The University of Notre Dame
Making Edmund Campion: Treason, Martyrdom, and the Structure of Transcendence
Author(s): Alice Dailey
Source: Religion & Literature, Vol. 38, No. 3 (Autumn, 2006), pp. 65-83
Published by: The University of Notre Dame
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40060026 .
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MAKING EDMUND CAMPION:
TREASON, MARTYRDOM, AND THE STRUCTURE OF
TRANSCENDENCE
Alice Dailey
[BJeingset up in the carte,he blessedhim self with the signe of the Crosse,
being so weake as he fel downe in the carte, & after he was up, he said: I
am a Catholike,and do dye in the catholikereligion,and therewithhe was
interruptedby SherifeMartine,saying,you come not hitherto confesseyour
religion, but as a traitorand malefactorto the Queenes Majestie and the
whole Realme, moving and sturingof sedition.
-William
Allen, XII ReverendPriests^
It has become a criticalcommonplace to talk about the inherent constructednessof- well, of nearly everything:gender, race, culture,power,
self, other,past, present.The field of early modern religiousstudiesis no
exception.Scholarshavelookedat the constructionof EnglishProtestantism
and nationhood in Foxe'sActsandMonuments
(Haller,Collinson, Mueller);
the pejorativeconstructionof Catholicism through Protestantpolemic;
and the recusant Catholic community'sconstructionsof itself through
writing,artifacts,and even physicalspace (Corthell;Dillon; Kilroy;Lake
and Questier;Marotti, Catholicism]
Shell; Yates).As these lines of inquiry
in
our
interest
constructedness
has tended to be focused
suggest,
religious
on the formationof religiouscommunities.We seem reluctantto consider
the deliberatefashioningof holiness,as thoughwe mightinfectthe studyof
earlymodernreligiousbelief with an anachronisticelementof postmodern
cynicism.To suggest,for example, that a mysticor martyris engaged in a
- or worse,
consciousact of self-fashioningis to riskappearingdisrespectful
ignorant of the earnestnessof earlymodernpiety.To avoidthisdifficulty,
R&L 38.3 (Autumn2006)
65
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66
Religion & Literature
we habituallyread devotional,martyrological,and hagiographicliterature
as the unmediateddocumentationof what people of the period thought
and believed. The literaryconstructednessof these artifactsis bracketed,
quarantinedas a threatto the authenticityof faith. Brad Gregory'sSalvationat Stakeis an exemplarystudy in this mode, readingmartyrologyas a
transparentrecordof earlymodern Christianbelief. Gregory'sstatedgoal
is to "plumbthe living souls"of early modern martyrs,therebyproducing a readingthat is "intelligibleon the martyrs'own terms"(1, II).2 The
imperativesof genericconvention,which I will argueare absolutelycentral
to both the event and text of martyrdom,exert no calculableinfluenceon
the martyrologicalworld Gregorypresentsnor on the conclusionsdrawn
from that world.
- the
This essay takes seriouslythe notion of religiousconstructedness
constructednessof not just sacred communities but sacred experience.
In particular,I want to examine the active and consciousconstructionof
martyrdom,firstby victimsthemselvesand then by those chargedwith the
taskof generatingmartyrology.Weknowlittleaboutearlymodernreligious
experiencebeyondthe textsthatdocumentit. How then can we havedirect
access to that experience "on the martyrs'own terms"without attention
to the literaryterms- the conventionsand structures- which shape that
documentation?And what of those kindsof religiousexperience,like martyrdom,which are as much about a faithevent as the storythat'scirculated
- of
of thatevent?How does the victim'santicipationof being narrativized
being recuperatedby devotionaltext and memory impactthe experience
of martyrdom?Indeed, does martyrdomever entirelyprecede martyrology?
My pointof entryis the 158 1 convictionand executionof FatherEdmund
Campion, the firstJesuit executed in England for treason under Elizabethan anti-Catholicpolicy.Campion'strialdemonstratesthe ways in which
the statutesagainstEnglishCatholicstrappedrecusantsin an inescapable
circularargumentthat reproducedits own signs of treasonwhile simultaneouslyalienatingthe Catholicsubjectfrom the discursivemechanismsof
martyrdom.The rhetoricalsubstitutionof treasonfor martyrdomis made
possibleby their structuralsimilarities:the figureof religiousexceptionalism is structurallyanalogousto the figureof consummatepoliticalcrime,
and thus the constructionof both martyrdomand treason depends on
what is fundamentallythe same discursiveoperation.I wish to suggestthat
by reading the texts surroundingthe Campion case with attention to his
effortsto inscribehimself into the martyrologicaltradition,we can see the
structuralfissuresthat the charge of treason producesfor martyrological
discourse.Ultimately,I argue, it is a formal ratherthan a confessionalor
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ALICE DAILEY
67
politicaldividethatrendersthe chargeof treasonsuchan effectivemeasure
for containingthe Catholicmissionto England.
