AWARD Draft questionnaire Research
Overview
This questionnaire was commissioned by the European New Towns Platform (ENTP)
AWARD project. The questionnaire primarily focuses on the role of migrants and
Diaspora groups in European new towns, their socio-economic role within the
community and their interaction with existing inhabitants.
The European New Towns Platform was founded in 2001 and has grown over the
last decade. It currently has a network of 32 members and 10 partners from 11
European countries with two main purposes: ‘for its members to work as a platform to
exchange information and share good practices as well as to work as an advisory
body at a European level to represent the new towns and promote them as well as
strengthening their role on a regional transnational level’1.
Objective
The overall objective of the AWARD project is to raise awareness of local authorities
about their role in development and to mainstream culture in development actions
and policies. The project intends to provide guidelines, recommendations, training,
tools and indicators for members of the project to include specific “cultural and
development” perspectives into their own fields of work. This questionnaire forms one
of the three pillars of the project, ‘Pillar I: Knowledge and tools’. Its purpose is to
provide:
o Continuous research for knowledge and tools on culture and development
o Elaboration of indicators in order to evaluate the impact of cultural projects in
local development;
o Definition of tools for decision makers, practitioners and media.
Methodology
This study represents an in-depth body of research carried out by the Policy and
Performance Team at Harlow Council who collected evidence from a range of
sources. This included the 2011 Census, newspapers; academic journals and an
independent interview with charitable organisation Integrated Support Services (ISS)
who assist migrants in integrating into local communities and with a variety of needs.
It is important to note that the views of the author may not necessarily reflect
those of the Council.
1http://www.pilotcities.eu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5&Itemid=3
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The questionnaire is broken down into a number of sections. This scope of this study
focuses on Section I “Characteristics of the city of settlement” and Section II
“Migrants/Diaspora communities and host society population”.
Executive Summary
Harlow New Town originated from immigration and is the product of those who
inhabited it during the post-war years. The legacy of this mass migration from
Londoners and Irish immigrants is seen in the religious and community buildings still
seen around the town today. Harlow’s identity as a pioneering new town continued to
be demonstrated by the invitation by the New Town Development Corporation for
people of different ethnic backgrounds to settle in Harlow from the late 1950’s.
In more recent years immigration has continued in the same tradition but has clearly
been driven by more socio-economic factors as well as globalisation. Immigration
push factors such as rising rents and costs of living in London mean that northern
peripheries to London such as Luton, Watford, Welwyn-Hatfield and Harlow have
become comparatively more affordable for those on lower incomes such as
economic migrants. The fact that Harlow has lower cost house prices, rental costs,
greater concentration of social housing, access to schools and services as well as
proximity and fast access to London; are all thought to be migratory pull factors.
These considerations in addition to an observed increase in immigration from EU
enlargement and former colonial countries have contributed towards a significant
shift in the local demographic of Harlow; the number of local inhabitants not born in
the UK doubled between 2001 and 2011.
As was the case nationally; there was a significant shift and local intelligence
suggests that this changing migratory pattern has been fairly harmonious with the
majority of existing residents. Survey data suggests that a large majority of local
adults feel that people from different backgrounds get on well together. Moreover,
those working directly with migrants report that they are settling successfully
throughout Harlow. Harlow’s original Master plan, planning policies and housing
allocations policies have tended to favour social integration. In turn migrant groups
are not segregated along ethnic lines nor ghettoised into individual communities. This
transition has been supported by local groups and Harlow Council who actively
support groups as well as promote culture and diversity; although local groups
increasingly express their concern at the ability to fund and resources this type of
activity.
Despite the apparent level of harmony between existing inhabitants and migrants,
however, Harlow, like many places across Europe, is prone to problematic and
confrontational issues regarding race, religion and in migration. Research suggests
that hate crime is probably under-reported and there has been a continuation of high
profile incidents of racial and hate crime within Harlow. This minority attitude has
been expressed by the presence of right-wing political groups who have tried to
exploit the opportunity to generate support from antagonism towards immigrants and
Muslims in particular. This has been particularly manifested where minority ethnic
groups and religions have vied for community assets and buildings linked to a
particular faith or community group or there have been high profile national incidents.
As a result, certain community groups have continued to experience racist and
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outspoken opposition and violence from parts of Harlow’s white majority population.
These issues regarding a perceived competition for local resources and in particular
social housing are exacerbated by Harlow’s pockets of deprivation and comparatively
high rates of unemployment which stood at 9.9 percent at the time of writing. These
issues are often compounded by mainstream and local media who are accused of
sensationalising stories regarding immigrants and compound myths such as
‘immigrant benefits cheats’. Local groups such as ISS who try to promote community
cohesion and the positive role of migrants often feel ignored or vilified by the local
media and ignorant attitudes from existing residents. In particular ISS perceive that
many of the town’s young people hold ill conceived and ignorant attitudes regarding
the role of the EU, race and immigration which poses important considerations for the
attitudes of future generations.
Recent data from the 2011 Census suggests that Harlow has the highest proportion
of non-religious residents in Essex with the number of registered Christians falling
dramatically. Conversely however it is known anecdotally that the number of
Christian parishioners from Eastern European and African denominations has grown
suggesting a shift in the character of mainstream Christianity locally. The same data
shows that all of Harlow’s minority religions have also grown. This suggests that
whilst residents may not be segregated geographically there may be growing
divisions along religious and faith lines within the town. In turn this stresses the need
for joined up working between multi-faith organisations and existing government and
non-government institutions.
A combination of government reform, popularity of city living and globalisation are
likely to catalyse further the types of migratory patterns already observed between
2001 and 2011. This means that by 2021 Harlow’s demographic could be markedly
different to that of today; in turn this poses important questions regarding the future
provision of services, democratic representation of migrants and questions regarding
community cohesion in Harlow. Due to the globalised nature of this issue this in turn
reinforces the need for a pan-European solution to potential future issues.
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I. Characteristics of the city of settlement
1. Population size:
Harlow’s population was 81,900 people as of the 2011 Census (July 2012), an
increase of 3.9% between 2001 and 2011. Of Harlow’s total population 52,800
people (65%) are of working age (between 16 and 65).2
2. Population characteristics (overall age structure, etc.):
Harlow has a higher preponderance of younger children (aged 0–14), and
young adults (25-39) than the national average. In 2011 Local Futures, a
research and strategy consultancy estimated that “…the population aged 0-14
was 19.46%, which is high compared with the Essex figure of 17.68% and the
national average of 17.52%” (Local Futures, Summary Place Profile Harlow,
Nov 12, pp.15-16). By extension, it has a particularly lower concentration of
older adults (aged 65 and over) with Harlow ranking in the bottom 20% of
districts.
Harlow vs. England Population Pyramid
Aged 90+
ENGLAND %
Aged 85-89
HARLOW %
Aged 80-84
Aged 75-79
Aged 70-74
Aged 65-69
Aged 60-64
Aged 55-59
Aged 50-54
Aged 45-49
Aged 40-44
Aged 35-39
Aged 30-34
Aged 25-29
Aged 20-24
Aged 15-19
Aged 10-14
Aged 5-9
Aged 0-4
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Percent
3. Migration history (short overview):
Harlow’s migratory history can be divided into three main phases.
