Viglius of Aytta, Sixteenth Century Map Collector
Author(s): E. H. Waterbolk
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Imago Mundi, Vol. 29 (1977), pp. 45-48
Published by: Imago Mundi, Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1150529 .
Accessed: 23/08/2012 12:58
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
.
Imago Mundi, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Imago Mundi.
http://www.jstor.org
Viglius of Aytta, Sixteenth CenturyMap Collector
By E. H.
WATERBOLK
Attention was first drawn to the map collection of Viglius of Aytta (1507-77) in the nineteenth
century.1Nearly a hundred years later, Leo Bagrow thought the inventory of the collection of
sufficient interest to publish it in full.2 And rightly so, for, as a sixteenth-century map
collection, that of Viglius is unparalleled not only in its extent-it comprises 189 maps
excluding duplicate and multiple copies3-but also for the fact that the inventory to it is
structured; that is the maps are not, as had hitherto been the practice, listed together with
books and other valuables. Strictly speaking, nothing can be said as to Viglius's purpose in
assembling so fine a collection. It is assumed that the inventory was drawn-up to avoid
disputes between the heirs after the owner's death. The inventory is dated August 1575, two
years before Viglius died. His collection has sometimes been called a Privatsammlung;4be that
as it may, Viglius will have rejoiced in his collection.
There is, therefore, interest in every observation by Viglius on his preoccupation with maps.
His observations on his collection, seemingly casual, may nevertheless help to elucidate his
motives in assembling it.
A letter of 18 September 1534 (reproduced below) to his friend, Hadrianus Marius, can be
linked with an earlier appeal to Marius in June 1534:
'Age,mi Hadriane,Geographicis
chartis,quibusmescisdelectari,
fox utpotiar.Praemium
promittoWestphalicam
pernam,nam nihil haecregiohabetsapidius.'('Come, my dear Hadrianus, see to it that geographical
maps, in which as you know I take great pleasure, come my way. As a reward I promise you a
Westphalianham, for this region has nothing more tasteful.')
BetweenJune and September, other letters had probably passed between the two friends for
the letter of 18 September (see below) mentions a 'map sent' (1.7). It is clear that Viglius had
encouraged his friend, Hadrianus, to take an interest in maps. He had known him, as he writes
(1.23) 'from childhood', hinting at his time in The Hague when he had been received into the
home of his uncle, Bernhard Bucho, for his studies. Bucho was a member of the Court of
Holland as was Nicolaas Everaerts(1462-1532), father of the illustrious trio, the three Belgian
brothers, Nicolaas Grudius, Hadrianus Marius and Janus Secundus, all talented poets. Viglius
studied with Hadrianus and Janus at Doles in Burgundy and also at Bourges. The intimacy
between Hadrianus Marius and Viglius is expressed in the mock-serious, humorous tone of
the letter. Both had just completed their studies and Viglius had put his first step on the official
ladder, as official principal to the Bishop of Munster, Frans van Waldeck, under the most
peculiar circumstances, however, the bishop outside his town and, from 1534 to 1535, the
Anabaptists inside! Viglius, too, was not in Munster in those days; his letters were usually
written from Dulmen, but then as official principal he was required to travel frequently. His
function suggests juridical activities, but the bishop also used him in political matters. Thus
Viglius was well-informed on affairs and his letters dealing with the activities of the
Anabaptists, which intrigued the whole of Europe for such a long period may be considered
sources for the events of the time.5 This indicates an intense understanding on his part. Does
this also show in the letter?