The constructionof a martyr depends on transposingthe historical
events of an individual'slife and death into the suprahistoricalnarrative
thatconnectsChrist,the martyrsof the earlychurch,and the contemporary
victim throughtypologicalreiteration.Martyrology'sstoriesof witnessing,
torment, and constancyin death convertits subjectsfrom mere instances
of sufferingand religiousdissidenceinto transcendentfiguresof Christian
exemplarity.The constructionof martyrdomis made possibleonly through
strictnarrativerepetition.Augustinewrotethatit is the cause,not the death,
that makesa martyr(nonpoenasedcausa);but this is in fact only part of the
equation.The reproductionof martyrdomdependson the legiblenarrative
rehearsalof martyrmodels. In his study of medievalhagiography,James
Earldescribesthe genreas "literaryiconography"in which "theindividual,
by conformingthe patternsof his moral behaviorto the largerpatternsof
history,entersinto a typologicalrelationshipwith thathistory"(21, 18).The
legibilityof the martyricon Earlidentifiesis key:if an individual'sactions
are inconsistentwith establishedmartyrformulasor cannot easily be read
as reiterationsof apostolicor Christologicalsuffering,the individualwill not
transcendthe death event. In otherwords,if a victimdoes not fit the mold,
he or she can neitherbe interpretednor reproducedas a martyr.Moreover,
the mold is inflexible:the victims must be persecutedfor their faith;they
must openly confesstheir faith and readilydefend it againstthe adversary,
who representshereticalbelief; they must die in defense of the faith and
cannot appearto will theirown deaths;in theirmannerof death,they must
exhibitconstancyand piety;and ideally,death is attendedby miraculousor
providentialevidence of God's favor.
The Elizabethangovernment'sstrategicrelocationof Catholicdissidence
into a discourseof secularcrime truncatesthe victim'saccess to this paradigm. In place of martyrdom'stypologicalrecapitulation,the seculartrial
producesa storyof treason,duplicity,and attemptedregicide.This is made
possibleby the Reformation'sconsolidationof religiousand temporalpower
under the Crown, which posed a problem- at least philosophically- for
the Catholic recusant,whose allegiancesbecame divided between monarch and pope. This problemwas exacerbatedin 1570 when Pope Pius V
issuedthe bull excommunicatingElizabeth,deposingher frompower,and
absolvingher subjectsfromobedienceto her.Throughthisaction,the pope
essentiallypositionedthe entirebody of EnglishCatholicsas enemiesto the
Crown, threateningthat any who continuedin obedience to her would be
"innodate[d]in the like sentenceof Anathema."3Spurredby the very real
fears of domestic rebellion,foreign invasion,and assassinationthat grew
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Religion& Literature
out of the bull, the Queen and her ministersdeveloped severalstrategies
designedto rid the realm of those Catholicswho held with the pope over
their sovereignand to protectthe state from the internalthreatthey might
pose. By 1585, Parliamenthad passeda seriesof laws namingany Catholic
priest in England a traitor.The immediate targetsof these policies were
Jesuitand seminarypriests,who, it was believed,werebeing sentto England
from the Continent to stir up rebellionand prepare English Catholicsto
takeup armsagainsttheirQueen in supportof a papal-sponsoredinvasion.
A 1571 Act of Parliamentremindedsubjectsthat not only direct actions
against the state but also "imagining"or "intending"the Queen's death,
dethronement,or defeatby foreignpowerwere points of treason.4A 1582
royal proclamation,5followed up by a 1585 Act of Parliament,6made it
illegal for Catholic priests to remain in or come to England on penalty
of death for treason,on the statedpresumptionthat any who did so were
acting secretlyagainst the Queen. Aiding, maintaining,hiding, or failing
to turn in a knownpriestwere also declaredacts of treason,punishableby
death.Two proclamationsof 159 1, citingthe insidiouslysecretivenatureof
Catholicpriestsas particularcause for alarm, erectedpanels of inquiryto
questionsuspectedpriestsand abettorsand establisheda seriesof questions
intendedto probe suspects'allegianceto the Queen.7
James came to the thronewith plans for greaterreligioustolerationthat
were quicklyset aside in the wake of the GunpowderPlot of 1605. In responseto the Plotand the perceivedthreatposedby secretCatholics,James's
administrationpassedan act in 1606 that includedthe Oath of Allegiance,
which suspectedCatholicswould be requiredto take.The contentsof the
Oath revealmany of the anxietiesthat arosefromElizabeth'sexcommunication and subsequentCatholicplots, real or imagined.It requiredone to
state thatJames was the true and legitimateking of England;that no pope
or foreignpower could rightfullydepose him or release his subjectsfrom
obedience to him; that "notwithstandingany declarationor sentence of
Excommunication,"his subjectsmust maintain faithfulallegianceto him
and defend his person and throne;and that, regardlessof any statement
issuedby the pope to the contrary,it is "impiousand Hereticall"to believe
that subjectsmay depose and murdertheir sovereign(James89).
The Catholic Churchrespondedto these mechanismsby claimingreligious persecutionon the groundsthat the questionsbeing askedof Catholics, characterizedin governmentliterature(likeJames'sown defenseof the
Oath) as touching only secular allegiance,were fundamentallyquestions
of religiousconscience.But their claim to martyrdomwas underminedby
the charge of treason,a problem even Catholic apologistsadmitted.The
relocationof Catholicdissidenceinto a discourseof secularcrime had far-
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ALICE DAILEY
69
reachingeffectson the productionof Catholic martyrdom.Fora number
of reasons,the chargeof treasonand its attendantlegaldevelopmentsmade
it very difficultfor Catholic victims and their martyrologiststo establish
the typologicalconnectionsthat would enable them to transcendtrialand
executionand find a place within the sacrednarrativeof God'spersecuted
Churchon earth.