Phase I (Homogenous migration from London & builders from Ireland)
1947
Harlow is one of fourteen designated (mark I) ‘New Towns’ built to re-house
residents of the bomb-damaged and ‘slum clearance’ areas of London after
the Second World War; particularly from the East End of London which had
2
http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/mro/news-release/census-shows-increase-in-population-in-the-east-ofengland/censuseastenglandnr0712.html [accessed 28 Sep 12]
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suffered heavy bombing3. New Towns such as: Harlow, Basildon and
Stevenage were designed as “[…] self-contained communities; mixing highquality, varied housing types for all incomes, owners and tenants, with
schools, public spaces, shops, factories, community centres and other
facilities” (Houghton; Power, 2007, p59). The New Town of Harlow was built
alongside existing historic villages which remain inter-dispersed throughout
parts of the town. Harlow’s first wave of migration therefore was entirely driven
by migration from London. Its initial population from 1947 “[…] mostly
comprised of homogenous white-British semi-skilled workers from Eastern and
Northern parts of London” (Baker; Billinge, 2004, pp. 1-36). These workers
were predominately white-working class and employed in light and medium
forms of manufacturing; they were offered unprecedented levels of high quality
living for the time.
This group of migrants were also comprised of a significant proportion of Irish
descendants both employed in manufacturing and those involved in building
much of the New Town (and subsequently settling in Harlow). Consequently
Harlow continues to have a sizeable Irish population of around 1,000 persons
(875 Irish and 117 Gypsy or Irish Traveller) with its own Irish community club,
and the presence of four Catholic churches within the Town.
Phase II (Migration of ethnic minorities)
1950’s and 1960’s
Initially Britain was reluctant to encourage migration of Commonwealth citizens
in the immediate post war years, instead allowing Poles, Italians, Germans,
Ukrainians and Austrians to come to the UK to make up the shortage in the
workforce. However when it became apparent that further numbers were
required, the Government began to look at recruiting people from the West
Indies via ‘recruitment schemes by the London Transport, National Health
Service or the British Hotels and Restaurants Association’ (Abrahámová,
2007, p.16).
The 1948 British Nationality Act ‘was passed to establish a new status of
British subject, the Citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies (CUKC)’ (A
Abrahámová, 2007, p.16)4 therefore there was, to some extent, an attempt to
encourage integration by passing legislation to change status recognition of
Commonwealth citizens. Under the British Nationality Act, Commonwealth
citizens could then enter the UK and settle without restriction; this continued
until the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962. Despite the initial act to
change status of citizens there was no further formal encouragement for
immigrants to settle and integrate with their local communities causing
migrants to settle in the same areas forming segregated communities.
Unrestricted immigration was the cause of great concern to some MPs, with
issues such as employability of migrants, housing shortage.
3
The Blitz killed over 41,000 Londoners, injured over 49,000, and destroyed 46,000 dwellings.
a person could prove that he or she was born within the British Empire, they could claim full
nationality rights in Britain, such as the right to settle and work in Britain, and bring their families with
them.
4If
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Harlow New Town Development Corporation was proactive in addressing a
range of these issues as well as encouraging, to some extent, integration. For
instance in the late 1950s they invited Mr Mann to settle in Harlow and
establish the first Chinese restaurant in the town. This was the beginning of a
move to ensure that ethnic minority groups were involved in the community
and interacting with the residents of that community. Over the years as Harlow
New Town developed, the population of Chinese and other ethnic minorities
increased. In particular there was a pattern of Chinese immigrants being
settled into particular geographic areas of Harlow. As the Chinese population
grew the need for a Chinese Language School was identified by the local
community and the Chinese School was formed in the late 1970s. Today, the
Harlow Chinese Community Centre occupies a modest building leased from
Harlow Council. The centre has expanded over the years and now offers a
range of activities and facilities (Harlow Chinese Community Centre).
1970’s
A further group of migrants to settle within Harlow are Travellers and Gypsy’s.
This ethnic minority’s reasons for coming to Harlow vary but it is difficult to
analyse their migratory pattern because of the lack of formal records, due to
their nomadic lifestyle5; the 2011 Census included an option to disclose
‘Gypsy or Irish Travellers for the first time. Harlow’s Gypsy or Irish Traveller
population was recorded at 117 (0.1% of the town’s total population).
However, many of those persons who have moved away from a nomadic
lifestyle no longer identify themselves as travellers as they have given up their
nomadic lifestyle for a permanent dwelling. This results in low numbers of
people identifying their ethnicity as travellers. It is believed that the reason for
many travellers coming to Harlow in the present day will be largely to move
onto a plot on the permanent sites that have become available.
The Essex Countywide Traveller Unit have managed the two traveller sites in
Harlow for the past twenty years; prior to this Harlow Council were responsible
for the management of gypsy and traveller migration to the town. The Unit
Manager believes that the only known migration of travellers that was specific to
Harlow was when the town’s traveller sites were opened in the 1970s on
Elizabeth Way and in Fern Hill Lane. Travellers have to apply for a plot on the
site and are put on a waiting list until a plot becomes available. Due to the lack
of permanent traveller sites across the whole of Essex, of which there are only
twelve, plots are highly sought after, any travellers who encamp on land outside
of the two permanent sites within the town are unauthorised and would be
moved on by Harlow’s Community Safety Team.
The Essex Countywide Traveller Unit suggest that historically travellers to the
town may have used the town as a stopping place but in recent years many
5The Biannual Caravan Count in January 2012 shows that there were almost 18,750 Gypsy and
Traveller Caravans in England, an increase of around 400 caravans since January 2011.
“Approximately 6,800 caravans were on authorized socially-rented sites […]” whereas “[…] the
number of caravans onunauthorised encampments, on land not owned by Gypsies and Travellers,
was about 950[…]”.The overall picture of the January 2012 Caravan Count “[…] indicated that 85% of
Gypsy and Traveller caravans in England were on authorized land and that 15% were on unauthorised
land” (Presland, A, 2012, Count of Gypsy and Traveller Caravans - January 2012, Communities and
Local Government, PDF, pp.1-8).
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may be visiting friends or relatively who encamp on the permanent sites and
therefore only intend to stay for a short period of time. Others may be in
search of work or to make use of the facilities and services provided in Harlow.
Phase III (London hinterland)
1990’s
As Britain has seen a revival of city living during the late 1980’s onwards this
has created higher levels of demand and cost of living on its cities; in turn, this
has made places like Harlow (less than 30 miles from central London and well
connected by public transport) more desirable for: a) lower-paid workers who
can no longer afford to live in London, and b) immigrants looking for work and
private rental in the UK. As a town with more affordable rental and living costs
Harlow’s population of those on lower incomes, including those from black and
minority ethnic groups has subsequently increased (from 3.5% in 1999, 8% in
2001, and 16% by 2011). There have been a total of 6,630 applications from
overseas nationals (excluding EU accession) applying to work in the UK
between 2002 and 2011 whose destination is Harlow.
2012
With the UK’s newly appointed Coalition Government and the reform of
welfare these patterns are anticipated to increase. In particular, the so called
‘cap’ on housing benefit will arguably create a similar situation as that seen in
Paris – with poorer and migrant populations pushed to the outer ring of the
city, vis-à-vis areas such as Harlow (see BBC News online)6.
