The Economic
and Social Review,
Vol 12, No. 4, July 1981, pp.
287-299
Role-Imposition or Role-Improvisation:
Some Theoretical Principles
C H A R L E S POWERS*
Indiana University,
Bloomington
Precis: Two assumptions are made. First, role-improvisation and structural determination of role
content are viewed as opposing processes inherent in all situations. Second, the relative importance of
these processes is assumed to differ from case to case. Conditions effecting outcomes of the opposition
between role-improvisation and imposition are specified in a series of theoretical principles. These
principles constitute boundary conditions linking interactionist and structural perspectives.
I THE PROBLEM
O
ne o f the most enduring issues i n sociology has been whether roles and
role related behaviour are emergent properties improvised b y the people
involved i n a relationship, or are imposed u p o n actors b y the broader sociocultural setting i n w h i c h the relationship is embedded. Scholars have reached
general agreement that w h a t may be termed role-improvisation and rolei m p o s i t i o n are distinct processes, each o f w h i c h accounts for some social
phenomena. A n d b o t h processes are, t o varying degrees, operative i n all
social contexts. Given this consensus, recent debate has shifted t o questions
o f the relative pervasiveness o f the t w o processes i n different empirical
contexts. Structuralists argue that the problematic nature o f social order
makes role-imposition a theoretically i m p o r t a n t process, and that substitution
o f personnel i n complex systems demonstrates the u b i q u i t y o f the process.
So, for example, there can be complete turnover o f clients i n a store,
students i n a school, or workers o n an assembly l i n e , w i t h l i t t l e fundamental
*Prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the Pacific Sociological Association, 1980. The
author has benefited from stimulating exchange with Ralph Turner, Jonathan Turner, Robert Dubin,
Eliot Smith and Carlos Quilez.
change i n the character o f the organisation (Parsons and Shils, 1953, p p .
146-153). Interactionists argue that role-imposition is less pervasive and less
complete than usually imagined. A n d when role-imposition is viewed as the
exception rather than the rule, pre-occupation w i t h this process derails
efforts t o understand the t r u l y generic improvisational features o f roles and
role development (Blumer, 1969).
A l t h o u g h role-improvisation and role-imposition are thought o f as com­
peting dynamics (Turner, 1967), no systematic effort has been made to
i d e n t i f y the conditions under w h i c h these processes are differentially facili­
tated or restrained. Y e t , specifying conditions w h i c h m o d i f y the relative
probabilities o f these processes is an i m p o r t a n t theoretical objective for t w o
reasons. First, facilitation and restraint o f role-improvisation and rolei m p o s i t i o n constitute boundary conditions o n interactionist and structural
theories, respectively. Secondly, the inherent opposition o f these processes is
an i m p o r t a n t interface l i n k i n g role relationships (micro settings) w i t h
broader social structure (macro settings). Conditions influencing w h i c h
process w i l l be d o m i n a n t are simultaneously indicative o f the ways i n w h i c h
social structure sets parameters u p o n the development o f roles, and conversely,
the ways i n w h i c h relationships set parameters u p o n the organisation o f
collective activity (Banton, 1965).
The b o u n d a r y conditions being discussed are n o t w h o l l y u n k n o w n t o soci­
ologists. Such boundary conditions are occasionally mentioned i n works
elucidating interactionist and structural perspectives. Indeed, a substantial
number o f empirical studies chronicle conditions under w h i c h role-impro­
visation and r o l e - i m p o s i t i o n have assumed varying forms, and have occurred
i n varying degrees. The interesting theoretical task n o w becomes articulation
o f general principles w h i c h explain these findings. This codification contrib­
utes t o theoretical development b y clarifying associations among roles and
other sociological phenomena.
The object o f this article, then, is t o call a t t e n t i o n t o those conditions
w h i c h are sufficiently general and pervasive t o suggest theoretical principles.
I n particular, the goal is t o articulate these insights at a higher and more
theoretically useful level o f abstraction than is t y p i c a l i n the literature
( f o l l o w i n g the strategy suggested b y Turner and Beeghley, 1981). Empirical
findings concerning the opposition o f role-improvisation and role-imposition
can be subsumed under ten general principles. These, i n t u r n , are consistent
w i t h , and derivable f r o m , three o f the axiomatic maxims w h i c h role theorists
w i d e l y regard as accepted truths.