Edmund Campion was one of the first two Jesuits, along with Father
Robert Persons,to be sent on the mission to England. After trainingfor
the priesthoodin France,he re-enteredthe countryin 1580 in disguiseand
under an assumedname. Once his activitiesin Englandwere detected by
Cecil'selaboratespynetwork,his capturewas made a priority.The impetus
to arresthim was boosted by the publicationof a private document that
he had composed to defend his missionaryactivitiesin the event of his
capture. Campion had entrustedthe treatiseto a Catholic friend whose
zeal led him to share it with others. When it eventuallycaught the attention of authorities,the audacityof the document that came to be known
as Campion's"Challenge"or "Brag"incited the governmentall the more
vehementlyagainsthim.8His captureinJuly 1581 was regardedas a major
victory by the state. He was paraded throughLondon on horsebackwith
a sign on his head proclaiming,"Campion,the SeditiousJesuit."He was
then taken to the Tower,where he was torturedon the rackin an effortto
extractinformationthat would lead to the arrestsof other Catholics.Six
monthsaftercapture,he and the other priestsapprehendedwith him were
tried and convictedfor treason.They were hanged, drawn,and quartered
at Tyburnon December 1, 1581.
Campion'sconvictionhinged on two primaryissues:the alleged meetingshe had conductedwith other Catholics,in which Elizabeth'sdeathand
overthrowwereplotted,and his opinionsregardingthe Queen'ssupremacy.
As the sixteenthcenturywore on and the state became more experienced
at prosecuting recusants,these concerns would become streamlinedto
producetreasonconvictionsthat invitedsteadilydecreasingpublic dissent.
WitnesseslikeAnthonyMunday,who was broughtin to providetestimony
of Campion'ssupposedmeetingsand plots,mighteasilybe discredited,and
questionsaboutthe rightsof the Queen werechallengedas unlawful- with
some success- by Catholic apologistslike Cardinal William Allen.9 But
Campion'scase is illustrativeof the overarchingrhetoricthat would dominate Catholictreasontrialsfor decades to follow.
In his opening argumentsto the court, the Queen's council laid out the
relationshipbetween Catholicismand treasonthat provideda templatefor
subsequenttrials.Catholicpriests,he claimed,
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Religion & Literature
must come secretlyinto the realm, they must change their habit and names; they
must dissemble their vocations, they must wander unknown- to what end? To
dissuadethe people from their Allegiance to their prince, to reconcile them to the
pope, to plant the RomishReligion,to supplantboth princeand province- by what
means?By sayingof Mass,by administeringthe Sacrament,by hearingConfessions.
(Howell 1052-3)
This argumentequatesthe behaviorof Catholics- the secrecyand duplicity necessitatedby the laws enacted against them- with treasonousplots
to overthrowthe state by arguing that secrecy is a symptom of treason.
SituatingCatholic doctrine and practicewithin this discourseof treason,
the state makes the argument for Catholicismas a category of political
sedition rather than a matter of religiousconscience, preemptivelychallengingCatholicclaimsof religiouspersecution.The factspresentedin the
trial- Munday'sdubioustestimonyand the priests'ambiguousstatements
regardingthe Queen'ssupremacy- werethen normalizedinto thisbroader
rhetoricalscheme of Catholic treason.
The state'scase againstCampion and his fellowpriestswas foundedon
the premise that the pope was above all a political enemy of the English
state,a point drivenhome by the prosecution'srehearsalof the bull of excommunicationand its implications.The pope was posited as the author
of all treasonousplotsagainstthe Queen, with Catholicpriestsactingas his
agents in England,ministerscommissioned"to execute the Bull sent from
Pius Quintusagainsther majesty"(1053).Witnesseswere broughtforthto
testifyto meetings with papal emissariesin Rheims and Rome where the
defendants"conspiredthe death of the queen'smajesty,the overthrowof
the religionnow professedin England,the subversionof the state"(1049).
Among the variousplots they were accused of hatching,the priestswere
said to have planned to ambushand stab Elizabethwhile she was out on a
walk or set her barge on fire as she floateddown the Thames (1067-8).
Campion,the mostnotoriousas well as the mosteloquentand outspoken
of the defendants,denied the chargesand accusedthe state of persecuting
Catholicsmerelyforreligion.The factthathe and his fellowpriestshad been
offeredclemency in exchange for going to Protestantsermonswas proof,
he argued, that "Religionwas cause of our Imprisonmentand the consequence of our condemnation"(1055). This argument,to which Catholic
apologistswould return,insistson religiousaffiliationas a strictlyspiritual
categorythat has no relationshipto questionsof politicalsedition.But the
link between ecclesiasticalpower and secularrule was long establishedin
the history of the Catholic Church, and the papal bull had renewed its
currencyby pointedlypoliticizingreligionin England.
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ALICE DAILEY
71
In response to the claim that he and his fellow priests were sent into
Englandfor seditiouspurposes,Campion stated,"Weare dead men to the
world, we only traveledfor souls;we touched neither state nor policy,we
had no such commission"(1054).His remarkswere immediatelyseized on
by the prosecutionin an effort to discredithis claims of ascetic religiosity
and politicalinnocence:
Wereit not that your dealing afterwards[afterCampion came into the realm] had
fully bewrayedyou, your present Speech perhaps had been more credible;but all
afterclapsmake those excusesbut shadows,and your deeds and actionsproveyour
words but forged; for what meaning had that changing of your name, whereto
belonged your disguisingin apparel,can these alterationsbe wroughtwithout suspicion?Yourname being Campion,why were you called Hastings?Youa priestand
dead to the world,what pleasurehad you to roystthat?A velvet hat and a feather,a
buff leatherjerkin,velvetVenetians,are they weeds for dead men? Can that beseem
a professedman of religionwhich hardlybecometh a laymanof gravity?No; there
was a furthermatterintended;yourlurkingand lyinghid in secretplaces,concludeth
with the rest,a mischievousmeaning:had you come hitherfor love of your country,
; or had your intentbeen to have done well,
you would neverhavewroughtin
you would neverhavehated the light and thereforethis beginningdecypherethyour
Treason.(1059)'°
Under the prosecutor'sskillfulmanagement,Campion'sattemptsto hide
himself are treatedas manifestevidence of treasonwhich, in turn, is intendedto undermineanythinghe may sayin his own defense.The luxurious
clothing that he donned to avoid captureis used to challengehis religious
commitment, likewisesuggestingthat his purposes for being in England
were secularratherthan spiritual.