Due to this change in policy, London boroughs who have a duty to house
people but cannot afford to house residents locally have began to purchase
and rent housing in Harlow in order to meet their housing needs. A recent
news article published by Harlow Council states:
“The Government’s proposed welfare and benefit reforms and the
significant financial reductions in Government funding for Councils
is creating the need for Councils, particularly in high cost places
like London, to find cheaper alternative accommodation for those
in housing need in areas outside of the capital. A recent report in
the national press identified that a number of London Borough
Councils had bought or rented private sector housing in a various
Council areas around the country. Harlow was mentioned as one
of these Council areas….” (Harlow Council, November 2012).
A further trend to migrant’s arrival in the town can be paralleled with changes
in the European Union (EU). For example as more country’s become member
states of the EU7 this stimulates migration of people to the UK looking for
6 BBC News Online. URL: www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-17821018
7
Pre 2004 members states included: Austria; Belgium; Denmark; Finland; France; Germany; Greece;
Ireland; Italy; Luxembourg; Netherlands; Portugal; Spain; Sweden and the United Kingdom. Country’s
that joined in 2004 include: Cyprus; Czech Republic; Estonia; Hungary; Latvia; Lithuania; Malta;
Poland; Slovakia and Slovenia. Bulgaria and Romania joined the European Union in 2007.
Source: “Exploring the housing needs of migrant workers in Harlow and Broxbourne” November 2010
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employment and to settle in the towns and cities across the country.
Integration Support Services pointed out that in the coming years, more
country’s will be admitted to the European Union, countries such as Turkey
and Croatia which may lead to further migrants coming to the UK to live and
work and become part of the British multi-cultural society as well as migrants
from Romania and Hungary. Dr Lisa Scullion and Gareth Morris highlight in
their report, Exploring the housing needs of migrant workers in Harlow and
Broxbourne that “[…] UK will continue to face a different combination of
circumstances, and, as such, require their own local responses to new and
emerging communities” (Morris; Scullion, 2010, p.11) meaning that if the issue
of people’s tensions towards migrants is not addressed it will continue to get
worse as the EU expands and migration to Britain increases.
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4. Number of documented migrants and their origin, estimated number of
undocumented migrants and their origin:
There are two primary ways of understanding migratory patterns in the UK.
One is to use data from the Census; the other is to look at applications to work
from overseas nationals (National Insurance registrations).
A combination of this data for Harlow shows that:
 The rate of international migration to Harlow has increased steadily
during the past ten years and the proportion of residents whose
ethnicity is ‘non-white British’ has increased to 16.2%.
 Harlow has the highest rate of National Insurance applications for
overseas nationals in the County of Essex as a proportion of the
population.
 At eight per cent, Harlow has the fourth highest rate of National
Insurance applications for overseas nationals of all neighbouring
districts north of Greater London (see below).
 The greatest number of recent migrants to Harlow have origins in
Eastern Europe (Poland, Slovak Republic, Latvia, Czech Republic),
South-East Asia (India, Bangladesh, Pakistan), and Africa (Ghana,
Nigeria, Zimbabwe).
 Since 2004 2,220 A8/A2 migrants have registered for a National
Insurance Number in Harlow.
Map (1): Percentage calculated using cumulative NINO applications from
2002/2011 divided by total population (*100).
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1.20
Chart:
Number of
overseas
applications
(thousands)
for national
insurance –
2002 / 2011.
Number of NINO applications (thousands)
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
2002/03
2003/04
2004/05
2005/06
2006/07
2007/08
2008/09
2009/10
2010/11
5. Spatial distribution of migrants (spatial segregation?):
From a planning and architectural perspective; Harlow’s compact built
environment on the whole encourages social cohesion and not spatial
segregation, although this is truer of the original New Town (more recent and
wealthier developments to the East of the Town tend to be more exclusive and
gated in nature).
Integrated Support Services (ISS), a charitable organisation which helps
migrants settle and find employment in the town, do not believe that forms of
geographical segregation or ghettoisation exist in Harlow. However, they did
point out that some ethnic groups in particular the Chinese community were
housed in particular areas of the town and that this is a reflection of
government migration policy at the time (see Phase II above).
On the whole therefore, migrants are spread across the town and ISS have
recorded that there is a ‘growing number of migrants living in more affluent
areas of the town. ISS further explained that many migrants do not want to live
in specific ethnic communities for fear of being stigmatised as not integrating’.
They believe that many migrants want to integrate with the community and be
seen in the same way as any other citizens (ISS, 11 Oct 12).
Therefore, there is not thought to be any determinable forms of segregation
along ethnic lines within Harlow although there are socio-economic
differences. The below map indicates the main spatial distribution of incomes
and socio-economic characteristics in the town:
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Map (2) Source: CACI ACORN consumer household types
North-East (green):
This part of the Town includes Old Harlow, which comprises a mixture of more
valuable and sought after pre-war housing, and Council housing from the
1970s (the majority of which is now owner occupied under ‘Right to Buy’).
These homes are predominately owned by established home-owning families,
older comfortably well off pensioners and middle-income home owners. The
area also includes Harlow’s newest housing estates, Newhall (built from
2009/10) which provides a combination of more ‘high-end’ and executive
housing.
East (dark purple):
This includes ‘higher-end’ and professional housing in cul-de-sac and
exclusive estates. Residents are likely to be younger white-collar couples and
younger families with mortgages, wealthier white British executives, and
successful first and second generation Asian families.
South (yellow):
Large proportions of this area are classified as ‘deprived’ in terms of incomes,
levels of unemployment and educational attainment. A larger proportion of this
area consists of more affordable and Council housing. This combination in
turn gives way to a higher preponderance of migrant residents living in the
area.
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Central (light purple):
This area is likely to have the highest preponderance of migrant workers
owing to a higher proportion of rental and lower-end accommodation, linkages
to the Town Centre and major employers (such as the local hospital), and
Council and social housing.
Central (East) and West (red):
These areas comprise the majority of Harlow residents. These are likely to be:
working class blue-collar workers, self-employed, employed in service sector
occupations, or unemployed. Children in these areas are likely to be – in
families claiming working tax credits (income support for families). Again,
migrant populations are likely to be more pronounced in these areas.
6. Administrative division (districts, neighbourhoods, etc.):
Harlow’s original master plan was built around the notion of neighbourhoods
and so called ‘hatches’. “…large areas of housing should be planned as
“neighbourhoods”… housing was to be grouped into four large districts, each
with its own shopping and social centre.” – “The four districts were as large as
small towns… with normal housing densities everyone would be within walking
distance of a sub centre”. Harlow is unique in that it is built on what is known
as a ‘neighbourhood cluster principle’ – that is, whereby the ‘neighbourhood is
based on primary school and a sub centre at its heart; and the “neighbourhood
cluster”, where neighbourhoods are grouped around a major shopping and
social centre placed on the intersection of main roads” (Gibberd et al, 1980).
Harlow is divided into 11 political ‘Wards’. These are political boundaries for
which Ward Councillors are voted in to represent their constituents. There is
no dichotomy of rules and policies between wards – each is subject to the
same Local Authority policies and procedures. Over time Harlow Council has
centralised and de-centralised its neighbourhood out-centres culminating in a
centralisation of buildings and services in the new Civic Centre at the time of
writing.
7. Maps (please attach maps that could be of interest for our research and
the creation of city-topographies):
 See question 5
8. Political role of the city within the country (special prerogatives? seat of
certain institutions? etc.):
 Unknown
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9. Which religions are predominant in the city?
