towards the determination of standard nigerian english

Journal of the Nigeria English Studies Association (JNESA) 15:1
TOWARDS THE DETERMINATION OF STANDARD
NIGERIAN ENGLISH
TAOFIQ ADEDAYO ALABI,
DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH,
UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN,
Abstract
The author appraises the lect tagged as the Standard Nigerian
English against the back-drop of the linguistic template of measuring
a standard language. The levels of the template considered are
phonology, grammar, lexico-semantics and pragmatics. It is
discovered that despite the tremendous roles the language performs
and the potency of evolving ingredients which constitute
‘Nigerianism’, certain issues need to be tackled headlong, principal
among which is the erection of the boundary of the variety, most
especially, in terms of evolving a standard Nigerian lexicon. This is
considered a major step in check-mating sheer errors, popular
mistakes and deviant forms which are being erroneously
accommodated into the repertoire of Nigerian English.
Key words: Nigerian English varieties, standardization, Nigerianism
Introduction
The study of the notion of Nigerian English has taken rather a radical
dimension in modern linguistics in Nigeria with experts trying to explore and
exploit the possible ways of evolving Nigerian-based English. Owing to the
various socio-cultural and linguistic differences in the country, the
appropriation of English in place of the seemingly elusive national language
becomes imperative. However, one should not fail to understand that the
variety of English in Nigeria is a variation of the core, which is either
prompted by interference or creativity. So, Nigerian English can be looked at
as a variety of English which is socially acceptable across the cultures of the
various ethnic nationalities in Nigeria. The variety carries the idiosyncratic
Nigerian features at all the levels of language. These idiosyncratic
peculiarities are as a result of the socio-cultural differences, geographical
disparity, multilingualism, landscape and environmental divergences from
what is obtainable in the native land of English. English has become very
important and crucial in different parts of Nigeria. It is a natural occurrence
to have different varieties of a language. The linguists talk of a regional
variety due to differences in geographical space or distance from the core.
The social varieties are instigated by differences in social categories like sex,
age, status, ethnic backgrounds, etc. while functional varieties are due to
different situations of interaction as we have in the language of the burials,
court-rooms, marriages, education, etc.
As could be seen from the foregoing, quite a number of variables prevail on
English as a foreign language in Nigeria which has necessitated the concept
of ‘Nigerianisation’ of English. Whatever the case may be, Nigerian English
must possess the basic linguistic characteristics at the formal levels of
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language. It must be socially acceptable within the country as a whole,
without losing the flavour of international intelligibility.
Varieties Of English In Nigeria
Brosnahan (1958) identified four types of English language levels in Nigeria
using the educational parameter. These are the uneducated variety, the
primary school leaver variety, the secondary school leaver variety and the
variety used by the university graduates. This was later modified by Ayo
Banjo (1971) who fashioned out four varieties which are distinguished by
levels (i.e. levels one, two, three and four). According to him, level one has a
wholesale transfer of indigenous linguistic elements into the English
language. This variety is only useful locally with neither social acceptability
nor international intelligibility. His level two variety has a structure that is
close to Received Pronunciation with less-heavy Mother Tongue interference.
This variety is socially acceptable but with very low international
intelligibility. The level three is close to the international varieties of English
with little interference in the areas of phonology and lexical features. This
variety is socially acceptable and fairly intelligible. The level four, according
to him, is the international variety of English as obtained in native speakers’
contexts. However, this variety may not be socially acceptable; one basic fact
is that it retains a high grade of international intelligibility.
Having specified the four varieties of English in Nigeria mentioned by Banjo
(1971), the question remains: which of these standards or levels should be
the target in our quest for Standard Nigerian English?
The ‘Standard’ Norm
Standardization should not be seen as an inherent attribute of any language.