Campion acknowledgedhis attirebut contestedthe conclusionthat it in
any way proved treason. Rather,he said, his disguisewas necessitatedby
the persecutionof Catholicsand was consistentwith the model of apostolic
behavior:
I wishedearnestlythe plantingof the gospel. I knew a contraryreligionprofessed.I
saw if I were knownI shouldbe apprehended.I changedmy name:I kept secretly.I
imitatedPaul.WasI thereina traitor?But the wearingof a buffjerkin,a velvethat,
and such like is much forcedagainstme, as though the wearingof any apparelwere
treason,or that I in so doing were ever the more a traitor.I am not indictedupon the
statuteof Apparel,neitheris it any part of this presentarraignment.(1060)
Campion confrontsthe logic imposed by the prosecutionby arguingthat
wearinga disguiseand plottingtreasonare not the same thing.The parallel
he drawsbetweenhisown behaviorand thatof the apostolicmissionarieswas
reiteratedby anotherpriesttriedwith him, Ralph Sherwin,who described
his secretministryas a model of "the apostlesand fathersin the primitive
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church"(1064). Such comparisonswere rejectedby the court: "yourcase
differethfrom theirs in the primitivechurch, for that those apostles and
preachersnever conspiredthe death of the emperorsand rulersin whose
dominions they so taught and preached"(1064). According to the logic
of political crime, secrecy provesthe treason, and treason invalidatesthe
secrecy.
Campionand his fellowpriestswere caught in a circularargumentfrom
which there was no viable exit. The legal statutesagainstCatholicsforced
Englishmissionariesinto hiding and disguise;in turn, hiding and disguise
providedthe state with proof of the very treasonit feared. In its effortto
protect the state against crime, the law itself produceda set of behaviors
that it then seized on as evidence of that crime. In responseto this quagmire, Campion attemptedto legitimize Catholics'condemned actions by
linkingthem to the uncontestedsanctityof the originaryChristianchurch:
"Atwhat time the primitivechurchwas persecutedand that Paullaboured
in the propagationand increaseof the Gospel, it is not unknown,to what
straitsand pinches he and his fellowswere diverselydriven"(1059). The
legitimizingreligiousnarrativeCampionprovides thatsecrecyis evidence
of the true, persecutedchurch has no efficacywithin the context of the
seculartreasontrial.There, what might be offeredas evidenceof persecution is construedas evidence of crime, ultimatelyunderminingone of the
basic tenetsof martyrology:that persecutionitself witnessesto the truthof
the victim'scause.
The priests'attemptsto justify their position were furthercomplicated
by the vexed relationshipto secular and ecclesiasticalauthoritythat the
treasontrialexposed.The martyrologicalimperativeof witnessingto one's
faith, in conjunctionwith the papal bull, placed the Catholicdefendantin
a difficultposition:his or her allegiance to the Crown had been directly
prohibitedby papal authority,which Catholicswere equallybound to obey.
The competing demands of sovereignand pope left the EnglishCatholic
caught between two equally dismal and damnable categories,the traitor
and the excommunicateheretic. The trial accounts of Campion and his
companionsrevealthe priests'fraughtattemptsto avoidboth categoriesby
situatingthemselvesin a delicate medial space. As a consequence of this
tension,however,theybecome alienatedfromthe discoursesof both secular
loyaltyand Catholicconstancy.
Before his formal trial, each defendantwas interrogatedregardinghis
allegiance to the Queen and pope. The governmenthad carefullydeveloped a seriesof questionsmeant to probe recusants'beliefs regardingthe
pope's rightto depose temporalmonarchs,the lawfulnessof violent rebellion against the Queen, and the part they would take in the event that a
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ALICE DAILEY
73
papal army invadedthe realm. The questionswere put to the defendants
and their answersrecordedfor use in the prosecution'scase againstthem.
Forthe most part, however,the defendants'answerswere vague and noncommittal.Campion'sfellow priestsRalph Sherwinand AlexanderBrian
refusedto offeropinionson the pope's rightto depose on the groundsthat
doing so would imperiltheir own lives.11Brianremarkedthat the question
was "toohigh, and daungerousfor him to answere,"and Sherwin"prayeth
to bee asked no such question, as may touch his life" (1078). Two others,
Thomas CottamandJohn Shert,affirmedthat they "swervethin no pointe
from the Catholique Faith"but refusedto elaboratetheir understanding
of what Catholic doctrine demanded in present political circumstances
(1080).WilliamFilbeewent so far as to confirmthe pope'spowerto depose
but would not be pushed to apply this doctrine to the case of Elizabeth,
claimingthat "touchingthe Bui of Piusquintushe can say nothing"(1081).
Campion himself made a bolderbreakwith Catholicorthodoxy,testifying
thathe thoughtit unlikelythat the papalbullwas lawful:"thedivinesof the
catholicchurchdo distinguishof the pope'sauthority,attributingunto him
ordinationand inordination,potestatem,
ordinatem,
wherebyhe proceedethin
mattersmerelyspiritualand pertinentto the church,and by that he cannot
excommunicateany prince or potentate"(1062).