Pie Chart – Breakdown of Religions in Harlow 2011
Data from the 2011 Census show that 55.4% of Harlow’s residents are
Christian, 33.9% recorded that they had no religion and 6.6% did not state
their religion. The remaining 4.1% of the town’s population were comprised of
the following religions: Sikh (0.1%), Muslim (2.1%), Jewish (0.3%), Hindu
(0.8%), Buddhist (0.4%) and 0.4% of the town’s population recorded that they
were of ‘other religion’. All of Harlow’s minority religions grew between 2001
and 2011.
There was an observed decrease of 12.6 per cent in the number of the town’s
residents self-classifying themselves as Christian between 2001 and 2011;
however it is still the predominant religion in Harlow. Conversely there has
been a 10.9% increase in the number of people who state that they have ‘no
religion’.
10. Which religious institutions can be found in the city? What is their
organization? How are they financed? What is their link to the migrant
community?
There are an estimated 47 religious institutions in Harlow (building or
community centre) which broadly mirror the religious make up of the town (see
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Q9). This is equivalent to one religious institution per 1,738 residents.
Calculated as a rate of institutions per religious persons this equates to:
Buildings /
Organisations
Christian
Muslim
Jewish
Hindu
Sikh
Buddhist
Population
41
2
1
1
1
1
Rate religious persons
to buildings / orgs.
45,365
1,745
237
635
79
333
1,106
873
237
635
79
333
As per the above figure, the majority of religious institutions are Christian of
which there are a great many denominations ranging from Catholic (of which
the town’s Polish and Irish communities are said to have strong connections),
to Evangelical and Pentecost which are more likely to be frequented by African
migrants and minority communities (Smith, G, 2001)8.
Jewish
Hindu
Sikh
Buddhist
Muslim
Pentecost
Jehovah's Witnesses
Baptist
United Reform
Evangelical
Christian
Christian Fellowship
Lutheran
Quakers
Catholic
Methodist
Historian W R Powell details the establishment of parishes and Catholic
churches in Harlow listing five parishes opening between 1951 and 1966. The
original Catholic Church used by the first migrants to Harlow was the church of
Our Lady of the Assumption in Mulberry Green, Old Harlow. As the population
of the New Town expanded four further sites were developed with Catholic
8
A study on the borough of Newham found “Among the Christian congregations Pentecostalism is
numerically dominant with around twice as many (three times as many in Newham) congregations as
the established Church of England. Independent Evangelicals, Baptists and Roman Catholics, and
Methodists are also well represented in line with their status as major denominations at the national
level. ... There is a lot of organised religion in Newham and it is particularly important to ethnic minority
communities.”
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churches including: Our Lady of Fatima (1960), Holy Cross (1963), St Thomas
Moore (1965) and St Luke (1966). Today the Churches of St Thomas Moore
and St Luke have amalgamated to become a shared Catholic and Church of
England Church (Powell, 1983, pp.149-158).
As well as the many Catholic churches that Powell detailed there are multiple
churches and places of worship for the varying denominations of the town’s
residents. There are seven churches that fall under the Church of England
denomination, a few of which include; St Mary with St Hugh in Churchgate
Street, Old Harlow, St Mary at Latton, St Paul’s Church, St Stephen’s Church
and St Mary Magdalene Church at Harlow Common. There are also Baptist
and Methodist churches in the town, located at Church Langley and in Potter
Street as well as Harlow Baptist Church in Old Harlow. Saint Andrews
Methodist Church is located at The Stow Shopping Centre9.
Harlow also has Evangelical churches and association such as: The Salvation
Army in Tendring Road, The Quakers Religious Society of Friends and Hope
Church. There is also a synagogue for the Jewish community, facilities for
Jehovah’s Witnesses, a Buddhist Group as well as an Islamic Community
Centre and the Herts & Essex Muslim Cultural Association (HEMCA) in
Kingsmoor House (Clements, 2007, Online). As well as multiple faith
organisations such as the Harlow Faith Forum10 and places of worship within
the town there are a number of charities and organisations that work together
with religious community leaders to integrate and educate the town’s residents
about other cultures and religions. ISS is an example of one such charity that
helps migrants settle in the town and to integrate with the community through
various events involving different faith groups when possible or hosting
independent events.
11. Urban economic structure and growth (e.g. share of national GDP):
On the whole, the balance of industrial groups in Harlow is indicative of the
picture both regionally and nationally. Of note, the proportion of Harlow’s VAT
based units belonging to manufacturing is significantly greater in Harlow when
compared regionally and nationally. This is largely due to Harlow’s legacy as a
post-war manufacturing town. Harlow’s Gross Value Added (GVA) per capita
is £19,100.
Local Futures produced a Place Profile for Harlow in 2012 which shows that
the size of Harlow’s economy is below the national median however the gross
weekly earnings in Harlow are very high, with the district ranking in the top
20% of districts nationally. The average gross weekly earnings in the town are
£509 compared with £454 in Essex and £493 nationally. Harlow has a small
9
Saint Andrews Methodist Church, the Stow Shopping Centre, Harlow. Google Maps, 2012, URL:
http://maps.google.co.uk/maps?hl=en-GB&gbv=2&safe=active&um=1&ie=UTF8&q=Methodist+church,+the+stow+harlow&fb=1&gl=uk&hq=Methodist+church,&hnear=0x47d89be65
7c32339:0xf2eddce31557dfb9,The+Stow,+Harlow&cid=0,0,2366325996753623597&sa=X&ei=JJiTUK
LIIuSt0QWUw4GwDQ&ved=0CBgQ_BIwAA [accessed 02 Nov 12]
10Harlow Faith Forum is part of the regional East of England Faiths Council. Other local Inter Faith
Bodies include: Epping Forest Multi-Faith Forum, Welwyn Hatfield InterFaith Group; Braintree District
InterFaith Forum et al. http://www.interfaith.org.uk/local/direast.htm [accessed 18 Jan 13]
Page 15
sized employment base, with the area ranking in the bottom 40% of districts
nationally. It accounted for 0.15% of all employees in Great Britain. Harlow
has an average sized public sector, with 29.36% of employment in this sector.
This compares with 27.75% in Essex and 27.86% nationally.
Despite high levels of start up rates, the 24 month business survival rate in
Harlow is recorded as being ‘very low by national standards’, with the district
ranking in the bottom 20% of districts nationally. Of all of the VAT registered
businesses in 2008, 65.33% were still trading in 2010. The self-employment
rate in the town is also recorded as very low by national standards. In 2012
the self-employment rate was 6.67% compared with 13.62% in Essex and
14.75% nationally.
12. Urban economic activities & unemployment rates, etc.:
Harlow has a relatively high rate of unemployment. Data from the Office for
National Statistics annual population survey shows the rate of economically
active adults in employment fell between June and September 2012 to 68.8
per cent. According to the Annual Population Survey there are now 4,100
unemployed residents in Harlow, 9.9 per cent of Harlow’s population. This is
the highest rate on record (since 2004 and as per the annual population
survey). The percentage of people claiming state benefits such as Job
Seeker’s Allowance (JSA) currently stands at 4.4 per cent.
These unemployment levels are largely linked to the recession, although the
difficulty for many residents in finding work can also be attributed to the high
proportion of the working age resident population who are educated to below
NVQ level 2 (Local Futures, Harlow Place Profile Summary, 2012) combined
with the lack of manufacturing and industry that exists in the town. This can be
broken down to 1,331 males (5.1%) and 880 (3.3%) of females. This
percentage is based upon a proportion of the resident population of working
age (16-64).