I I PRINCIPLES OF C U M U L A T I V E D E V E L O P M E N T
Three
axioms
o n role-making are relevant t o the opposition o f role-
imposing and role-improvising processes. A x i o m 1, that role-making is a
developmental process, was the first tenet o f American sociology. The idea
that meaning must be constructed over t i m e underscores George Herbert
Mead's pioneering w o r k i n symbolic interaction, and i t underscores an
i m p o r t a n t American research t r a d i t i o n (circa 1920-1940) exploring the dis­
tinctive character o f p r i m a r y groups. (For a recent re-statement o f A x i o m 1
see Shibutani, 1978.)
A x i o m 1 : (Cumulative
Development) Improvisation
of
Complementary
Roles is Cumulative
Roles are complementary w h e n one party's rights are another party's
obligations, and vice versa (Gouldner, 1960). T h r o u g h o u t this paper, comple­
m e n t a r i t y is assumed t o be part o f the definition o f "roles" (Turner, 1968
p . 5 5 4 ) . Role-improvisation is defined as the extent t o w h i c h the organisation
and meaning o f roles are invented b y the people immediately involved i n a
relationship. I t is i m p o r t a n t t o clarify that improvised roles may become
routinised and repetitive. They are improvised o n l y i n the sense that they
are n o t c u l t u r a l l y standard versions. (Whether improvised roles are l i k e l y
t o become routinised, or must be continually re-improvised, is an issue
addressed i n Principle 6.) Hence, A x i o m 1 suggests that actors re-interpret,
redefine, and re-structure their relationships during the on-going process o f
i n t e r a c t i o n . Contrary t o the c o m m o n sense view that prolonged contact
over-socialises people and stifles creative exchange, the h u m a n propensity
t o improvise increases w i t h familiarity and w i t h amount o f time spent
interacting.
Numerous principles are derivable from the Cumulative Development
A x i o m , b u t A x i o m 1 is probably best illustrated b y the C o n t i n u i t y Principle.
Principle 1 ( C o n t i n u i t y ) : Other Things Being Equal, the Greater the Contin­
uity of Personnel in Role Relationships, the More Likely is
Role-improvisation
C o n t i n u i t y o f personnel is defined as the extent t o w h i c h incumbency i n
a situationally specific set o f complementary roles remains unchanged.
C o n t i n u i t y , t h e n , is an i m p o r t a n t expression o f the Cumulative Development
A x i o m because i t focuses a t t e n t i o n on renewed relationships, and the
cumulative construction o f social meaning.
Cumulative role development is facilitated when roles are occupied over
l o n g periods o f time b y the same persons. For example, children going
t h r o u g h a school together often improvise unique and lasting systems o f
complementary relationships. Conversely, advanced division o f labour is i n
large part predicated u p o n d i s c o n t i n u i t y o f personnel. V o l u m e sales outlets
are characteristic — some role incumbents (clients) are always changing.
A l t h o u g h greetings, amenities, and other enacted behaviour may differ f r o m
individual t o individual, focal characteristics assigned t o each role are l i k e l y
t o assume standardised forms w h i c h are imposed u p o n the customer and
salesperson f r o m outside their dyadic relationship. O n l y when c o n t i n u i t y
unforeseeably increases, as i n the case o f the "regular customer", can i m p r o ­
vised roles be expected t o displace imposed roles w i t h any degree o f patterned
regularity.
The C o n t i n u i t y Principle can be stated at lower levels o f abstraction b y
calling a t t e n t i o n t o specific empirical manifestations o f c o n t i n u i t y . For
instance, the more frequently the same incumbents participate i n a comple­
mentary relationship, the more l i k e l y are their roles t o assume improvised
f o r m . So m a n y such empirically based propositions can be derived that i t
becomes impractical t o list t h e m here. Nevertheless, readers should exercise
liberal license i n deriving such propositions whenever they m i g h t prove
useful.