In all of theiranswers,the Catholicdefendantssoughtto avoidpositioning themselvesas traitors- as men who challengedor rejectedthe Queen's
authorityoverher subjects.Butin theircarefuleffortsto sidestepincriminating statements,they failedto affirmthe rightsof the pope, a cornerstoneof
Catholicorthodoxy.12Their claimsof religiouspersecutionwere therefore
confoundedby their own reticence to boldly confess the faith. This is the
ingenious effect of the treason proceeding:it placed the defendantin an
impossible situation. If he affirmed the righteousnessof Catholic doctrine- i.e., the pope's rightto dethroneElizabethand absolveher subjects
of allegianceto her- he fell into a discourseof treasonthat substantiated
anti-Catholicsentimentand foreclosedthe possibilityof achievingmartyrdom. On the other hand, if he did not uphold papal prerogative,he failed
in one of the necessaryacts of Christianmartyrdom,the confessionof the
tenets of faith. In either case, the reproductionof exemplarymartyrdom
wasjeopardized.
The repositioningof religiousdissidencewithin the structureof secular
law is what produces this crisis. The treason trial rendered it extremely
perilousfor the Catholicdefendantsto confesstheir religion- not because
they would die, which is essentialto martyrdom,but because they would
die as criminals.13
Forthe EnglishCounter-Reformation,two fundamental
imperativesof Christianmartyrdom,persecutionforreligionand confession
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of religion,became radicallyfracturedfrom one another.In consequence,
defendantslikeCampionweretrappedin a place of claimingthattheywere
persecutedfor religion at the same time they were workingto dissociate
themselvesfrom perilousCatholic doctrine.Probedonce more at the trial
about his opinion of the pope's supremacy,Campion finallystated, "I say
generallythatthesemattersbe merelyspiritualpointsof doctrineand disputable in schools,no partof mine indictment,not to be givenin evidence,and
unfit to be discussedat the King's Bench"(1063).While Campion argued
that the trial was a religiouspersecution,he simultaneouslyhad to argue
thatreligioncould haveno place in the trial,demonstratinghow the charge
of treasoncut the defendantoff from access to legitimizingorthodoxy.
Taken as a whole, these elements produce a prosecutionscene whose
overallstructureis markedlydifferentfrom what we find in patristicand
HRather
medievalmartyrology- or even inJohn Foxe'sActsandMonuments.
than a theologicalor doctrinaldisputebetween one religiousfaction and
another,we arepresentedwith a secularizeddebatein whichthe established
church and its theology have no visible role. Instead of being carriedout
by rival theologians,the prosecutionis manage by the representativesof
secularlaw, and the justice handed down is authorizedby secular rather
than ecclesiasticalpower.Throughoutthese trials,the governmentinsists
on Catholicism as a fundamentallypolitical category by concentrating
attentionon the antagonisticrelationshipin which the pope's bull placed
Catholicsubjectsvis-a-visthe Queen'ssupremacy.Governmentpropaganda,
legal prosecution,and executionscenesfocus on the Catholicas a political
enemy to the state, so that the individual'stheology- central to a heresy
case- is shiftedawayfromview.As such,priests'trialscenesconcentratenot
on questionsof religiousdoctrinelike transubstantiationbut on the issues
of supremacyand seditiousbehavior:how defendantsregardtheir duty to
the Queen in light of the papal bull, what co-religioniststhey met with or
helped, where they secretlyattended mass. Within this structure,there is
little opportunityfor acts of religiousconfessionor for the elaborationof
theology.In the case of Campion, the defendantwas granteda theological
disputationwhile imprisonedin the Tower,but neitherhe nor his prosecutors ever mentionedthat interviewduringthe course of his trial;it had no
place in the proceeding.Although Campion and his co-defendantsoften
openly statedtheir Catholicism,the mechanismsof the treasontrialtransform this into a political- not religious- confession. The confrontation
betweendisparatebelief systemsprovidedby a heresytrialsetsup precisely
the narrativeparadigmrequiredformartyrologicaltranscendence,whilethe
treasontrialforcesthe victim into an alternativeparadigmfrom which he
or she cannot easilyrecover.As a result,insteadof being assigneda heretic-
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ALICE DAILEY
75
identity,whichis fundamentallyan identitydefinedby faith,the condemned
an identitydefinedby political
Catholicsubjectis assigneda traitor-identity,
allegiance.
Most importantly,the treason charge situates Catholic subjects in an
exceedinglycomplex relationshipto both secular and papal authority.If
theyare to demonstratethattheyare freefromtreason,Catholicdefendants
cannot readilychallengethe moral authorityof the court but have to present themselvesas appropriatelyrespectfulof and subduedby the sovereign.
The movementawayfromthe Catholic-Protestant
debatecentralto Queen
a
trials
toward
debate
between
Catholic
Mary'sheresy
subjectsand their
own temporalgovernmentforeclosesthe victim-persecutordyad so central
to the martyrologicalparadigm:the positionof persecutoris occupied not
by a clear enemy but by a representativeof the secularauthorityto which
Catholics must continually demonstrate obedience. Further, the open
confessionof Catholic doctrinecomes to function in the trial as proof of
treason.If defendantsproclaimtheirbelief in papal supremacy- the only
point of religiousorthodoxyraisedin the trials- this provestheir rejection
of Elizabeth'slegitimacyand, thereby,their treason.If, on the other hand,
they deny or suppresstheir belief in the rightsof the pope, Catholicsare
themselvesin danger of excommunication.What's more, their failure to
fullyconfessthe tenetsof theirfaithseparatesthem all the furtherfromthe
rigiddemandsof exemplarymartyrdom.Unless they are willingto give up
theirfaith,which the governmentofferedas the only way out of the conundrum, Catholic defendantsfind their relationshipsto both secularloyalty
and Catholicorthodoxycompromised.They become whatJulia Reinhard
Lupton describesas vexed "citizen-saints,""figurescaught between two
competing, mutually exclusive,social, political, and religious structures"
(13). Circumscribedwithin the treasondiscourse,they cannot successfully
representthemselvesas at once true Catholics and true subjects of the
Queen.