Rather, it is the attitudinal posture that a language generates among the
users. Virtually all human languages have their standard lects from where
their respective dialects draw their linguistic resources. A variety that is
established as the standard enjoys much dignity and respect with its
components relatively stable and codified. In essence, standardization is a
behavioural index which commands allegiance from other varieties of the
same language owing to the prestige conferred on it by users. This is
probably why Adegbija (1998:1), citing Ferguson (1982, p.viii), observes that:
In describing (standardization of) a particular language or language
variety, it is necessary to identify its users and locate its place in
the verbal repertoires of the speech communities in which it is
used. Without this identification, many aspects of the grammar will
be mysterious, and those mysteries may range from details of
phonology to features of discourse.
Since the need for standard norm of English has been starring us at the face
as Nigerians, therefore, several efforts have been made in the direction of
fashioning out a unifying variety that would, at least, meet the literary, social
and pedagogical ends. In the choice of a standard norm, Adegbija (1998, p.1)
advises that “by virtue of its perceptual salience at least, an endo-glossic
model would be more readily accessible and realizable than an exoglossic
model”. Now, given the multiplicity of regional varieties contesting for
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supremacy at the centre, it may be difficult to pin-point just one variety as
the norm but, instead, varieties, especially when one considers the fact that
the notion of absolute ‘standardness’ is a relative phenomenon.
On the desirability of standardized norm of English in Nigeria, Adegbija
(1998, p.2) further advances the following arguments:
- The fact that there are several functional varieties competing for recognition
and patronage; there is the need for a unifying standard to check the
excesses of variation.
- As an officially recognized second language on the African continent and as
a language that fosters academic uniformity, the development of Nigerian
standard English is imperative.
- As English continues to function as the language of international diplomacy
and interaction, it becomes imperative that a lect of Nigerian English that
ranks itself high on the cline of both social acceptability and international
intelligibility is cultivated.
- The existence of a standardized Nigerian English variety would erect
boundaries between outright deviations which are being attributed to
Nigerian English and context-induced variation, which are a positive
development of language contact.
The implication of the foregoing is that it may not be realistic, in wholistic
terms, to confer the prestige of the standard norm on one of the ‘Englishes’
in the country. The best that can be done is to characterize the candidature
of the standard norm. This view is shared by Adegbija (1989, p.6) as he
writes:
Because of the nature of the standard varieties of languages, and
the pluralistic cultural and linguistic socio-cultural contexts of
Africa, different national Englishses will continue to carve out their
own distinct identities, at once unique, African and original.
Adesanoye (1973), Odumuh (1984) and Jibril (1986) have all expressed
different views concerning the standardization of Nigerian English. Bamgbose
(1982) supports level three of Banjo’s classification. This same view was
expressed by Fakuade (1998) that Banjo’s Level 3 has much linguistic vitality
as any of the intelligible standards of English. Therefore, considering the fact
that Banjo’s (1971) Level 3 meets the conditions of both social acceptability
and international intelligibility, the variant that would constitute the basis of
our discussion in this paper would be his the Level 3 variety. In Adegbija’s
(1994) thesis, the candidature of Nigerian English is extended to Pidgin.
However, owing to the sociolinguistic and lexico-grammatical inadequacies
which characterize the Nigerian English-based Pidgin, Pidgin is considered
as too informal a variety to be used as a subject in a study of this nature. On
the need and selection of the standard norm as a candidate of Nigerian
English, Adegbija (2004, p.32) writes:
While many linguistic features that have been domesticated can
pass the candidacy test of the “English language in Nigeria”, not
every item of English used in Nigeria is passable as “Nigerian
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English”. Put differently, while every Nigerian and every social
group is free to domesticate English and speak English as
desirable, every single variety of English cannot be referred to as
“Nigerian English”,which identifies Nigeria and implies an emerging
endonormative model…
In view of this, care should be taken so that the selection of the target from
an array of Nigerian Englishes is done with a fairly high level of
meticulousness based on objective appraisal of their internal structures. In
order to accomplish this feat, certain criteria should be set in the choice of
the central lect.