Vigliusto Hadrianus Marius, Dulmen, dated 18 September1534:
'TabulamaccepiHadrianeD~octisstme,
adeononad Trapeziticam
rattonem,
hoc
estfoenore(uti erapollicitus)ut etiammeamexpectationemin ipsasorte
45
te mihieonominefuisse
nonparumaccideris.Scistamenmandaticontractu
quodillic
praescribam
obligatum,necestnecesseut egotibijureconsulto
bonafidesexigat,et in hocgenerenonarbitror. . . illicitamesse.
tuamadmittam
An veroputasmeadeocredulumesse,ut eiusmodiexcusationem
isthunclaboremexcuteresatagis? Sedet in
quamissaetabulaevituperatione
eo (quodexcusam,alteramscripsisti)nonmihisatisfacis,habeoenimquandam
sedparumtamenaccurate,ut ego
abaliquout mihivideturnautadelineatam,
etiam
ostentare.Circumfertur
taleexemplarminimearbitrerCraneveldium
Episcopatus:
verum
locaTrajectensis
quaedamdiaecesanaomniacomplectens
ostiaque,
ambitus,
necipsasatisspatiaintervallaque
etfluminumfontes,
exprimit.Meminiet olhmin aedibusWilhelmiGoudaniin Haga Comitisquandam
Sedtunceiusstudio
mappam,et nifallorimpressam.
mevidisseamplissimam
nontenebar,ut qualisnamillafuerit,aut ubiimpressanonrecorder.
si mecumvis superhacoperaa te susceptaamicedecidere,cupio
Quamobrem
sintet quo
inquiras,qualesque
ut quicquidesthuiusgenerstabularum
pretioac undenancisciqueamscibas.IstamporroparteminferiorisGermaniae
haudaequecultamac cognitam(ut estvestraquaead Galliamspectat)spero
Capioenimmagnam
quoquebreviin qualemphalem
[melformamredacturum.
necparum
locorum,regionum,hominumque,
ex eiusmodicognitione
voluptatem
etiamea adfertmomenti,si quisnostrialiquandoin Republicaususerit.
Et quandomiHadrianeinitamapuerisamicitiamtibipariteratquemihi
aut sterile
mutuoexcolerecordiest, eritnobisisthochaudincongruum
Facitautemeadem
quoliterisaliquandomutuonosoblectemus.
argumentum,
agami,hocest,utprotua
ut tecumfamilarius
illa nostrabenevolentia
iocaritecummalimquam
insumpsisti
operaquamei tabulaedepingendae
gratiasagere,quastamenmetibihaberenonignoras.'6
English Translation:
'So then, my very learned Hadrianus, I have received the map, however in a way not coming up to the
standard of money-lenders, i.e. with interest as you promised, so that you have even dealt no small a
blow to my expectations of the basic capital itself. You know, however, that on entering into the
"contract" you have bound yourself to such a debt, and it is on no account necessarythat I indicate
to you, the lawyer,what the word once given requires in such a situation and I think that in this kind
of affair [a dunning letter] is not improper. Or do you really think that I am so credulous as to accept
such an apology from you with which, by decrying the sent map, you try to shake down this burden?
But also in this respect, when writing that a second map has been printed, you do not satisfy me; I
have, as you know, a map presumably drawn by a sailor, though nevertheless rather inaccurate, so
that I think that Graneveldshows by no means such a copy. There is also a map in circulation that
shows all the diocesan places in the Utrecht region, but this copy too, does not sufficientlyreproduce
the various distances in between, the sources of the rivers, their courses and outlets. Besides, I
remember that once, when at Willem van Gouda's in The Hague, I saw another map, very large, and
if I am not mistaken, in print. But at the time I was not yet passionately obsessed by it, so that now I
cannot remember any more how and where this map had been printed. And so, if you are willing to
take with me a unanimous decision in this matter, undertaken by you, I should like you to trace all
there is to be found concerning maps of this kind and to inform me on their conditions and prices
and where I might buy them. And further I hope to be able to map out that part of Lower Germany
that has not been studied and surveyed so much (as is the case with your part which borders on
France). Actually I take great pleasure in thus getting to know places, regions and people, whereas
this knowledge may prove to be of certain importance should one of us be called upon for this
republic.
And, my dear Hadrianus, as you, just like me, have the cultivation of our longfelt friendship at heart,
this kind of affair will not be an improper or unfruitful subject, with which from time to time we may
amuse ourselves by correspondence. However, the same mutual benevolence is now also the cause of
my taking a somewhat freer tone with you, i.e. preferring to joke at it, with all the trouble you take in
drawing this map, to thanking you seriously for it, though you do know how grateful I am to you."'