The stakeswere high for both the governmentand the EnglishCatholic
cause,both sidesshowingan acute awarenessof the importanceof successfully disseminatingtheir respectivenarratives.The Elizabethgovernment
was faced with issuesof nationalsecurityand concernsabout the regime's
publicimage.Whetherthe statewas engagedin the same cruelpersecution
of which the notoriously"Bloody"Marywas accusedor wasjustly defending itself againstpoliticalthreatis a questionthat is played out repeatedly
in the polemics of the period.15These questionshave bearing on English
publicopinionas well as on a largerEuropeanaudienceand on the country's
engagement in internationalaffairs.For Catholics, the question became
whether their priestsand faithfullay men and women would go down in
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76
Religion& Literature
history as arch criminalsor as glorious martyrs,each presentingalternative ramificationsfor the continuingviabilityand growth of the Catholic
religion,especiallyin England.If Catholicapologistswere unsuccessful,if
the victims could not be recuperatedinto the ranksof faithfulChristian
martyrs,executedCatholicscouldbecome a liabilityratherthanan assetfor
the Catholiccause. Failingto assuagepublic suspicionof Catholics'activitiesmightcompromisethe Englishmissionas well as potentiallyundermine
Catholic authorityin other countries.Moreover,if a priest executed for
treason were not successfullyrepresentedas a martyr,the victim'ssalvation must come into question. The rival discoursesof secularjustice and
Christianmartyrologyposit divergentoutcomesfor the victim:in the penal
narrativeunrepentantvictims are damned, while in the martyrological
narrativethey are saved.How the victim is recordedfor posterity- traitor
or martyr- ultimatelydetermineshis or her eternalfate, at least insofaras
the Christiancommunitycan read and determinethat fate.
Given these stakes, it is no surprisethat Campion's case produced a
heated controversy,one that graduallyescalated from rumor to popular
pamphletsto officialtractsby the most prominentmen on either side. A
anddefence
short,anonymousoctavopamphlettitledAnadvertisement
for Trueth
and Colourers
and speciallyagainstthewhispringFavourers,
of
againstherBackbiters,
1
1
is
of
the
earliest texts
and
the
rest
his
treasons
58
one
)
of
confederats
(
Campions,
in the debate.Only five pages in length, it was publishedwithin the month
of Campion'sexecution.The titlepoints to the Campioncase as contested
territoryand announcesthe text as a responseto the effortof pro-Campion
gossipto recasthis death as religiouspersecution.The authorwrites,
it is maliciously,falsly,and traiterouslyby some of the secret favourersof the said
Campion, and other the said condemned Traitours,whispered in corners, that
the offences of these traitours,were but for their secret attemptingsas jesuites by
exhortingand teaching,with Shriving,Massing,and such like actes, to move people
to change their Religion [...]. (A2v)
Likethe trialitself,the pamphletformulatesthese Catholicpracticesas politicalacts- as "highTreasonscommittedagainsther Majestiesmost Royall
person,and againstthe ancientLawesand statutesof thisRealme"(A3).The
text thus acts to circulatethe principleargumentsof the trial in the effort
to duplicatein the court of publicopinion the conclusionsadvancedin the
courtof law- that the claim of religiouspersecutionholds no weight since
religiousriteshave been adaptedby Catholicmissionariesinto vehiclesfor
treason.In other words,the aim of the text is to organizepopulardebate
over the Campion case by secularizingthe discussionin accordancewith
the same preceptsthat governedthe trial.
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ALICE DAILEY
77
The most interestingelementof the pamphletis its representationof the
defendants'attitudestowardpapalsupremacy.Accordingto the author,their
refusalto condemn the pope'sbull againstElizabethis tantamountto their
agreeingwith it and can therebybe understoodas evidence of treason:
none of them all [. . .] coulde be perswadedby any their answeresto shewe in any
part theirmislikingseytherof the formerBull [. . .] or of the Pope that nowe is, if he
shoulde nowe publish the like Bull against her Majestie,so as they did apparantly
shew their traiterousheartsstil fixed to persistin their devilishmindes againsttheir
naturallallegeance.(A4)
In this formulation,the "hearts"of the priestsare laid bare not by what
they say but what they fail to say; the verballacuna operatesas a signifier
of treasonand "apparantlyshew[s]"their"devilishmindes"as conclusively
as any otherform of testimony.The rhetoricof treasonresolvesthe priests'
silenceinto an inflexiblesemioticcode: silence= treason.Silence^ absence
of opinion;silence^ ignorance;silence^ indecisiveness.The discoursesof
secularlaw and public opinion operate accordingto a language in which
silence is necessarilya signifierof guilt. By rehearsingand circulatingthis
language,the authorof the pamphletattemptsto ensurethat the codes of
legal discourse- ratherthan of a religiousor conscientiousdiscourse,for
example- penetratepopularrenderingsof the Campion narrative.
AJesuitwho was presentat the priests'execution,Thomas Alfield,soon
of thedeath& martyrdome
respondedwith a pamphletof his own, A truereporte
l6He
1
M.
of
Jesuiteandprieste
( 582).