Though, this much-acclaimed Nigerian English may equally be biased,
considering the regional interpolations and ethnic affiliations, the fact still
remains that at the national level, the English language in Nigeria possesses
certain features which have enabled the country as a whole to achieve
“national identity”. The next section reviews the features which characterize
(standard) Nigerian English at major levels of language analysis.
Features Of English In Nigeria Revisited
Phonology
Reduced vowel system is a remarkable quality of Nigerian English, as
obtained in many of the local languages, owing to a limited number of vowels
compared with English. So, the tendency is there for average Nigerian users
of English to generalize and extend the quality of closed vowel system in local
languages to English. For example, /a/ is used for /ə, Λ , æ and a:/ in cases
where such sounds feature. Closely related to this is the cancellation of the
vowel quality, most especially, by reducing the length (of full length
allophones) of long vowel sounds like /i:, ɔ:, u:, з: and a:/.
Furthermore, Nigerian English is syllable-timed in consonance with the
occurrences in the native languages. This goes on to alter the phonemic
properties of words. For instance, the word /meintənəns/ in British English
is changed to /meinteina:ns/ in Nigerian English in the process of stressing
each of the syllables in the word. Hence, syllables that are cushioned in the
schwa would automatically be altered to accommodate this development.
More so, syllabicity as a secondary feature of selected consonant sounds,
which constitute peaks in syllables, is hard to come by in popular Nigerian
English. This equally calls for superfluous insertion of true vowels.
Also, the introduction of epenthesis into the consonant clusters and to open
up closed final syllables gives rise to the possibilities of words like /ɔŋku /
(uncle) instead of /Λ ŋkl /; ‘botin’ and ‘litu’ for /b Λtn/ and /litl/
respectively. Another observable area is the consistence of sounds with
spellings in Nigerian English. For instance, Nigerians will say ‘listen’ and
‘bomb’ instead of /lisn/ and /bɔm/ respectively.
Sound substitution is another major phonological feature of English in
Nigeria. With reference to consonant segments, most especially, certain
sounds in English are replaced with close approximations in indigenous
languages; thereby bridging the disparities between the consonantal systems
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of indigenous languages and that of English. A clear example is the voiced
palato-alveolar fricative /з/ that is often replaced with /∫/ and / d / in cases
like /mε∫ə/ and /gæra: d / instead of /mεзə/ and /gæra: d / respectively.
Harmonization is also a peculiarity of Nigerian English diphthongs and even
triphthongs, e.g. /peel/ instead of /peil/, /pa:/ instead of /pauə/, etc.
Grammar
At the level of grammar, the dialectical variation is rare, yet noticeable. Many
of the uncountable nouns tend to be pluralized in Nigerian English. For
instance, Nigerians use words like furnitures, properties, equipments, to
mention but a few. It is true that at the specific levels of style and linguistic
stylization in English, these variants are possibilities. However, the inelastic
style of Nigerian English results into over-use of such peculiar cases in
common places. For example:
1. I will have to move my properties (instead of ‘property’) into the
house.
2. Properties of sedimentary rock include organic materials
Also, there occurs the use of ‘they’ as marker of respect for a single person.
The pragmatics of Nigerian English allows for the use of “we” by just one
person in place of ‘I’ as an indicator of politeness, especially when the user is
consciously avoiding being accused of ‘pride’. This influence is also triggered
by the communal worldview of the people. There are other syntactic
omissions and additions which create a Nigerian variant of the standard
British English. For example, people say:
I went to (the) University of Ilorin (omission of the’)
Tautology is another typical feature of Nigerian English structures. The overbearing effect of reduplicatives in Nigerian languages is a major force behind
tautology in most cases. For instance, do it softly softly, gently gently, diedie,
fast-fast, kiakia, etc. A more complex instance is found in: I told him, still
yet, he would not listen (using ‘still’ and ‘yet’ together). Moreover, in the area
of question tags. Nigerians do not vary some of them as in Standard British
English. For instance:
She is a hostess, *isn’t it? (NE) Instead of: She is a hostess, isn’t she?