When considered i n its many empirical forms, the C o n t i n u i t y Principle
suggests explanations for a variety o f h i t h e r t o baffling phenomena. For
example, the atomisation and demise o f w o r k i n g class consciousness i n the
post-Second W o r l d War period may be a function o f geographic m o b i l i t y . T o
the extent t h a t workers previously lived and w o r k e d i n inter-generationally
stable communities, c o n t i n u i t y probably fostered the development o f shared
definitions and trust required for collective political action. Principle 1 also
suggests an explanation for the observed tendency o f organisational structure
t o become more formal and less improvisational w h e n c o n t r o l passes f r o m
the hands o f the original founders, and assumed c o n t i n u i t y declines
(Znaniecki, 1965, Ch. 1 2 ) .
A second principle derivable f r o m the Cumulative Development A x i o m is
equally valuable for its generalisability.
Principle 2 (Exposure): Other Things Being Equal, the Less Exposed a
Relationship is to Observation by Persons Outside the Relationship,
the
Greater the Relative Likelihood of
Role-improvisation
T o the extent t h a t roles are exposed, people are hindered, constrained,
or diverted — b y their involvements w i t h audience groups — f r o m allowing
relationships t o cumulatively evolve, develop, and change (Znaniecki, 1965,
Ch. 9 ) .
The Exposure Principle, like the C o n t i n u i t y Principle, has a large number
o f empirical referents and accounts for a correspondingly diverse set o f
phenomena. For example, the more visible police procedures are, the greater
the extent t o w h i c h police " p l a y i t b y the b o o k " (Preiss and Ehrlich, 1966).
A n d the more accountable teachers are, the more l i k e l y their performance
is t o reflect the criteria used i n evaluation (e.g., eliciting student discussion).
The versatility o f the Exposure Principle becomes apparent when examin-
i n g marital relations. I n some marriages, spouses share the same circle o f
friends and acquaintances. The more t i g h t l y woven this n e t w o r k is the more
exposure role-relations receive, because the external activities o f each spouse
are more visible t o his/her partner and because the marital relations o f the
t w o are more visible t o outsiders. A n d the more exposed the relationship is,
the more t r a d i t i o n a l i t w i l l tend t o be ( B o t t , 1 9 5 7 ) .
Bott's w o r k suggests an interesting analogy t o honeycombs, w h i c h are ex­
ceedingly strong (i.e., resistant t o structural change) because o f their struc­
tural design rather than the material f r o m w h i c h they are made. F o l k l o r e
w o u l d have i t that marriages i n w h i c h partners have the greatest number o f
extra-marital associations are most l i k e l y t o experience i m p r o v i s a t i o n and
change. B u t the opposite can also be true. Those marriages w h i c h are most
traditional are those where b o t h partners have numerous external relation­
ships, all o f w h i c h are interdependent. Spouses i n t r a d i t i o n a l marriages t e n d
to have numerous interdependent dyadic relationships. Because o f this
Figure 1: Exposure
and the Development
of Marital
Roles
T r a d i t i o n a l Marriage
N o n - T r a d i t i o n a l Marriage
Interdependent D y a d s
Sanction Imposed Roles
Dyadic Independence
Fosters R o l e - I m p r o v i s a t i o n
( E a c h straight line represents a d y a d i c relationship)
interdependence, and because o f the nature o f complementary roles (refer t o
d e f i n i t i o n i n t r o d u c e d earlier), m o d i f i c a t i o n o f one person's role requires re­
d e f i n i t i o n o f the roles o f numerous others. For this reason, role-improvisation
tends t o meet w i t h stiff resistance. B u t i n marriages characterised b y dyadic
independence, a change i n one role requires adjustment i n the role o f o n l y
one other person. Since sources o f resistance t o change are l i m i t e d i n
number, improvised roles are more easily operationalised.
I t should be n o t e d , at this p o i n t , that different aspects o f roles are n o t
equally subject to i m p o s i t i o n . For example, traditional family roles are
t y p i c a l l y inflexible i n the allocation o f c o o k i n g chores along sex lines. B u t
such traditional division o f labour tends t o shield the chef's activity f r o m
view, thus insuring a degree o f a u t o n o m y , freedom and f l e x i b i l i t y i n the
execution o f an imposed task. Efforts t o prescribe m i n u t e details o f role
performance l i m i t freedom t o improvise i n obtaining the best p r o d u c t , and
tend t o generate transitory affect (the subject o f Principle 7 under Principles
of Tenability).