Thus with all the joking and mock-indignation, Viglius thanked Hadrianus sincerely for the
trouble he took in drawing a map which he sent to Viglius. Comparison with the other maps
46
undoubtedly shows that a map of the Mtinster region is meant. At least five maps are
discussed:
1. The maps sent by Hadrianus (1.1).
2. A second printed one (1.8).
3. A map in Viglius' possession which, in his opinion, is either a sailor's map or has been
projected in a nautical way on a sheet (1.9).
4. The diocesan map of Utrecht (1.11).
5. The very large map Viglius saw in The Hague (1.14).
In interpreting the letter, it has to be taken into account that Viglius himself sent a map to
his friend in order to have it corrected, with help, in Mechlin;8 this then is the sors (1.3), the
principle lent on interest, upon which Viglius had expected to obtain a fair return-Trapezitica
ratio hoc estfoenus (1. 1/2); this correction, this interest, is disappointing. Hadrianus apologized
for the in some way inadequate quality of the map delivered by him, in referring to the map
sent by Viglius; this too was not all that good either: missae tabulae vituperatione(1.7). Viglius
does not accept this apology; there are as a matter of fact sufficientpossibilities for producing
a better map and he then recounts the maps he knows or has seen himself. The 'sailor's map' is
indeed among them, but Craneveld(1.10) would certainlynot produce such a specimen.
This speculation fits Craneveld (1485-1564) very well; he was the centre of humanistic
aspirations in Mechlin, where as councillor of the GroteRaad (from 1522) he had maintained
friendly relations with the family of Nicolaas Everardi, from 1528 president of the Raad.
Craneveld's geographical interest may be apparent from the fact that Gerard Mercator
dedicated his first map to him (in 1537), namely the map of Palestine. Moreover, by referring
to Craneveld, Viglius may have alluded to the former's Nijmegen descent, so that he might
know the Munster-Guelders regions and indicate any inaccuracy. For this is indeed the main
purpose of the letter: the map can be more precise, he would appreciate greater accuracy. For
what purpose did he want the map? According to his own words he rejoiced in maps and
through them in 'places, regions and peoples' can be known. It was only in the second place
that they were useful, i.e. 'if once one of us will be of merit to the republic'. This is certainlynot
the whole truth: by producing maps of the Westphalian area in a wide scope he wished to
obtain a spatial insight into his jurisdiction and into the shocking events of the Anabaptists'
agitation, so that he might be of greater use to his paymaster, the bishop.
Not the whole truth, but yet no untruth either, for with the cultivation of his contacts with
Mechlin he would undoubtedly also have had the intention not to allow his personality, his
stylistic talent, his energy to fall into oblivion. Although now he had his first job, the finest
profession he had in mind was a position with the Grote Raad. Mechlin or Brussels was his
Corinth as he expressed it once in those days. His job at Munster was no more than a stagingpost. Not incidentally did he correspond in hfs Miinster days with Frans van Craneveld, for
whom he pictured a grand vision of his practical proceedings in the juridical field.9 In 1535 he
went to Spiers as a member of the Rijkskamergericht,though not without knowing how things
have turned out for the Anabaptists and whether the barbarism he foresaw at their victory
could be brought to a halt.
It is not a collector in the narrower sense of the word whom we see at work here, one who
collects for the sake of collecting only, or for aesthetic delight in the subjects acquired. No,
practical use is aspired to. Leaving aside the inventory as it has been printed and examining the
original at the Algemeen Rijksarchief in Brussels, it appears that in two ways an organic
division has been made, according to the regions to which the maps relate: a numbering in
figures (from one to fifteen).10 However, this may have been introduced later on; this
numerical classification is based on the space left open between the various headings. The
catalogue has also been composed secundum situationemof the regions and places; the maps
have been stored in separate case: in cista numero 26. The inventory is from 1575, but the
division is certainly of an earlier date, so that the owner might easily find what he was looking
for. By 1575 Viglius had a dozen maps representing Westphalia and adjoining areas at his
disposal.
