ADMINISTRATIO Social Influence as a Determinant of Conspicuous Consumption among the South African Urban Township Youth Hilda BONGAZANA1 Abstract. The South African urban townships play a significant role in the South African economy. They contribute 41 percent in total consumer spending. This segment is characterised by a large spending power with underserviced community needs that marketers are paying less attention to. Such spending is often a way of displaying status within the community and society. Generally, this pattern of consumption is observed among the youth, particularly among young urban township youth. The purpose of this study is to examine social determinants of conspicuous consumption behaviour among the South African urban township youth. Data were collected among the township youth of Sebokeng, located in Vanderbijlpark, South Africa. A total of 300 questionnaires were distributed, of which 238 were usable. The results showed that the township youth seems to buy prestigious brands to show off to others, to display wealth, and to enhance their public image. The social and lifestyle implications of the study are also provided. Keywords: status consumption; social influence; conspicuous consumption; township youth; South Africa 1. Introduction Marketers view consumer segments as complex entities constituting multicultural segments with diverse wants and needs. These differences influence the consumption behaviour of each segment. For instance, marketers assess consumer consumption behaviour through the meaning they attach and associate to their possessions (Prendergast & Wong, 2003; Chernev, Hamilton & Gal, 2011; Mazzocco, Rucker, Galinsky & Anderson, 2012; Goldsmith, Flynn & Clark, 2012; Dubois, Rucker & Galinsky, 2012). Thus, such consumption behaviour is communicated through symbolic meanings and thereby links together the members of a society (Piacentini & Mailer, 2004) and builds their identity (O’Cass & Frost, 2002). In these cultures, social determinants contribute to consumption patterns of individuals. Hence, these determinants accounts for such observed behaviours as consuming prestige products 1 PhD, Military Technical Academy, Romania. Address: 39-49 G. Coşbuc Blvd., Sector 5, Bucharest, Romania, Tel.:(+40) 21 335 46 60, fax: (+40) 21 335 57 63. Corresponding author: [email protected] AUDA, vol. 6, no. 1/2014, pp. 59-70 59 ACTA UNIVERSITATIS DANUBIUS Vol. 6, no. 2/2014 and brands to reflect social standing and wealth (Alden, Steenkamp & Batra, 1999). This situation holds true, especially in developing countries like South Africa where there is an observed massive diversity in demographic profiles of segments. As such, South African marketers are witnessing an increase in spending among Black households (Kaus, 2013). Such spending is more prevalent in urban townships. The South African urban townships are playing a significant role in the South African economy. The urban townships contribute 41 percent in total consumer spending (eProp, 2013). This segment is characterised by a large spending power with underserved needs to which marketers are paying less attention. Township spending is increasing with consumers spending more than R308 billion annually (eProp, 2013) making them an attractive unexploited segment. The continued increase in township spending generates opportunities for marketers and prospects for future growth. South African’s urban townships are characterised by a widespread spending on expensive products (Penman& McNeill, 2008). Such spending is often a way of displaying one’s status within the community and society. These consumers largely buy premium-branded clothing to express their status (Goldsmith et al., 2012). For example, Kaus (2013) noted that those who reside in South African townships spend more on clothing and personal care. Therefore, consumers in townships are driven by conspicuous consumption and represent a larger portion of buying power (TimesLive, 2014). According to O’Cass & Frost (2002), individuals who seek status conspicuously consume status brands in order to enhance their position in society. As such, spending could be used to increase social standing (Dubois, Rucker & Galinsky, 2012) and acceptance within the community (Kaus, 2013). Swartz, Harding & De Lannoy (2012) note that buying expensive clothing projected a sense of belonging and respect among township consumers. In fact, premium-branded clothing signals status (Howell & Vincent, 2014). This pattern of consumption is observed generally among the youth (Piacentini & Mailer, 2004), particularly among young urban township youth (Kaus, 2013). Although the need for status is considered the core in such spending, there are suggestions that the community members also influence such spending (Adlip, 2014). Since there has been an observed growth in township expenditure, marketers have discovered that a township segment is very attractive, and have started establishing shopping malls to take advantage of this emerging township segment whose composition and behaviour still perplexes them. Although the study of township 60 ADMINISTRATIO consumption habits has been of interest and central to economists, marketers know little about consumption habits in the townships, especially the factors behind consumers’ preference of visible consumption in townships. Thus, the township consumer segment has high potential yet is understudied. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine social influence as a determinant of conspicuous consumption behaviour among the South African urban township youth. 2. Conceptual Framework and Research Hypotheses 2.1. Conspicuous Consumption O’Cass and Frost (2002) observe that acquiring and consuming luxury products is one of the ways consumers enhance their position in society and demonstrate affluence to others. The acquisition of these luxury products is nothing but an ostentatious display of wealth (Prendergast & Wong, 2003; Chernev, Hamilton & Gal, 2011; Mazzocco et al., 2012) to enhance one’s public image (Truong, Simmons, McColl & Kitchen, 2008). Thus, a significant proportion of consumers buy these products to signify their wealth and to demonstrate their standing within their communities. This type of consumption is referred to often as conspicuous consumption. According to Chernev, Hamilton & Gal (2011) conspicuous consumption is described as a phenomenon whereby individuals acquire expensive status-related products with the purpose of expressing the self and to show their ranking in the society. Studies on conspicuous consumption identified the influence of others and status consumption as important determinants of conspicuous consumption. Thus, conspicuous consumption entails a focus on socioeconomic differences among individuals within the community (Wong & Ahuvia, 1998), and how these individuals demonstrate ownership of luxury products (Podoshen, Li & Zhang, 2011). According to Shukla (2008), conspicuous consumption has two aspects, namely social influence and status consumption. Ger and Belk (1996) note that conspicuous consumption is more prevalent in less affluent societies, where it acts as a vehicle to establish social identity. 61 ACTA UNIVERSITATIS DANUBIUS Vol. 6, no. 2/2014 2.2. Social influence Social influence refers to “perceived pressures from social networks to make or not to make a certain behavioral decision” (Lu, Yaob & Yu, 2005:249). It is viewed generally as a need to conform to one’s social group (Amaldoss & Jain, 2005) and to get approval from the others (Wong, 1997). Marketers acknowledge that consumers purchase certain products with the intention to make others within the society aware of their purchase. The effect of the others in shaping one’s consumption behaviour plays an important role in consumption habits of consumers. For example, as O’Cass and McEwen (2004:28) observe, individuals “spend their income on products that display status and success to significant others”. Clearly, the spending is influenced by social status and the need to show off ones possessions and wealth (Podoshen et al., 2011). 2.3. Status Consumption There are several factors underpinning the choice made by consumers when buying certain products. Perhaps the main reason why consumers buy products is that they provide them with some identity, are a way of expressing an individual’s income, wealth, and his or her rank in society (Heaney, Goldsmith & Jusoh, 2005), and are often expensive in nature. For example, Kastanakis & Balabanis (2012) suggest that individuals have a tendency to seek self-recognition and others’ recognition through buying products that have luxury appeal. This type of consumption is referred to as status consumption. Therefore, Eastman, Goldsmith, & Flynn (1999, p. 42) describe status consumption as “the motivational process by which individuals strive to improve their social standing through the conspicuous consumption of consumer products that confer and symbolise status both for the individual and surrounding significant others”. According to O’Cass and McEwen (2004), the more statusrelated meanings a brand conveys, the more consumers will consume it visibly. This is especially the case with prestige brands (Prendergast & Wong, 2003). 2.4. Brand Prestige Consumption of brands normally has been characterised by what the brand represents in the minds of consumers. According to Laforet (2010), a decision to buy a particular brand is based on whether the brand is going to project power, wealth and sophistication. These decisions are then followed by judgements of whether the 62 ADMINISTRATIO brands will offer the consumer symbolic meanings such as social status, and whether they project wealth and power (Alden et al., 1999). Furthermore, the purchase of such brands is driven by a need to enhance self-concept (Dubois & Czellar, 2002). Generally, the wealthy are the ones who identify with such brands, and these brands often command premium prices (Zhou & Wong, 2008 ) and are often purchased to fulfil the need for exclusivity (Amaldoss & Jain, 2005). 