Campion
positionedhis text as a rejoinder
to An advertisement
Backbiters
as
well
as to the "manyslaunders"ciragainst
to
"diminish
the
honour
of
their
[the priests']resolutedeparture
culating
and Martirdome"(AlfieldAir). A truereporte
operateson the assumptions
of arsmoriendi,
or the "artof dying"- namely,that comportmentat death
providesa transparentindicationof the stateof the victim'ssoul and clearly
demonstrateswhetherhe or she is saved.But in this accountof Campion's
execution, even the death scene is made problematicby the intrusionof
secular authority,evidencing the impingementof the treason charge on
martyrologicalnarrative.Forthe most part, the accountof Campion'strial
is devoid of the overtverbaland behavioraltropesthat permeatepatristic
martyrologicalmodels:therearefew displaysof piety- likekneeling,prayer,
or kissinginstrumentsof persecution- and little or no echo of traditional
martyr language like lamb-to-the-slaughtermetaphors, forgiveness of
persecutors,or phrases repeated from Christ'scrucifixion.What we find
instead is an execution that is closely focused on the question of whether
or not Campion is guilty of treason.
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78
Religion & Literature
At the scaffold,Campion'sattentionis constantlybeingturnedawayfrom
prayerand religiousconfessionto the treasoncharge.Beingbroughtinto the
cartfromwhich he would be hanged, Campionproceedsto quote St. Paul,
announcinghimself "aspectacle,or a sight,unto God, unto his Angels,and
unto men" (AlfieldB4v-Clr). Those chargedwith overseeinghis execution
soon interrupthim, "earnestlyurging him to confesse his treasonagainst
her majestie,and to acknowledgehimself gilty"(Clr). Campion responds
that he is "altogetherinnocent"of the chargesbroughtagainsthim (Clr).
He begs to be allowedto "speakea wordeor too for dischargeof [his]conscience"but is again preventedfrom prayerand "forcedto speake onely
to that point which they most urged"(Clr). Campion proclaimsthat he is
"giltless& innocentof all treasonand conspiracie,cravingcreditto be geven
to his answere,as to the last answeremade upon his death & soule,"and he
forgivesthe jury who condemned him (Clr). The conversationthen turns
to his clarificationof evidence presentedin court, followedby the reading
of his sentence,duringwhich Campion is observedto be "devoutlyepraying"(C2r).Still unsatisfiedwith Campion'sfailureto admit his treason,the
officialsnext questionhim on his positionon the bull of excommunication
and his allegianceto the pope. He maintainshimself a devoutCatholicand
resumespraying,again being interruptedand orderedto pray in English
ratherthan Latin and to pray specificallyfor the Queen. He defends his
use of Latinbut wishesElizabeth"a long quiet raigne,with all prosperity,"
and then he is executed (C2v).
What we see in this account of Campion'sdeath is that the effortmade
throughouthis trialto establishhis identityas traitorspillsonto the scaffold,
wherethe rivaldiscoursesof treasonand martyrdomplay themselvesout in
a final, all-importantpush to secure the event for posterity.The continual
shiftingof attention back to the question of treason disruptsthe victim's
attemptto control the terms of his own death.Just as in the trial, the two
sidesare at odds about the natureof the discourseat hand, each attempting
to perform a discoursethat is interruptedby the other. Campion'sdeath
becomes a dramawhose genre is undercontention.The state seeksto perform the scriptof a treasontrialand execution,while Campion insiststhat
the operativescriptis that of a religiouspersecution- a martyrdom.17
As martyrologist,then, Alfield is presentedwith a challenge.From this
fracturedperformanceof competingscripts,Alfieldis chargedwith fashioning a typologicallylegible, unproblematicstory of exemplary,holy death.
To manage this, he can either falsifythe historicalevents, eliminatingthe
problematictreasoncues, or situatethose eventswithina largerframework
of familiartypologicalformulas.Using the latterstrategy,Alfieldessentially
bookendsthe narrativeof Campion'sdeathwith the conventionallanguage
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ALICE DAILEY
79
of Christianmartyrdom.He introduceshis accountby sayingthatCampion
"aftermanyconflictesand agonies,joyfully[came]to receivehis rewardand
crowne,the kingdomeof heaven,"and the conclusionof Campion'sstory
ringswith familiarmartyrologicaltropes:"he meekelyand sweetlyyelded
his soule unto his Saviour,protestingthat he dyed a perfectCatholike";he
"triumfedon the world, the flesh, the divell, and receivedhis long desired
crown"(B4v,C2v).
This representationof Campionis compromisednot only by the circumstances of the execution but by the behaviorof Campion himself:in his
effortto proveonce and for all that he is not a traitor,he ends his life praying for the Queen, a hereticexcommunicatedby his church.This conflicts
with his representationof himself as dying "a perfect Catholike."Alfield
describesthe executedpriestsas "paternesof piety,vertue,and innocencie,"
but the narrativerevealsa deeply heterodox,problematicpattern,one that
bears importantdifferencesto the martryologicalparadigmevidenced by
patristicand medievalmodels (A3r).While Alfieldattemptsto close these
fissuresby declaring that "all men are perswaded that those innocentes
sufferedonly for religionfor our fathersfaith,"the circumstancesthat he
describesas promptinghis text- the "mostinfamouslibel,"Anadvertisement
and the rumorsthat Campion had a bad death- indicate
againstBackbiters,
thatthe public'sinterpretationof the executionwas farlesshomogeneously
sympatheticthan he would wish (Blr, A3r).