(BE)
This is not your pen? “No” (BE) This is not your pen? “Yes” (NE) when the
respondent actually means to say “No, it is not my pen”.
Lexico-Semantics
Nigerian English displays marked variations at the lexical level in relation to
the ‘attached’ meanings. There is this predominant extension of original
meanings of lexical items. For instance:
I toasted the girl last night – (wooed)
Dress for me to sit – (shift)
I am going back to my station – (place of work)
At the same time, certain peculiarities of Nigerian English creep in through
language transfer. Meanings and lexical equivalents from local languages are
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transposed into English. “I am coming”, “sorry”, “well-done”, “He sprayed the
musician at the party” are common words and expressions found in Nigerian
English. Hybrids like ‘tight friend’ and ‘akara balls’ are not uncommon.
Popular acronyms which are native to Nigeria are now in use as acceptable
words in the ‘lexicon’ of Nigeria use as acceptable words in the ‘lexicon’ of
Nigerian English. For example, acronyms like Nepa, Nupeng, Asuu, etc. have
come to stay as words which gain universal acceptability within the country
just as internationally recognized acronyms like Unicef, Aids, Nato, etc. have
come to stay in the supranational varieties of English. In fact, media houses
play tremendous role in circulating more hundreds of such items.
Nigerians ‘create’ new words like “chewing-stick”, “man-friend”, “sugar
mummy” etc. with peculiar meanings. Peculiar expressions whose meanings
are laced with Nigerian flavour are common too. For instance, we have
idioms like “sweet sixteen”, “put to bed”, “bottom power”, “long leggism”,
“settle the creditor”, “oga, see us now”, “you will see” (which has a sarcastic
undertone of negative repercussion), and so on.
Pragmatics
At the level of pragmatics, the socio-cultural context of Nigeria differs
considerably from the native English context. Hence, there are certain
creations like:
Come and eat
I am coming (instead of I’ll be back shortly)
He has joined the ancestors, etc.
It is important at this juncture to enumerate the rationale behind all
these peculiar forms.
The cultural background and social situation between the native land of
English and Nigeria are different. Therefore, new words and expressions are
‘coined’ to meet the demand of ‘alien’ situations into which English is put for
use. The effect of multilingualism in Nigeria has prompted the transposition
of linguistic traits in local languages to fill the ‘vacuum’ of a “national
language”. Media influence is another factor. Nigerians repose much
confidence in whatever comes from the media, which could be pervasive
sometimes. For instance; Nigerians say:
A man of timbre and caliber
I have checked on you severally (several times).
The excessive formal context of learning English as a second language in
Nigeria freezes the stylistics of its usage. This explains why the concept of
Nigerian English seems formal and rigid; with users finding it a little difficult
to code-switch into other styles of language expression.
In sum, all these peculiarities are as a result of three main viewpoints:
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Interference: Some scholars portend that the issue of Nigerian English comes
in as a result of the L1 interference in the use of the target language.
Deviation: Some feel that the characteristic features of Nigerian English at all
levels are as a result of deviation from the native linguistic norms and codes
of English.
Creativity: It is believed that in the attempt to exercise the notion of “English
autonomy”, as the language of the world, people tend to create words and
expressions with local flavour to create a kind of linguistic identity.
What Next?
Having discussed the peculiarities of Nigerian English with reference to
Banjo’s Level 3 variety, it is necessary to adjudge the variety using the
established linguistics parameters for measuring a standard variety of
language. Some of these parameters include:
- There should be absence of wholesale regional interpolation.
- The variety should be internationally intelligible to speakers of the same
Language in other countries.
- It should be socially acceptable and effective with reference to its local
Functions within the country. The dialect should have earned a fairly
high level of social prestige.
- Among others, a standard variety of a language should have entrenched
itself in terms of codification and patronage by writers at different levels.