13. What are the predominant languages spoken in the city?
Harlow Council produces its documents in multiple languages in order to
support equal opportunities. Based on what is known about the local
community and the types of requests received for language line, the Council
estimates the greatest types of languages spoken in Harlow to be:
 English
 Polish
 Slovakian
 Bengali
 Hindu
 Punjabi
 Urdu
 Gujarati
 Niger-Congo languages
 Swahili
 Vietnamese
 Chinese
Page 16
The Council’s new website, due for release in February 2013 offers a translation
service, including with captions, in French, German, Spanish, Polish, Portuguese,
Italian, Hindu and Mandarin. This will be useful to the town’s migrant or non-English
speaking residents because it will allow integration into the community by
understanding important documents or services in other languages.
14. Topography: With the help of a map (if possible), please indicate where
the major communities of migrants/ diasporas are settled in the city.
Above (Map 2)
15. What is the mode of migration policies in the country of settlement
(exclusive, multicultural, inclusive, etc.)? Please also describe the
asylum legislation.
The British Government’s official stance on the political mobilisation and
integration of different communities is set out within the policy entitled ‘creating
the conditions for integration’. According to the Government policy:
“Integration means creating the conditions for everyone to play
a full part in national and local life. Our country is stronger by far
when each of us, whatever our background, has a chance to
contribute. And our communities are stronger when different
people not only treat each other with respect, but contribute
together. Integration is achieved when neighbourhoods, families
and individuals come together on issues which matter to them…
Integration benefits us all, and extremism and intolerance
undermine this as they promote fear and division. An integrated
society may be better equipped to reject extremism and
marginalise extremists.” (DCLG, 2012, p2).
In this context the British Government evidently favours integration of a British
identity above the celebration of diversity and multi-culturalism. For example,
Anika Haverig in her analysis of European responses to the perceived ‘threat
from within’ posed by (particularly Muslim) extremism, notes how in both the
UK and Germany “current discourses about integration are fundamentally
intertwined with policies addressing citizenship. At the national level, the
integrative value of formal citizenship has been recognised… to include
requirements that allegedly foster feelings of belonging. In addition to a
number of formal requirements, such as minimum residence time, aspiring
German and British citizens (and permanent residents) now also have to meet
“civic integration requirements” and demonstrate sufficient knowledge of the
national language and life in the respective country” (Haverig, 2012, p3).
The UK Border Agency website states that the “[…] UK has a proud tradition
of providing a place of safety for genuine refugees” (UK Border Agency
Website)11 and if asylum is granted under the 1951 United Nations Convention
Relating to the Status of Refugees will encourage and assist refugees to settle
11
http://www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/asylum/
Page 17
and integrate into life in the country. To claim asylum a person or persons
must have “[…] left the country of origin and be unable to go back because of
fear of persecution…” on grounds of: “race, religion, nationality, political
opinion or membership of a particular social group”.
16. What are the rules and legislation for the acquisition of citizenship?
There are set criteria regarding rules and legislation for the acquisition of
citizenship. The UK Border Agency’s website details the rules and eligibility
factors for citizenship. ‘Anyone seeking citizenship must be over eighteen
years of age and of a sound mind’. They must intend to continue living in the
United Kingdom and be able to communicate in English, Welsh or Scottish
Gaelic to an acceptable degree. The legislation has been developed in the
past number of years and now states that anyone applying for citizenship must
have a sufficient knowledge of life in the UK and be of good character. They
must have been a resident in the UK for a minimum of five years and in the
UK for five years prior to their application for citizenship. Furthermore
applicants must not have spent more than 450 days outside of the UK during
the five years period and no more than 90 days outside the country in the
twelve months prior to their application. Finally any applicants must not breach
any immigration rules at any time or their application will be rejected12.
17. What are the main strategies for the integration for migrants? Does the
city under examination provide for special urban programs or activities
in this area?
According to the academic Alan Manning, specialist on this subject, “[…] the
UK has sought to accommodate and celebrate cultural and ethnic diversity”
(Manning, 2009/10, p.14) and with multi-ethnic populations increasing in towns
the issue of integration and community has become more prominent in recent
years.
The Commission on Integration and Cohesion (CIC) was a task force
established in 2007 with the task of “[…] developing local and practical
solutions to building cohesion at a local level” in the United Kingdom and to
encourage communities to integrate and embrace the diversity of cultures”
(The Governments Response to the Commission on Integration and
Cohesion, 2008). One of the 57 recommendations put forward by the CIC in
their final report, ‘Our Shared Future’ was to establish ‘Community weeks’ in
towns and cities around the country, which the government duly launched a
Citizen’s Framework in 2007. Many local authorities committed to hold ‘citizen
days’ with “[…] a focus on celebrating all communities” (CIC, 2007, p.110) and
provide a chance for “[…] individual faith and other groups to open their doors
to each other” (CIC, 2007, p.110). There does not remain a statute or
requirement for local authorities to continue hosting these, although this type
of policy continues to be exemplified by Harlow Council for example, in the
support in arranging Black History Month, which is held every October in the
UK and in February in the USA and Canada. The aims of Black History Month
12
http://ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/britishcitizenship/eligibility/naturalisation/
Page 18
(BHM) are: to promote knowledge of the Black History, Cultural and Heritage;
Disseminate information on positive Black contributions to British Society and
to heighten the confidence and awareness of Black people to their cultural
heritage13. Harlow’s local black history group organises activities within
Harlow’s town centre.
Similarly a number of services to encourage migrants to integrate and become
part of their local community have been developed in Harlow by a range of
organisations. Integration Support Services host a range of activities for the
whole community to get involved in, from events such as African Food Day to
events celebrating festivals such as Eid Mubarak. Mimoza Matoshi the Chief
Executive Officer at Integrated Support Services (ISS) stated that Integrated
Support Service’s work and events are an important part of “[…] raising
awareness as well as a part of encouraging people to learn about others
cultures” (Integrated Support Services interview, 11 Oct 2012). This mode of
integration activity indicative of the same methods put forward by the
Commission on Integration and Cohesion as they encourage the whole
community to become involved and embrace cultures in their local community.
ISS also produce a newsletter in which they offer advice and workshops on
British traditions and festivals such as Harvest Festival and the Festival of
Remembrance in November each year. Mimoza Matoshi explained that many
migrants are confused with various British customs. Joanna Hewelt who also
works for Integration Support Services as an Immigration and Employment
Advisor added that “[…] we speak to them and educate them and so that their
children can be part of this and be involved”. As well as help and advice about
British customs, ISS also provide translation services and often accompany
migrants to public service providers, e.g. the local hospital or Harlow Council
to help interpret and convey clearly what is expected of them and how to get
help. The aim of ISS is “[…] to support the successful integration of migrants,
refugees and other ethnic groups providing a wide range of activities and
projects to support employment, education, community cohesion and active
participation for all members of our community” (ISS Newsletter, Oct 2012,
p.1).
The newsletter further states a list of services which ISS provide, these
include: Immigration applications including student, spouse, visitor and/or
dependant relative; entry clearance applications; in country extension and
settlement applications; naturalization application, applications for UK
nationality and indefinite leave to remain child registrations as British; travel
documents and European nationals and their family member’s documents.