3. Hypotheses Figure 1 presents a proposed conceptual model that focuses on the relationship between conspicuous consumption and its determinants, status consumption, social influence, and brand community involvement of South African urban township youth. Based on the above discussions, the following hypotheses were formulated: H1: Status consumption will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward conspicuous consumption H2: Social influence will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward status consumption H3: Prestige brand connotations will significantly influence status consumption tendencies of the township youth H4: Social influence will have a significant positive effect on the township youth’s conspicuous consumption tendencies H5: Prestige brand connotations will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward conspicuous consumption: Status consumption H3 H H 1+ 2 Social influence Brand prestige H Conspicuous consumption 4 H5+ Figure 1: Proposed research model 63 ACTA UNIVERSITATIS DANUBIUS Vol. 6, no. 2/2014 4. Methodology 4.1. Sample To assess social influence of conspicuous consumption behaviour, data were collected among the township youth of Sebokeng, located in Vanderbijlpark, South Africa. Mall-intercept method was used where respondents were selected randomly among South African urban townships of Sebokeng and Sharpeville. South African urban townships are seeing a rise in visible spending, especially among the youth (Swartz et al., 2012). Questionnaires were distributed at Thabang mall located in Sebokeng and Evaton shopping mall located in Sharpeville. A total of 300 questionnaires were distributed, of which 238 were usable. Respondents consisted of 107 males and 131 females. Forty percent were between the ages of 21-23 years, 35 percent were between the ages of 18-20 years, 12 percent were 24 years, 10 percent above 24 years and only 3 percent were under 18. This shows that the respondents of this study fall within the legal definition of youth. The United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO, 2014) define the youth as those individuals between the ages of 15 and 24 years. 5. Results A structural equation modelling (SEM) technique using the maximum likelihood estimation method was used to test the relationship among the theoretical constructs. Table 2 displays descriptive statistics indicating that on average the respondents of this study responded positively to social determinants of conspicuous consumption behaviour with means greater than three. 5.1. The Measurement Model To assess the measurement model, a confirmatory factor analysis was performed. The initial assessment indicated that item SC4 (0.101) representing status consumption was far below the recommended 0.50 value and was removed. After the model was re-specified, the remaining items had loadings ranging from 0.559 to 0.886, and thus demonstrated convergent validity. 64 ADMINISTRATIO Table 1. Confirmatory Factor Analysis Construct and items Social influence SI1 SI2 SI3 SI4 SI5 SI6 SI7 Brand prestige BP1 BP2 Status consumption SC1 SC2 SC3 SC4 SC5 Conspicuous consumption CC1 CC2 CC3 CC4 CC5 CC6 Standardised loadings 0.745 0.711 0.829 0.861 0.825 0.843 0.559 0.683 0.886 0.875 0.848 0.851 0.101 0.665 0.671 0.841 0.920 0.857 0.872 0.834 Evidence further suggested the existence of convergent validity as the values of average variance extracted (AVE) demonstrated in Table 2 were higher than Bagozzi & Yi (1988) recommended value of 0.50. Discriminant validity was evaluated by comparing correlation coefficients with the square root of AVE (Malhotra, 2010). Therefore, the square root of the constructs’ AVE shown in bold on the diagonal of Table 2 exceeded the construct correlation coefficients, thereby exhibiting discriminant validity. Furthermore, reliability was assessed by computing composite reliabilities as shown in Table 2. All constructs retained a composite reliability (CR) greater than the 0.60 threshold level (Bagozzi & Yi, 1988). 65 ACTA UNIVERSITATIS DANUBIUS Vol. 6, no. 2/2014 Table 2. Descriptive Statistics, Correlations and Reliabilities Variables Mean SD CR AVE 1 3.65 3.69 3.73 3.32 1.72 1.51 1.34 1.62 0.9 5 0.9 8 0.9 8 0.9 8 0.91 0.90 0.93 0.89 0.95 0.787 0.666 0.847 1.Brand Prestige 2.Social Influence 3.Status Consumption 4.Conspicuous consumption 2 0.95 0.734 0.811 3 0.96 0.73 8 4 0.94 5.2. Hypotheses Testing Hypotheses were tested by developing a structural equation model. The overall model was tested and indicates an acceptable fit to the data with chi-square/df =2.34, CFI=0.94, TLI=0.93, SRMR=0.05, NFI=0.90 and RMSEA=0.07. The results show that all of the paths were significant except the path between status consumption and conspicuous consumption, as indicated in Table 3. Thus, the path between status consumption -0.08 (p>0.05) and township youth’s tendencies toward conspicuous consumption was not significant and had an unexpected sign. Therefore, hypothesis 1 was rejected. It is surprising that status was not the reason why respondents of this study, who happen to live in impoverished societies, consume certain products and brands visibly. Research indicates significant relationships between status consumption, conspicuous consumption and one’s socioeconomic status. According to Ger and Belk (1996), conspicuous consumption is more prevalent in less affluent societies where it acts as a vehicle to establish social identity. This holds true, even in South African’s urban townships where conspicuous consumption was found to drive consumers’ buying (TimesLive, 2014). Hypothesis 2 proposes that social influence will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward status consumption. The results indicate that the path between social influence and status consumption was 0.69 (p<0.05) and significant. Therefore, hypothesis 2 was supported. 