With respect to the foregoing, to what extent can we say the characterized
variety (Level 3) has met the set criteria? Certain factors have constituted
themselves as inhibitions to developing a standard Nigerian English. These
factors, in varying degrees, have been cogs in the wheel of progress. Some of
these are:
- Slow pace of codification.
- No centrally coordinating institutional arrangement for codification.
- The percentage of the citizens who have access to the variety characterized
as the target is relatively small.
- Despite the laudable role of the English language, there appears to be more
Loyalty for ethnolingustic identities at the detriment of English.
- The largest chunk of the Nigerian populace is non-literate coupled with the
fact that less than twenty-five percent (25%) of those who claim to be
speakers of English use the ‘standard’ or (even at a lesser degree) nearnative accent.
- The elastic and dynamic nature of English constitute a major problem to
the evolution of a standard lect as the language readily adapts itself to
socio-pragmatic exigencies of different situations where it is put to use.
To cap it up, having considered (in brief) the features of English typified as
Nigerian, some other questions come up. If there is anything like Nigerian
English, is it justifiable that standard Nigerian English should defy regional
variations? Considering words like chewing stick, trouble shooter, etc., should
they be treated as single words, compound words or words disjointed by a
hyphen in ‘Nigerian English Lexicon’ (if there is any from where users of the
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variant can take a cue of its ‘received’ usage)? Where does the development of
a language end before a variant like ‘Nigerian English’ starts?
In conclusion, Bamgbose’s (1971:48) predictive submission below seems to
answer just a few of the agitating questions.
… In view of the existence of many mother tongues in Nigeria, the
English spoken and written in Nigeria is bound to be influenced by
these languages; new features are bound to develop, and are in
fact already developing. In time, many of these features are likely
to become stable and ultimately standardized and a distinct
Nigerian variety of English, probably associated with a certain level
of education, will then emerge.
Considering the date of publication of the paper from where the citation
above was culled (which is perhaps close over four decades ago), it should be
understood that the evolution of Nigerian English has now reached an
advanced stage. So, without mincing words, one can rightly assert that there
is a variety of English which is ‘Nigerian’. After all, linguists now see all
languages to be standardized as long as they function instrumentally for
communication. No language is sub-standard. Hence, the notion of Nigerian
English should be seen as a crusade which must enjoy a massive support of
all Nigerians. Efforts should be intensified in the direction of consolidating on
the linguistic components of Nigerian English such that in little or no time,
the anomalies and varying hurdles which have, over the decades, remained a
cog on the wheel are eliminated. This little effort is geared towards
corroborating others (the likes of Adegbija, Odumuh, Adesanoye, Bamgbose,
etc. and other relevant works) on the quality of Nigerian English.
Conclusion
The issue of language standardization is a relative phenomenon. The notion
of standard Nigerian English is not an exception as divergent views have
been offered by different linguists. While some linguists in Nigeria see this as
a reality already in operation, some see it as a process in the making. In the
face of all these, one thing that is sure is that a peculiar variant of English
has evolved which is idiosyncratically ‘Nigerian’ in all ramifications. However,
regional interpolations have been identified as a major obstacle towards
determining an all-inclusive and a representative variety as the target dialect.
This should not be a deterrent or a discouraging force in the attempt at
evolving a ‘supra-ethnic’ variety. When one compares the situation here with
what obtains even in the native contexts of English like Great Britain and
America, where many dialects are competing for supremacy, there appears
no major difference. Therefore, concerted efforts should be intensified in the
direction of codifying the characterized features of Nigerian English in order
to stabilize the fluctuating variables which are noticeable from context to
context.
To achieve a relative stability and ensure generality of usage, efforts of
Nigerian linguists like Igboanusi (2002) who compiled Nigerian English items
into a dictionary should be complemented. If uniformity of expressions,
usage and meaningfulness is desirable, then, there should be an established
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and standardized lexicon from where users can pull resources that
constitute the norm in composing their expressions. This has an additional
benefit of check-mating the excessive interpolations and sheer errors which
are mistakenly characterized as embodiments of Nigerian English.
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