Integration Support Services have recently been nationally recognized and
awarded for their contribution to society.
ISS voice difficulties in improving levels of wider community involvement and
limitations to broadening integration into minority faith groups in particular. In
particular they have found it difficult to encourage the Afro-Caribbean and
Chinese communities to participate in events; with many much preferring to
13
http://www.black-historymonth.co.uk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=223&Itemid=57
Page 19
celebrate events and festivals in their own way. However the team at
Integration Support Services remain positive about integration of these
communities: “we don’t stop, even if we don’t have any of the Chinese, or
African or Eastern European communities present, we still provide that event
for, you know people to be aware of other cultures and backgrounds” (ISS
interview, 11 Oct 2012).
18. Which urban policies impact on the migrants/Diaspora groups (e.g.
housing provisions, schooling, etc.)?
Integration Support Service’s pointed out that any change in policy is likely to
negatively affect those who are most vulnerable and with changes such as
reduction in budgets across the country due to economic difficulties. This has
impacted disproportionately on the town’s migrants; ‘those who are more
vulnerable or on a lower income will be most affected by changes to services’.
ISS have accompanied many migrants to organisations such as the Council
and local hospital due to the lack of interpreters available locally. According to
the charity, a reduction in the Council’s budget means that interpretation
services are no longer available or limited. In turn, and according to ISS, this
poses a problem for migrants whose first language is not English with regards
to understanding the town’s policies’ (ISS interview, 11 Oct 2012). A recent
publication by DCLG suggested ‘removing language opps’ as a way of
reducing costs14.
Funding for ISS comes from its valued partnerships with organisations and
governing bodies such as Harlow Council, Essex County Council, who in 2008
provided 25% of their total funding, the Essex Community Foundation (24%)
as well as obtaining 1% of its funding from donations (Integration Support
Services End of Year Report, 2008). However in recent years, due to the
economic climate, funding from a number of organisations has decreased or
ceased; at the time of writing Harlow Council were no longer directly funding
ISS but was providing in-kind resources such as access to support, printing,
venues and publicity for example.
ISS also generate income from making small charges for events and for
services they provide such as interpreting. In 2010 they were awarded over
£8,000 funding by the Big Lottery Fund in recognition for their valued work
within Harlow and the surrounding area15. Due to their charitable status ISS
rely on external funding to ensure that they can maintain their services and
continue to help migrants settle within the town and find accommodation and
employment; any change in urban policies which affected the services
Integrated Support Service’s provide would seemingly have a great impact on
migrants and jeopardise integration.
19. Does the country of settlement favour political mobilization and/or
political participation of migrants/Diaspora groups (e.g. voting rights)?
14Department
for Communities and Local Government (DCLG) 15http://www.lottery.culture.gov.uk/SearchResults.aspx?LA=Harlow.
Page 20
Paul Statham, an academic observer of British integration argues that the
“British race relations approach established in the 1960s had an important
effect that still shapes the patterns of political contention by different minority
groups today. Original data on political claims-making by minorities
demonstrate that British 'racialised' cultural pluralism has structured an
inequality of opportunities for the two main groups, African-Caribbean’s and
Indian subcontinent minorities… Within the Indian subcontinent minorities, the
relative absence of mobilisation by Indian, Sikh and Hindu minorities, who
have achieved much better levels of socio-economic success than Pakistani
and Bangladeshi Muslims, suggests that there is also a strong socio-economic
basis for shared experiences and grievances as Muslims in Britain” (Statham,
1999, pp 597-626).
A second academic, Ruud Koopmans, has undertaken a “comparative, crosslocal and cross-national analysis of the involvement of migrants and ethnic
minorities in public debates and mobilisation… [drawing] on media content
data for Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom”. Koopmans
concludes that “migrant incorporation policies have deep roots in national
traditions of citizenship and notions of national identity that cannot be changed
at will”. Therefore national cultural norms and traditions play an important part
in determining the relative ease of integration. However, “the local level is
generally more easily accessible for migrants than is the national political
arena. In that sense, there is a kernel of truth in the claim that integration
takes place primarily at the local level. The important qualification is that how
such local incorporation occurs, is largely determined by national repertoires
of citizenship and integration policies” (Koopmans, 2004, pp. 449–470).
The view that local participation in democracy is more accessible for migrants
locally than at the national level was also expressed in part by Integration
Support Services. For example they stated how ‘participation to vote is
advertised and readily available locally and the rights available for migrants of
eligible voting background’. However they concede that there are limitations to
the representation of migrants from local politicians, the low number of local
Councillors from black or minority ethnic groups (ISS interview, 11 Oct 12).
II. Migrants/Diaspora communities and host society population
1. Do the migrants/ Diaspora groups and the population of the country of
settlement settle, work and live in the same parts of the city? Please elaborate.
Harlow has seen in recent years many people entering the town for
employment (see Phase III – above); similarly many Harlow residents commute
to the city or surrounding areas (outside of the town) to work. There is no
exclusive correlation between migrants living and working within the town. In
the interview with Integration Support Services; Mimoza and Joanne pointed out
that the majority of migrants do live and work within the town; “[…] People do
work in factories where they do not live in Harlow but others do work in local
factories. Most live and work in Harlow” (ISS interview, 11 Oct 12).
Lisa Scullion and Gareth Morris from the University of Salford indicate that
Page 21
between May 2004 and June 2010 1,125 A816 nationals registered on Worker
Registration Schemes (WRS), of those 42% were Polish, 15% were Slovak’s
and 14% were Latvian. Restrictions to A8 migrants such as the WRS meant
that migrants who entered employment were required to obtain registration
certificates for each job that they have in the UK however after one year of
continuous employment they are no longer required to obtain registration. There
are weaknesses to this scheme however in that it does not apply to A2 migrants
(migrants from Bulgaria and Romania who joined the EU after 2007), it
excludes migrants who are self employed and it is based on the postcode of the
employer rather than the postcode of the employee.
Integration Support Services also indicated that there are many migrants who
come to the UK with the intention of working to save enough money to then
return home; “[…] but then they change their plans; they make friends and
have a house…then decide to try and buy a house” (ISS interview, 11 Oct 12).
There are many migrants who come to the UK but then have children who are
then enrolled at English schools; this makes it difficult for them to return to
their home country because of the disruption to the child. Furthermore
Integration Support Services pointed out that despite some migrants intending
to return home many find that they enjoy life in the UK and where they are
living; they then settle and “[…] no longer want to go back; they want to remain
here and be involved” (ISS interview, 11 Oct 12).
2. How does the population of the host society react to the presence of
these groups?
Integration Support Services claim that Harlow’s population’s reaction to the
presence of migrants in the town is mixed. They stated that “It is sometimes
evident that people are uncomfortable. Young people are normally angry and
frustrated with migrants but this is due to ignorance…” (ISS, 11 Oct 12). Both
Mimoza and Joanna expressed an observed ignorance in young people
surrounding the European Union, going on to say that “[…]many have very
little knowledge and understanding of the role of the European Union and why
the UK has migrants…” which leads to tensions between the town’s residents
and migrants, particularly in times of economic difficulty as the town’s
residents who are struggling to find employment see migrants as competition
and therefore resent them for apparently “taking jobs” away from them:
“There is not enough opportunity for people to mix and to gain an
understanding of different cultures and backgrounds. The lack of
cultural activities in Harlow causes tension and effects hate crime and
anti-social behaviour rates within the town and with the economic
conditions facing people in the present, many people believe that they
are competing for jobs, housing etc, which in turn increases tension”
(Integrated Support Services interview, 11 Oct 12).