It is the closestructuralrelationshipbetweenthe discoursesof martyrand
traitorthat creates this representationalrupture.Martyrdomis produced
by transforminghistoricalevents (utterances,gestures,actions,death)into
typologicalmarkersthatallowforthe positioningof the victimin a narrative
of spiritualtranscendence.Becausethe victim'sconscienceis alwaysfinally
a cipher,and whatis writtenon the heart- truefaithor hypocrisy- is never
fullylegible to any but God, the constructionof martyrdomis necessarily
an act of interpretivenarration.If the martyrcannot be produced as a
coherent literaryfigure,the existentialcategory of martyrdomis likewise
imperiled.The same is truefor the traitor.Althoughthe victim'sinsidesare
exposedfor all to see, the executioner'sinvitationto "Beholdthe heartof a
traitor"is essentiallyan invitationto the same kind of interpretiveact that
constructsmartyrdom,one that demands that the body and soul be read
as part of a broaderstoryof treasonthat has alreadybeen composedfrom
the victim'swordsand behavior.This story,likethe martyr'sstory,is equally
transcendent,situatingthe victim as the anti-citizen,the arch-criminal,the
exemplarof the damned.The difference- and the reasonthat the treason
chargeis so disruptive- is that the narrativestructureof treasonis farmore
flexiblethanthe structureof martyrdom,whichis alwaysbound up with the
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80
Religion & Literature
rigidtypologicalimperativesof Christologicaland hagiographicsuffering.
Thus Elizabeth'sdiscursivesubstitutionof treason for martyrdom- her
reinscriptionof the cipher of the heart- is essentiallythe substitutionof
one narrativefor another.In place of martyrologicalexemplarity,treason
providesa rivalstoryof transcendencethat'ssimplyeasier to tell.
Villanova University
NOTES
1. This passagefrom Allen'smartyrologyrefersto the execution of Thomas Ford,one
of the prieststriedwith Campion.
2. Gregory'sintroductionannouncesitshostilityto a rangeof potentialpostmodernreadings of martyrology,objectingthat such readingscan only fail to take early modern belief
as seriouslyas it takesitself.Much of what he objectsto and claims to be workingagainst,
however,are hypothetical,"strawman"readingsof earlymodernreligionthatseem unlikely
to be launchedby any reasonablescholar.But the anxiety that underliesthese objectionsis
not specificto Gregory.
3. Pius V's bull, Regnans
in Excelsis,can be found in the originalLatinand in an English
translationin Barlow 1-6.
4. "AnAct wherebycertainoffencesbe made treasons"in Elton 73-77.
5. "DeclaringJesuitsand Non-ReturningSeminariansTraitors"in Hughes and Larkin
489-501.
6. "AnAct for provisionto be made for the suretyof the Queen's most royalperson"
in Elton 77-80.
7. "EstablishingCommissionsAgainst Seminary Priestsand Jesuits"and "Specifying
Questionsto be Askedof SeminaryPriests"in Hughes and Larkin86-95.
8. Campion's "Challenge"was published in a document that refuted it, Meredith
Hanmer's Thegreatbraggeand challengeof M. Championa Jesuite. On the various responses to
Campion's "Challenge"and his Latin treatisein defense of his faith, DecemRationes,see
Milward54-59.
9. See Allen's A Briefe historieof the GloriousMartyrdomof XII. ReverendPriestsand A True,
Sincere,andModestDefenseof English Catholics.
10. The place name designatedby the blank is excluded in the trial transcript.The
prosecutor'scatalogof Campion'sattirecomes froma descriptionof him thatwas circulated
to aid his capture.
1 1. A particulardeclarationor testimony,of the undutifulland traiterousaffectionborneagainsther
Priestesis an account of the priests' anMajestieby EdmondCampionJesuite, and othercondemned
swersto the six questions.This shorttext was publishedby ChristopherBarker,the Queen's
printer,and is thereforepresumed to be an officiallysanctioned document. Because it is
unpaginatedand appearsin its entiretyin StateTrials(immediatelyfollowingthe account of
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ALICE DAILEY
81
Campion'strial),page numbersfrom this text will referto the StateTrialsversion.
12. Because Pope Pius V died less than two years (d. May 1, 1572) after he issued the
bull of excommunicationagainst Elizabeth, there was some question among Catholics
about whetheror not it was still officiallyin effect. Six subsequentpopes would hold office
by the time Elizabethdied in 1603, and none cared to weigh in on the issue with either a
renewalor retractionof the bull. However,Pope PaulV, who was elected in 1605, made a
statementwarning EnglishCatholicsnot to takeJames's Oath of Allegiance.In it, he advised them that the contentsof the Oath- the rejectionof the pope'spower to depose and
excommunicate- were hereticaland that the Oath could not be taken without imperiling
one's salvation.This decree indicatesthat, although the papacy issued no officialposition
on ElizabethafterPius'sbull, the questionof papalprerogativethatwas centralto trialslike
Campion'sremaineda consistentpoint of Catholicorthodoxy.
13. ImprisonedCatholicsroutinelyexpressedtheirdesirefor martyrdom,and Campion
was no exception.Marottireports,"WhenCampionhad enteredEngland,he did so with no
reluctance,as he said to the authorities,to 'enjoyyour Tyburn.'Likeother militantJesuits,
he thoughtof himself as a martyrin the making"{Religious
91).
Ideology
14. As I have argued elsewhere, Foxes ActsandMonuments
successfullynegotiates the
demands of both historicalaccuracy and typologicaluniformity,principallybecause the
Marianpersecutionswere centeredon the chargeof heresy,not treason.
15. Coffeysuggeststhatthe practiceof executingreligiousdissentersforheresyhad come
to be associatedwith Roman Catholicismand was thereforeregardedwarily by a broad
range of early modern English theologians,including King James, who told Parliament
that "it is a sure rule in Divinitie,that God neverloves to plant his Churchby violence and
bloodshed"(quotedin Coffey 27).
16. The text was publishedanonymously,but Alfield has long been consideredits author.
17. ForthismetaphorI am indebtedto MatthewKozusko,who generouslyreadmultiple
draftsof this essay.
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