandhinterlandsarein fluxandilldefined.
Acknowledgments.This work was generously supportedby
the National Science Foundation (SBR 9407751, SBR
9322330) and Kenyon College. Students and staff of the
1996 Naco Valley Archaeological Project who directly and
substantiallycontributedto investigationsat Sites 128, 410,
and 411 include B. Beacom, J. Bell, B. Carter,V. Chagnon,
K. Delvendahl, A. Dietz, R. Johnson, M. Kneppler, A.
McCoy, A. Mishelhoff, M. Morrison,A. Moser, H. Osborn,
B. Robbins,B. Shade,M. Stockett,and M. Turek.In addition
to these stalwartinvestigators,subsequent analyses of Site
128 materialsby A. Althoff, F. Black, N. Handel,L. Keiner.
and 0. Steffanshelped materiallyto providethe basis for this
report.The InstitutoHondurenode Antropologiae Historia
(IHAH), as always, steadfastlyand generouslypromotedthe
Naco researchand we are particularlygratefulto its director
during 1996, Dra. Olga Hoya; Lcda. CarmenJulia Fajardo,
director of Archaeology; and Juan Alberto Duron, IHAH
representativefor the North Coast. The people of the Naco
Valley, led by our indomitable and ever-graciousforeman,
the late Sr. Luis Nolasco, laboredlong, hard,and with great
patience and care to see the work through to a successful
conclusion. An earlierincarnationof this paperwas given at
a symposium organizedby ArthurJoyce and Cynthia Robin
for the 2002 American AnthropologicalAssociation meetings. We greatly appreciateArt and Cynthia's invitation to
join that session as well as the commentsoffered by Bernard
Knapp and Jeremy Sabloff on the original essay. The
thoughtfuland thoroughremarksof WendyAshmore,Arthur
Demarest, Robert Sharer, an anonymous reviewer, and
SuzanneFish were also very helpful as we preparedthe final
draft of this manuscript.We very much appreciatethe contributions of all of these individuals and agencies to the
investigations and interpretationssummarizedin the above
pages. We remindthe reader,however,that, whereasarchaeological field studies are invariablycooperative efforts, the
authorsare solely responsible for any errorsthat appear in
this essay.
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Notes
1. Administration:Recognized by the presence of ample
open rooms thatcould accommodatesizable gatherings,possibly for council meetings. Residences: Usually recognized
by the presenceof benches at least 1.5 m long. Buildings so
designatedare also associated with a wide range of artifacts
suitablefor domestic shores (Table3). Storage:Identifiedby
the presenceof rooms too small for any otherknown domestic purpose(< 3m2).Storagefacilities may be associatedwith
a wide or narrowarrayof materials,dependingon contents,
and might containa shelf (a raisedarealess than 1.5 m long).
Cooking: A term applied to areas of controlled, intensive
burning,often associated with low, curved stone walls that
may have been oven foundations.WorkStation:Recognized
by the provision of elevated spaces, presumably under a
structure'seaves, wherevarioustaskscould be protectedfrom
the elements. Surface-level: Refers to a building erected
directly on groundlevel; defined by stone foundationswithout a substructureplatform.
2. Limited excavationsat Structure7, partlyconditioned
by its poor preservation,make it difficultto infer function.
3. Artifact categories were selected because they were
sufficiently well-represented for intra-site comparison.
Artifact numbers are followed by occurrences per m2 in
parentheses.
4. Fig. = Figurine;firedclay effigies of people and/oranimals. Inc.= Incensario; apparent incense burner. GS =
Ground Stone; primarilymanos and metates used in food
preparation.Cand. = Candelero; simply made, fired clay
objects containingone or more chambersin which burning
had occurred.Jewelry = Almost invariablysimple ceramic
pendants,beads, and earflares.
5. Stamp = Flat ceramic item with deeply molded
designs, probably used in decorating cloth. Used/Worked
Sherd:Vessel fragmentwhose edges are generally rounded
throughuse or intentionalshaping,probablyused in pottery
manufacture.Figurine Mold: Fired clay form used in the
manufactureof ceramiceffigies.
6. A thirdTerminalClassic edifice (Structure410-Subl)
at Site 410 is not included.Slightly more than 11 m northof
the principalpatio, this badly preservededifice was not sufficiently clearedto allow inferencesconcerningits uses; we are
not even certainit was functionallyintegratedinto the domestic roundof Site 410's occupations.
ReceivedMarch31, 2003; AcceptedNovember23, 2003;
RevisedFebruary5, 2004.