16
A8 migrants are countries that joined the European Union in May 2004 who were subject to certain
restrictions. In the UK, the government regulated access to the labour market through the Worker
Registration Scheme (WRS), for the Czech Republic; Estonia; Hungary; Latvia; Lithuania; Poland;
Slovakia andSlovenia. Source: “Exploring the housing needs of migrant workers in Harlow and
Broxbourne” November 2010.
Page 22
3. In the past, have acts of racism occurred that were directed against the
migrants/ Diaspora groups? Please elaborate.
Social Cohesion:
Findings from Council resident surveys suggest that in Harlow, the proportion
of residents who believe that ‘people… from different backgrounds get on well
together’ is, in consideration of Harlow’s background, exceptionally high. Data
captured in 2008, 2011, 2012 shows that when asked this question, around
three quarters of residents agree; however data for 2013 shows that this has
fallen with less than seventy per cent of residents believing that ‘people…from
different backgrounds get on well together’.
2008
2011
2012
2013
% who agree
77.5%
71.2%
74.8%
68.2%
To put this in perspective, a national research group in the UK, IPSOS MORI,
have analysed these results (at the national level in 2008) compared to what
they would expect to find given several factors including; the amount of
immigration in each town, levels of deprivation, competition for jobs etc. Based
on this ‘expected’ (66%) vs. ‘actual’ (78%) score; Harlow is shown to have a
difference of +12% - the joint top performing in the Country for this measure:
www.ipsos-mori.com/.../1330_sri-localgov-mind-the-gap-frontiers-ofperformance-in-local-government-jan-2010.pdf
This research, in addition to the comments received from Integration Support
Services suggests that on the whole Harlow is a tolerant community; however,
there are strong elements of antagonism to immigrants locally which can
manifest in social tension and unrest.
Hate Crime and Aggravated Assaults:
Harlow Council’s community safety team holds a multi-representative ‘Hate
Crime’ panel which looks at incidents of hate crime on an ongoing basis and
the number of recorded hate crimes and racially or religiously aggravated
assaults (including verbal) is recorded on a monthly basis by Essex Police. As
per below, on average there are around 2 to 8 reported incidents of this per
month in Harlow.
The below chart shows that as a proportion of the population and compared to
other similar towns and cities in the UK suggests that this level of racial
harassment is around the lower-bound average (for the 12 months May 2011
– April 2012 there were 0.6 crimes per 1,000 residents in Harlow compared to
an average of 0.72 crimes per 1,000 for the below group).
Page 23
However, and according to Integration Support Services, hate crime in Harlow
goes largely unreported, ‘If you are new in the country you do not know the
name of hate crime, or you would not think it is hate crime, there is a language
barrier and because you don’t know the words you don’t report the crime. A
study two years ago found that 15% of those interviewed had had some kind
of experience of anti-social behaviour or hate crime but the explanation there
is that they do not understand how…’ (ISS interview, 11 Oct 12).
Page 24
Local Politics and Activism:
Given its working-class and ‘blue-collar’ roots (see above) Harlow has
traditionally been a left-wing and Labour (traditionally left-wing) seat. However,
as the national political situation has changed over time Harlow has become a
key ‘swing-seat’ for Governments and traditionally provides an early indication
of what the nation’s election results will be. The town like many similar places
returned a Conservative MP (centre-right) in 2010.
Overall, voting patterns for the past two general elections suggest that, the
majority of Harlow residents have sympathies to ‘left-wing’ candidates over
those to the right.
In 2010, however, Harlow was targeted as a potential seat for the British
National Party (BNP). Typically, where this party gains seats, there is a
correlation in the increase of racially and religiously motivated crimes against
ethnic minorities. In that year the BNP returned a vote of 1,739 (4% of the total
vote share and 2.8% of the adult population), in addition to 1,591 votes
returned to the anti-European and anti-immigration UK Independence Party
(UKIP) which has continued to polarise opinions regarding immigration and
EU membership during 2013.
Voting
Left-Wing
Centre-Left
Centre-Right
Year
2005
13%
41%
41%
2010
14%
34%
45%
Voting patterns in Harlow 2005 and 2010
Right-Wing
5%
8%
Harlow was also home to the formulation of a militaristic and neo-Nazi group
during the early 1990’s known as ‘COMBAT 18’ whose founder lived in Harlow
during its formation17. It was the first right-wing group in the UK to take the
state head-on, entirely rejecting conventional politics. The group had originally
promised a violent race war against "invading" immigrants and a system which
it believed had abandoned working-class "white" people. It proved attractive to
disillusioned young men across the country, and particularly on the council
estates of the South-East, because it brooked no compromise and promised
direct action against the "oppressors". This group became widely associated
with violence and assaults on black and ethnic minorities during the 1990s.
Whilst the group recruited widely outside of Harlow and within Essex more
widely this demonstrates that there existed within Harlow an undercurrent of
racism and nationalism within the area (Combat 18: Memoirs of a street
17
Combat 18 (C18) is a neo-Nazi organisation associated with Blood and Honour and National Front,
based on the principles of "leaderless resistance". It originated in England but has since spread to
other countries. Members of Combat 18 have been suspected in numerous deaths of immigrants, nonwhites, and other C18 members. Combat 18 was formed in early 1992 by Charlie Sargent, who
resided in a mobile home in Harlow, Essex at the time. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Combat_18
Related source: http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/combat-18-memoirs-of-astreetfighting-man-1142204.html
Page 25
fighting man, The Independent, February 199818).
At the time of writing, a devastating fire in Harlow resulted in the deaths of a
mother, Dr Sabah Usmani and her five children at the time of writing. The
crime is being investigated by the police. As of January 2013 Police have said
there is currently "nothing to suggest" the incident was a result of a raciallymotivated attack on the Muslim family. However, local newspapers have
broadcast that the fire is officially being treated as murder although a culprit or
culprits and their motives for the fire have yet to be determined19. This is an
isolated incident which shocked the local community deeply and demonstrated
solidarity between different local groups. The town continues to support the
only survivor, Dr Abdul Shakoor. Harlow Council opened a Book of
Condolence in the Civic Centre’s Contact Centre which members of the public
could sign in support of Dr Shakoor and his family. On 23 May 2013 the
national press reported that police had arrested a suspect on suspicion of
murder, attempted murder and arson. The suspect, aged 19 has been bailed
until 27 June 2013 while the police continue their investigations20 (BBC News
online).
4. Are the means of action of the Civil Society Organizations representing
the migrant groups contested/criticized by the local population?
Integration Support Services believe that conflict and opposition towards
organisations representing migrant groups is primarily caused by a lack of
understanding within the community and local people around the funding of
many organisations that exist to support migrants according to ISS. Many
believe that such groups are supported by Local Authorities which is not
entirely the case; Harlow Council strives to support as many charitable
organisations within the town as possible however with a limited budget and
resources available this is not always possible. However due to this lack of
understanding within the community, tensions are increased, particularly when
services are cut by the Council elsewhere as they believe it is being diverted
to supporting migrants. ISS further informed us that people become upset
because they believe that migrants are favoured over everyone else for
housing, schools, employment but this “[…] is a misperception across
communities as migrants have the same access as British people in the town”
(ISS interview, 11 Oct 12).