47
When was Viglius's interest in maps aroused? Not in The Hague (1.13/14), where he
frequently called on his uncle and Everaert's sons between 1520 and 1526, yet before his
Munster period (1534-35), as he knows (1.19/20) that for surveys the eastern part contrasts
unfavourablywith that part of the Low Countries which borders on France. It might have been
aroused during his travels through France, Southern Germany and Italy between 1526 and
1534.
Certainlyin the letter in question he tries to win over his friend Hadrianus Marius to his side
and interest by pretending that they would work at a joint project (1.22, quisnostri... ; 1.25,
.. .); he even pretends that Hadrianus has taken the initiative to collecting
mutuonosoblectemus
maps: . . . superhac operaa te suscepta... (1.16).
Recognition of Viglius's early, ardent interest in cartographyalso explains the link between
his prospective career and another part of his map-inventory: his many maps of Southern
Germany. After a short period at Spiers as a member of the Rijkskamergericht(1535-37) he
became a professor at Ingolstadt in Bavaria where he met as a colleague, Peter Apianus
(1495-1552), renowned cartographer and mathematician, amidst a flourishing South German
cartographic activity. Viglius was a professor there, but also adviser to the Duke of Bavaria.1
Here he kept to himself and his interest in and collection of maps. As always he combined
pleasure with usefulness, but the latter came first.
REFERENCES
(Gant, 1862), 429-33, and in the Archivesdes Arts,
1. Published by A. Pinchart in Messagerdes scienceshistoriques
after the village, Zwichem to the south of
Scienceset Lettres11(1863). Viglius signed his letters as VigliusZuichemus
Leeuwarden, the capital of the province of Friesland;his surname is Aytta or 'of Aytta'.
2. L. Bagrow reprinted it in his article on 'Old inventories of maps', ImagoMundi5 (1948), 18-20. He refers to
Vigliud de Zuichen [sic].
(Petermanns Mitteilungen, Erganzungsheftno. 210, t. 2, Gotha,
3. L. Bagrow, A. Orteliicataloguscartographorum
1920) 45, thinks that Viglius as president of the Geheime Raad (Privy Council), so much later, had the
darsteliten.
rechtbetrachtliche
Privatsammlung
opportunity to collect his maps, die einefir die damaligeVerhlitnisse
(Oxford, 1906-58) VIII and
4. See, for instance, the letters in P. S. Allen, OpusEpitolarumDes. ErasmiRoterodami
IX; and C. P. Hoynck van Papendrecht,AnalectaBelgica,II, parsprima.
5. Royal Library,Brussels, Hs. II 1040, VigliiEpistolae,t. 1.
6. Royal Library,Brussels, Hs. II 1040. VigliiEpistolae,t. 1 fo. 92-3.
7. Acknowledgement is due to Dr G. A. A. Kortekaas of the Classical Institute Department of Medieval Latin,
Universityof Groningen, for his assistance in rendering this letter into Dutch for the author. The author dug his
heels in for the aforesaid 'Westphalian ham', so that quibbles presented themselves in accideris,excusationem,
excutere,excusam;mistakes are of course the author's. The difficultyof the letter was increased by the eighteenthcentury transcriber, who made mistakes, and for example in line 5, left a highly probably Greek work
untranslated, as also later in the manuscript.
8. In a letter to Gerard Mulert, University Library, Gant, Ms. 479, No. 5, Dulmen, dated 26.VI,1534: Nam
vel Bruxellamadirenoncuivishominicontingit.
Corinthum
hocestMechliniam
ad Fransciscum
Craneveldium
1522-8 (Louvain,
9. Hoynck, op. cit. 124 and H. de Vocht, LiteraeVirorumeruditorum
1928), 690-2.
despapiersde Vigliusde Zuichem,Inv. part
10. Algemeen Rijksarchief(General Archives) Brussels, Recueild'inventaires
1, 2e S., no. 419, sheet 140r-149V.
11. In a letter to Gerard Mulert, University Library, Gant, Ms. 479, no. 58, Spiers, dated 17.XII.1536: Etenim
IIImus.Dux BavariaeWilhelmus. . . meadscivit,addiditquedignitatemconsihiari...
48