Thus far our a t t e n t i o n 'has been focused o n the extent to w h i c h role per­
formance is exposed t o viewing b y persons outside o f a relationship. B u t ex­
posure w i t h i n a relationship is rarely u n i f o r m . M a n y dimensions o f each per­
son's life are shielded f r o m the view o f role partners. For example, we often
w o r k w i t h people w i t h o u t coming t o k n o w what k i n d o f family members
they are. This k i n d o f a n o n y m i t y is a variable p r o p e r t y w h i c h influences the
relative probabilities o f role-improvisation and role-imposition. As such, i t
suggests another derivation o f the Cumulative Development A x i o m .
Principle 3 ( A n o n y m i t y ) : Other Things Being Equal, the Greater the
Anonymity Enjoyed by Participants in a Relationship, the Greater the Rela­
tive Likelihood of
Role-imposition
Degree o f a n o n y m i t y is defined as the extent to w h i c h knowledge w h i c h
role-partners have about a role-holder is l i m i t e d . Hence, our interaction tends
t o be confined t o standard forms when we k n o w a person along only one
dimension. Turner ( 1 9 7 0 , p . 198) points o u t that this principle is c o m m o n
knowledge w h i c h people can employ i n constructing their relationships. For
instance, teachers often maintain a degree o f a n o n y m i t y i n order t o protect
their professional roles f r o m being compromised.
I l l PRINCIPLES OF T E N A B I L I T Y
A second a x i o m evident i n the literature is the Tenability A x i o m (Turner,
1980). This a x i o m is an underlying assumption i n Exchange Theory and has
been variously employed b y all other theoretical schools.
A x i o m 2 ( T e n a b i l i t y ) : Roles Tend to Develop in Ways Which (a) Free People
from Problematic Concerns, (b) Maximise Benefits, and (c) Minimise Costs
Tenability suggests a number o f principles w h i c h have been alluded t o i n
the literature. Perhaps the most i m p o r t a n t and often overlooked focuses
a t t e n t i o n o n organisational capacity to meet people's needs. While systems
cannot be personified as having needs, role incumbents most definitely do
have needs w h i c h they rely u p o n collectivities t o assuage. Hence, s m o o t h and
fair system operation, i n a structural-functional sense, can become i m p o r t a n t
concerns for people (Gouldner, 1960).
Principle 4 (Structural Failure): The More Role-holders Depend Upon One
Another in Meeting their Needs, and the Less they Depend Upon the Broader
Setting in which their Relationship is Embedded, the Greater the Likelihood
of
Role-improvisation
Tenability is maximised w h e n people participate i n collective units that
provide gratification, assuage needs, and obviate problematic concerns. When
people perceive that their needs are provided for b y an anonymous system,
they are i n c l i n e d t o accept imposed roles as requisites for efficient and effec­
tive division o f labour. B u t w h e n individuals must rely for their needs u p o n
those w i t h w h o m they interact d i r e c t l y , any inhibitions against inventive
role-making tend t o dissipate.
Structural failure most c o m m o n l y assumes the f o r m o f organisational
inefficiency. When those systems w h i c h are expected t o assuage a person's
needs break d o w n o n a periodic basis, m o u n t i n g alienation is generated.
Shibutani's recently released study o f demoralisation i n an army u n i t draws
particular a t t e n t i o n t o this dynamic. Over a period lasting approximately
t w o years, the members o f one u n i t were shuffled about, inadequately sup­
plied, p o o r l y housed, left o n temporary assignment, inaccurately i n f o r m e d
about future assignments, and made t o p e r f o r m unnecessary tasks. Over
t i m e , members o f the u n i t lost any feeling that their p a r t i c i p a t i o n was signifi­
cant, either w i t h i n the immediate or broader settings. When people stop
assuming that superiors — or, b y i m p l i c a t i o n "the system(s)" — have their
best interests i n m i n d , improvised roles can be expected t o displace imposed
roles (Shibutani, 1 9 7 8 ) . This position is consistent w i t h the finding that
importance and strength o f informal norms among gang members are
functions o f the extent to w h i c h members must depend u p o n one another
(Short and Strodtbeck, 1965).