Not all of Harlow’s residents respond well when faced with developments of
new religious places of worship. In 2008 there were plans to extend the
Islamic Centre, which caused mixed reactions among the public. The Harlow
Star reported one major concern of resident’s was over parking; one resident
claimed: “[…] the catchment area for the proposed larger mosque is huge and
the parking is going to become even worse” (Paul Consalvey, Harlow Star,
18www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/combat-18-memoirs-of-a-streetfighting-man-
1142204.html
19http://www.harlowstar.co.uk/News/Harlow-news/BARN-MEAD-FIRE-Police-treating-blaze-asmurder-21112012.htm[accessed 18 Jan 13]
20
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-essex-22646426 [accessed 30 May 13]
Page 26
2008, Online)21. On the whole, resident’s reactions to religious developments
do not seem to be driven by an undercurrent of racism but concerns as to the
affects on the local community and on services; however there was a minority
who reacted in a racist way to the plans to extend the Kingsmoor Islamic
Centre. A further article in the Harlow Star in 2008 states:
“Although the majority of contributors to the group are not opposed to
the plans, the discussion board includes envisaged threats of
vandalism on the proposed building and dozens of racist and antiMuslim remarks” (Web Editor, Harlow Star, 2008)22.
The Harlow Star reported that these extreme reactions to local developments
are not the general population’s reactions. Many local residents cited
concerns over the affects the expansion would have on services in the
community; not because it was a religious place of worship. Comments
regarding religious worship were treated with a mixture of racist comments on
the one hand and counter-arguments expressed by other residents on the
other.
5. How is the presence of the migrants/ Diaspora groups presented in
local/national media?
There are mixed views regarding migrants in the United Kingdom and there
are various displays and reports in the local and national media. Generally
speaking immigration is viewed more positively from the left wing and more
negatively from right-wing and working class publications. There is a large
percentage of the white UK-born population who favour a severe reduction in
migration to the United Kingdom for a variety of reasons and this populist
attitude has been exploited by mainstream political parties.
Integration Support Services claim that migrants are presented negatively in
local and national media, which in turn makes Integration Support Services’
job more difficult because they have to work harder to encourage migrants to
integrate and reassure them that they will settle; many migrants will be worried
or concerned that they may face a hostile reception from the town’s residents
if they try to integrate and get involved in the community. Integrated Support
Service’s highlighted that “the local media are not interested in migrants and
good/positive achievements of migrants/migrant groups. The local media are
invited to many events but do not turn up” (ISS interview, 11 Oct 12).
High profile events such as Armistice Day protests by the minority “Muslims
Against Crusades” (MAC) group over two consecutive years (2010-11) in
which Muslims burnt poppies during the remembrance silence to remember
Britain’s war dead have created controversy in the UK. This act angered many
white and non-white UK citizens alike as it represented a direct action of
hatred against the country’s festivals and traditions. The act was perpetrated
by a minority group with many of those actually part of the MAC born in the
UK. This act is significant because it highlight’s the dissatisfaction of some
migrants with British culture and tradition. The leaders of the MAC were later
21
22
http://www.harlowstar.co.uk/News/Parking-fears-over-mosque-plan.htm
http://www.harlowstar.co.uk/Home/Facebook-rants-over-mosque-plan.htm
Page 27
prosecuted and fined “[…] for offences under the Public Health Order Act”
(BBC News, Online). National reportage of events such as this often create
tensions between residents and migrants and combined with the lack of local
events or positive reportage further alienates migrants, which can act as a
deterrent when it comes to integration within the local community.
Integration Support Services argue that the predominantly negative and one
sided national media coverage and little or no local level coverage is “[…] not
healthy for communities” and is a major cause of people’s “[…] ignorance and
misinformed views” (Integrated Support Service’s interview, 11 Oct 12).
Parts of the mainstream national press often build up a negative perception of
migrant’s disproportionately claiming welfare entitlements. The BBC news
website reported a government article called “Migrants on work related
benefits” in January 2012 found that 6.4% of the population in the UK claiming
benefits were migrants, which suggests an under-representation of claimants
per population, (the proportion of migrants in the UK is 11.9%)23. However in a
recent interview with Integrated Support Services it was pointed out that there
has been a change in legislation in recent years which automatically entitles
migrants to unemployment and other benefits when they arrive in the UK,
whereas in the past migrants had to have worked in the country for a minimum
of one year. Integrated Support Services “[…] believe that this is wrong as it
can create the wrong attitude before migrants even arrive in the UK” (ISS
interview, 11 Oct 12). Newspaper reports sway the public opinion, which can
be damaging to the way that people perceive migrants within towns and cities
and lead to tension and acts of violence and crime.
In January 2012 The Telegraph, one of the UK’s national newspapers
reported results of a poll that was conducted across the country on whether or
23
Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign-born_population_of_the_United_Kingdom
Page 28
not migrant’s should be permitted to claim benefits as it found that 370,000
migrants were claiming benefits. The results of the poll are included below24.
The article cites Chris Bryant, the Shadow Immigration Minister’s response as
blaming “[…] the Government and said the situation would only get worse due
to lax border controls, rising migration and increasing unemployment” He said:
"Tory ministers are resorting to rhetoric and misinformation to hide the reality
of their failures on immigration and unemployment” (Telegraph, 2012).
Daily Telegraph, Robert Winnett, 19 Jan 2012
6. What is the structural position of the migrants/ Diaspora groups
compared to that of the population of the country of settlement in the
city?
Question requires clarity.
7. In how far do organizations exist that include both the migrants and the
population of the country of settlement? Are there any other activities in
this domain? Please elaborate.
Integration Support Services is a key organisation within Harlow; however,
other institutions such as The Chinese Community Centre, the Irish
Community, and the Salvation Army exist locally. Each of these groups put on
various activities, either jointly or individually, such as International Women’s
Day and Black History Month.
ISS recited their organisation’s aims of bringing communities together and
educating everyone. Mimoza and Joanna at ISS did highlight that a number of
organisations work with them to put on events for the community; places such
as the Salvation Army and Stewards Academy which they believe is important
as they “[…] deal mainly with young people…between the ages of 18-35” (ISS
interview, 11 Oct 12).
Over the years Harlow Council has sought to integrate migrants with local
inhabitants through a number of strategies. For example, the Council has
opened a dialogue with local groups through its Community Cohesion
Strategy, Equalities Group (which has members from different backgrounds)
and by providing support to the Inter-faith forum. The Council has also made
buildings available for cross culture exchanges that foster understanding, for
example the Kingsmoor Community Centre being used for Muslim activities
and the aforementioned local Chinese Community Centre.
Harlow Council traditionally organised many events and activities throughout
the year for all of the town’s residents. However, as the Council’s resources for
providing this type of discretionary services has become scarcer these types
of activities have been shrinking in number; for example, the Harlow Town
Show is no longer provided. However, the Council has been successful in
finding alternative providers and models to deliver these events and services.
Moreover, where these activities are held, they tend to be provided in a way
24
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/9026401/370000-migrants-on-the-dole.html
Page 29
which encourages representation from different communities and people from
different faiths and cultural backgrounds to be involved although this is more
difficult to influence when outside of the Council’s control.
Page 30
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