66 ADMINISTRATIO Hypothesis 3 proposes that prestige brand connotations will significantly influence status consumption tendencies of the township youth. The path between brand prestige 0.93 (p<0.05) and status consumption was significant, supporting hypothesis 3. Hypothesis 4 proposes that social influence will have a significant positive effect on the township youth’s conspicuous consumption tendencies. The results indicate that the path between social influence and conspicuous consumption was 0.60 (p<0.05) and significant; therefore, accepting hypothesis 4. Hypothesis 5 proposes that prestige brand connotations will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward conspicuous consumption. The results indicate that the path between brand prestige and conspicuous consumption was 0.57 (p<0.05) and significant; therefore, accepting hypothesis 4. Table 3. Structural Model Results Hypothesis H1: Status consumption will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward conspicuous consumption H2: Social influence will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward status consumption H3: Prestige brand connotations will significantly influence status consumption tendencies of the township youth H4: Social influence will have a significant positive effect on the township youth’s conspicuous consumption tendencies H5: Prestige brand connotations will have a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward conspicuous consumption Results Rejected Supported Supported Supported Supported 6. Discussion and Conclusion The purpose of this study was to investigate social determinants of conspicuous consumption behaviour among the South African urban township youth. Studies on conspicuous consumption suggests that status consumption (Alden et al., 1999), social influence (O’Cass & McEwen, 2004), and brand prestige (Amaldoss & Jain, 2005; Zhou & Wong, 2008; Laforet, 2010). The results showed that social influence predicted township youth’s tendencies toward status consumption. This is consistent with the O’Cass and McEwen (2004) study who observed that individuals purchase products that projects status to impress others. Prestige brand connotations had a significant and positive effect on status consumption tendencies of township youth. 67 ACTA UNIVERSITATIS DANUBIUS Vol. 6, no. 2/2014 Generally, consumers who want to display status to friends and their community buy prestigious brands. The results showed that social influence has a significant positive effect on the township youth’s conspicuous consumption tendencies. This implies that the youth seems to buy prestigious brands to demonstrate to others (O’Cass & Frost, 2002) to display wealth (Prendergast & Wong, 2003; Chernev, Hamilton & Gal, 2011; Mazzocco et al., 2012) and to enhance one’s public image (Truong et al., 2008). Prestige brand connotations had a significant positive effect on township youth’s tendencies toward conspicuous consumption. This finding supports observations by Alden et al. (1999), who noted that purchasing prestigious brands is based on the judgements whether the brands exhibit wealth and power. Despite the theoretical support of the relationship between status consumption and consumption, and contrary to what was expected, the results of this study showed no significant relationship between these constructs. Thus, the respondents of this study were not likely to consume luxury products or prestige brands to enhance their position in society and demonstrate affluence to others. Marketers who are interested in segmenting the township youth should take cognisance of the findings of this study. This segment is an important one, given their taste for premium brands and their ability to spend on goods such as apparel, CDs, movies and so forth. Therefore, this study suggests that, marketers who want to target the township youth should understand that this segment value the views of others and are more willing to pay for premium brands. 7. Limitations and Future Research There are limitations associated with this study; there were only two townships chosen for this study. The youth in other South African townships may have different responses, especially those who reside in the East Rand area, where conspicuous consumption is rampant (CityPress, 2012). 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