A second principle derivable f r o m the Tenability A x i o m , and one w h i c h
has been a recurrent theme i n the literature, is the Power Principle.
Principle 5 (Power): Other Things Being Equal, the More Equal is the Dis­
tribution of Power, the More Likely is
Role-improvisation
Power is defined as the degree t o w h i c h one person can gain compliance
f r o m another (Emerson, 1972).
The Power Principle has n o t been extensively used i n empirical research.
However, i t is a central theme i n a number o f seminal role theoretical w o r k s .
M e r t o n posits that the p r o b a b i l i t y o f clearly and unequivocally defined
relationships being imposed is a positive f u n c t i o n o f power imbalance
( M e r t o n , 1957). Such relationships are u n l i k e l y t o change unless the resour­
ces w h i c h role-holders c o n t r o l are modified or unless coalitions shift
(Emerson, 1972). So where a clear imbalance o f power exists, the process o f
role-imposition is expected t o prevail.
Where the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power is relatively balanced, improvisation is
l i k e l y . However, a corollary t o the Power Principle must be i n t r o d u c e d i f
level o f stability o f improvised roles is t o be accounted for.
Corollary
(Principle 6 — S t a b i l i t y ) : Where the Distribution
of Power
is
Relatively Balanced, the Stability of Improvised Roles is an Inverse Function
of Frequency of Oscillations in Power
E q u a l i t y o f power d i s t r i b u t i o n facilitates role-improvisation (Principle 5 ) .
B u t improvised roles can either be stable or subject to constant re-definition.
When power vacillates, t y p i c a l l y because turnover i n personnel has the effect
o f funneling numerous persons w i t h different resources through the same
structural p o s i t i o n , role content is unstable and must be continually re­
negotiated.
The Stability Principle is most clearly reflected i n Anselm Strauss' examin­
a t i o n o f psychiatric care. Doctors have considerable technical training, b u t
staff have day-to-day i n f o r m a t i o n about patient progress. The importance o f
patient i n f o r m a t i o n possessed b y staff members helps check the power o f
doctors, and considerable role-improvisation occurs as a result. Improvised
roles t e n d t o be stable where medical staff w o r k i n teams (e.g., Chicago State
Hospital i n the early 1960s). Y e t , roles are unstable where staff r o t a t i o n is
practiced (e.g., Michael Reese Hospital i n the early 1960s). Since r o t a t i o n
means a day-to-day change i n the complement o f medical staff w o r k i n g
together, there are constant shifts i n balance o f power predicated u p o n the
c o m m i t m e n t , expertise, experience, and current i n f o r m a t i o n about patients,
possessed b y members o f that day's staff. Parameters for each person's
behaviour must be continually re-negotiated because the balance o f power
constantly shifts among supervising doctors, interns, nurses, and aids
(Strauss, et al., 1964).
A t h i r d principle derivable f r o m the Tenability A x i o m differs f r o m the
first six principles i n t r o d u c e d , i n that vacillation between improvised and
imposed roles is indicated.
Principle 7 (Transitory A f f e c t ) : Other Things Being Equal, the More Transit­
ory Affect is Generated in a Relationship or Setting, the More Frequent,
Prolonged, or Pronounced will be Periods During Which Imposed Roles are
Relaxed in Improvised Ways
Transitory affect is defined as the extent t o w h i c h a relationship
engenders fluctuating levels o f e m o t i o n for people. Relationships charac­
terised b y transitory affect tend t o be e m o t i o n a l l y t r y i n g , and therefore have
l o w t e n a b i l i t y . T e n a b i l i t y is maintained, and the relationship preserved, b y
periodically relaxing n o r m a l role requirements. These periods o f relaxation
i n role requirements are often referred t o as " e x e m p t i n g periods." The most
straightforward sociological account o f the generation o f affect is f o u n d i n
Shibutani ( 1 9 7 8 ) . However, as w i l l become clear i n the f o l l o w i n g passages,
theorists o f most persuasions recognise the crucial association between affect
and role-making.
Parsons n o t e d t h a t integrative problems are aggravated as a matter o f
course w h e n the p r i m a r y energies o f role-holders are directed t o w a r d instru­
mental ends. Re-integration is accomplished d u r i n g exempting periods.
D u r i n g these periods people are released f r o m some obligations and credited
w i t h some new rights for a t i m e , so that tensions can be released and collec­
tive solidarity reaffirmed (Parsons, et al., 1 9 5 3 ) . This role shift is particularly
noticeable i n the case o f superiors w h o can be expected, d u r i n g exempting
periods, to release subordinates f r o m expectations n o r m a l l y imposed, w h i l e
allowing subordinates t o take special liberties w h i c h m i g h t be considered
unacceptable transgressions d u r i n g n o r m a l periods (Goffman, 1961 p p .
128-129). The t i m e , place, and d u r a t i o n o f exempting periods, number o f
participants, extent o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n , precise expectations t o be relaxed, and
new rights t o be granted, are all matters for improvisation. Once improvised,
these patterns can become stable.
E x e m p t i n g periods can apply t o individuals, as i n the case o f the "sick
r o l e " (Parsons, 1951 p . 4 4 6 ) . T h e y can also be collectively declared. O n an
organisational level, medical staff conducting surgery generally declare an
exempting p e r i o d after c o m p l e t i o n o f an operation (Goffman, 1 9 6 1 , p . 125).
O n a broader level, members o f c o m m u n a l groups often declare exempting
periods t o reaffirm group membership and collective belonging (MacAndrew
and Edgerton, 1969). B u t exempting roles cannot stay i n effect for t o o l o n g
w i t h o u t generating more integrative problems than they solve, nor w i t h o u t
endangering instrumental objectives. People w h o w i t h d r a w o n a permanent
basis f r o m n o r m a l obligations have new role content imposed u p o n t h e m b y
others ( G o r d o n , 1 9 6 6 ) .
Even when transitory affect is n o t generated, the shared experience o f
problematic concerns threatens tenability and clears the w a y for e x e m p t i n g
periods. This phenomenon has been n o t e d i n cases as varied as the
adaptation o f i n f a n t r y m e n t o combat (Shils and J a n o w i t z , 1948) and
reactions o f office associates during the Boston blizzard o f 1960 ( B r o w n ,
1965, p . 75).
Principle 8 (Shared Fate): Other Things Being Equal, the Greater the Extent
to Which People Collectively Experience an Uncommon Fate, the More
Frequent, Prolonged, or Pronounced will be Periods During Which Imposed
Roles are Relaxed in Improvised Ways
Here, the emphasis is that tenability is threatened b y the problematic
nature o f external exigencies, rather than strains inhering i n the organisational
or operation o f the group.
I V PRINCIPLES O F P R I V A C Y
Thus far, roles have been discussed as holistic entities, more or less subject
t o i m p o s i t i o n and improvisation. Consequently, the axioms and principles
i n t r o d u c e d i n the preceding passages fail t o illuminate the i m p o r t a n t distinc­
t i o n between role related activity o n one hand, and non-role related behavi­
ours e m i t t e d d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f role enactmant, o n the other hand. While
the former can be improvised or imposed, the latter are more likely t o be
improvised than they are t o be imposed. This d i s t i n c t i o n between types o f
behaviour is posited as an a x i o m , and its most fully developed derivations are
stated as principles (for a recent statement o f A x i o m 3, see Crozier, 1964).
A x i o m 3 (Privacy): In any Situation, Incumbents are Held Accountable
for
Some Behaviours, while Other Behaviours are Socially defined as Insulated
from Observation or Comment
Discoveries made i n organisational research pose what appears t o some
observers t o be an anomaly. Increasing c o m p l e x i t y o f organisation fosters
behavioural improvisation (because large, impersonal organisations tend t o
demand less c o n f o r m i t y than small, personal ones) at the same time that i t
necessitates greater role-imposition. B u t this seeming c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n out­
comes is fully understandable i n terms o f the Privacy A x i o m and Principle
9 (Dubin, 1979).
Principle 9 ( R o u t i n i s a t i o n ) : Other Things Being Equal, the More Routinised
are Role Relationships, the Greater Privacy Afforded People, and the More
Narrow are the Parameters over which Imposed Roles Extend
R o u t i n i s a t i o n increases visibility and accountability for some role related
activities, m a k i n g i t highly l i k e l y that those activities w i l l assume an imposed
rather than improvised f o r m . Since the number o f others w i t h w h o m a
person can interact increases w i t h r o u t i n i s a t i o n and narrowness o f defined
role, c o n t i n u i t y o f personnel m i g h t be expected t o decline, thus giving even
further impetus t o role-imposition. B u t i n the very process o f focusing atten­
t i o n u p o n n a r r o w l y defined imposed-role activities, r o u t i n i s a t i o n diverts
a t t e n t i o n away f r o m other aspects o f behaviour e m i t t e d along w i t h , and i n
the same environment as, the routinised activity. This allows for considerable
improvisation, p r o v i d i n g t h a t imposed-role activities are faithfully executed
( B r i m , 1960; D u b i n , 1 9 7 9 ) . I t m i g h t also be suggested t h a t role specificity
insulates imposed aspects o f a role f r o m content change i n the same w a y
t h a t privacy protects improvisational discretion o n the part o f the role-holder.
The less diffuse the role, the more inclined a person m i g h t be t o treat
required behaviour as i m m u n e f r o m change.
A second series o f findings f r o m organisational literature suggests that
imposed roles can o n l y be expected t o operate after a relationship is actually
invoked.
Principle 10 (Signalling): Other Things Being Equal, the Further Removed
Two Actors are in a Structurally Differentiated System, the More
Information
that Must be Exchanged before Organisationally Imposed Roles are Activated
A n i m p o r t a n t way i n w h i c h collectivities protect the privacy o f members
is b y mediating relations w i t h outsiders; especially w i t h superiors (Shils and
J a n o w i t z ' 1948 examination o f the fighting effectiveness o f Wehrmacht units
is particularly enlightening i n this respect.) Consequently, persons operating
i n differentiated systems are n o t used t o , do n o t l i k e , and may n o t k n o w
h o w to deal w i t h persons w h o are structurally distant (Crozier, 1964).
Organisational roles l i n k i n g structurally distant incumbents can be activated,
b u t o n l y w i t h extensive signalling o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and intentions (Meyer,
1979).
V CONCLUSIONS
T w o approaches have t r a d i t i o n a l l y dominated role t h e o r y . Structuralists
argue that roles are imposed u p o n people b y the broader system i n w h i c h
their role relationships are embedded. Interactionists argue that people
construct their o w n roles t h r o u g h interaction and improvisation. This article
opens w i t h the assumption that role-imposition and role-improvisation are
opposing processes t h a t , i n varying degrees, are operative i n all situations.
Principles influencing the relative probabilities o f these processes are gleaned
f r o m past theory and research. High c o n t i n u i t y o f personnel, l o w external
exposure, l o w a n o n y m i t y o f role relationships, high structural failure t o
provide for needs o f actors, and high balance o f power, all increase the p r o b ­
ability o f role-improvisation relative to role-imposition. Where empirical
values are reversed (e.g., l o w c o n t i n u i t y o f personnel), role-imposition
becomes more probable relative t o role-improvisation. Transitory affect and
shared fate result i n cycles o f relative improvisation during w h i c h group
integration is increased. R o u t i n i s a t i o n and structural differentiation increase
the social space across w h i c h improvisation is l i k e l y t o occur, w h i l e increas­
ing the dominance o f i m p o s i t i o n over a narrow range o f a c t i v i t y . Signalling
increases the l i k e l i h o o d that imposed roles w i l l be activated, and oscillations
i n power increase the l i k e l i h o o d that improvised roles w i l l need to be reimprovised.
Principles are derived and articulated at a high level o f abstraction i n order
t o maximise generalisability and focus attention u p o n a few o f the more
generic properties o f roles and the environments i n w h i c h roles are
embedded. Most i m p o r t a n t , the principles derived represent an attempt t o
specify boundary conditions between interactionist and structural theories,
and as a consequence, the interface between m i c r o and macro settings. For
example, the capacity t o create and m a i n t a i n complex patterns o f social
organisation is dependent u p o n the development o f roles w h i c h allow
strangers t o interact w i t h one another meaningfully.
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