Evert Van De Poll
Chapter 15
In What Ways is Europe Post-Christian?
In terms of religion and society, Europe presents us with a paradox: No other
region in the world has been exposed to the Biblical message and the influence
of the church for such a prolonged and intensive way as Europe. At the same
time, nowhere is the abandonment of the Christian faith and the retreat from
institutional churches as wide-spread as in Europe, and nowhere else has this
been going on for such a prolonged period of time.
Ours is not only the continent of beautiful cathedrals but also the continent
of almost empty beautiful cathedrals, of chapels in ruins, deserted monasteries,
church buildings turned into cultural centres, shops or apartments, or converted
to mosques. Once Europe was the heartland of worldwide Christian mission,
now it has become a major mission field. Our societies are now multi-religious
and non-religious. Ours is the most secularised of all continents.
Present day European societies and cultures are not only the outcome of
the age-old influence of Christianity, but also deeply influenced by modes
of thought and movements that deliberately distance themselves from
Christianity. They are rooted in Biblical values and a Christian worldview but
also marked by secularisation in politics and public life, by modes of thought
that more or less have rejected traditional doctrines and ethical claims of
Christianity.
This is the paradox of Europe: its societies are marked as much by the Christian
faith as by its abandonment and rejection. Failing to take into account the two
sides of the coin leads to misrepresentations. Either we draw a picture that is too
optimistic with respect to the influence of the church, or we depict an image that
is too much the opposite.
Two questions flow from this paradox. Firstly, in what sense has Europe
become post-Christian? Secondly, to what extent are European societies still
influenced by the Christian faith? In this chapter, we shall take up the first
question.
15.1. Post-Christianised
It is commonplace today to say that Europe is post-Christian. However, statements
to this effect lack precision. In what sense has it become post-Christian? Or is it
perhaps post-something-else?
When we examine it more closely, the term post-Christian means different
things, depending on the context in which this term is used.
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Christianity has not been relegated to the past
Firstly, it can mean that Christianity has been relegated to the past, and that
society is emancipated from its influence. Granted, Christianity is no longer
the dominant religion. Looking at the dramatic decline of religious practice in
Europe over the last century, at least in quantitative terms, some commentators
have come close to suggesting that further de-Christianisation is inevitable, and
that the ‘death of Christianity’ is only a matter of time. Claire Berlinski claims
that ‘Europe has in the past several centuries seen a complete – really complete
– loss of belief in any form of religious belief.’
But this is a ‘gross exaggeration,’ as Philip Jenkins rightly comments. Having
quoted this author, he estimates that ‘Europe still has a solid minority of
committed believing Christians.’181
Neither Europe as a whole nor any single European country can be called postChristian in the sense that Christianity no longer counts, that it has disappearing
from the scene. Even though practicing Christians represent a minority of the
population, they constitute an important and influential minority. They are the
largest of all religious communities in Europe.
It is true that everywhere in Europe, church membership is dwindling. But
there are also vibrant churches. Evangelical Christianity in particular, to which
we should also reckon Pentecostalism, shows stability and growth. Another
sign of vitality is the charismatic movement in the Roman Catholic Church.
Moreover, the number of migrant churches is increasing, while some existing
countries have been revitalised by the presence of Christians from other parts
of the world.
How Christian was Europe in the past?
Saying that Europe has become post-Christian presupposes that it once was
Christian. But was it ever that, really? The answer depends of course on how
we define ‘Christians.’ If the definition is ‘born again’ or ‘having accepted Jesus
as personal Saviour and Lord,’ the answer is definitely no. Europe has never
been Christian in this sense. But these notions are typically Evangelical. Many
churches used other criteria.
If you define Christians in terms of ‘discipleship’ or ‘active church membership,’
you will be disappointed by the history of Europe. Even though Christianity was
the official religion, many people were not very keen to live by all its principles.
For centuries, priests and pastors have complained of low church-attendance.
For most people, religious practice was limited to certain rituals at certain times.
Read the Pensées of Blaise Pascal and you will notice that a lifestyle-as-if-God-
181 Philip Jenkins, God’s Continent, p. 56.
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does-not-exist was already a phenomenon in seventeenth century France!
Lamenting reports of concerned Anglican ministers of the state of religion in
eighteenth-century England describe a totally depressing situation. Not even
during the Reformation or the religious upsurges in the Middle Ages was the
majority of the European population to be found in church every Sunday; far
from it.
Surveys have shown that the golden age of active participation in
church life and involvement in mission in the English-speaking world and
in Protestant Europe was the period between 1750 till the end of the
nineteenth century.
In the past, Europe has never been totally Christian in the sense that
everybody was a believer in Jesus. There were always many non-Christians
to be evangelised, disconnected church members to be reached, new
generations to be educated in the faith, churches to be reformed, unjust
structures to be changed, social evil to be dealt with, and societies in want
of Christian values.
Post-Christianised
However, there is a difference between the present and former times. For ages,
society was Christianised, which means that Christian morals served as the
frame of reference for legislation, social norms, public life and private life. This
is no longer the case. Practising believers are a minority among other minorities.
Their principles of conduct are in many respects at variance with those of the
mainstream population. The public sphere is now largely disconnected from
Christian norms and values.
This did not happen overnight and the process is still going on. The degree of
de-Christianisation varies from country to country, but the overall tendency in
Europe is that Christianity is losing ground in terms of numbers and of influence
in society.
15.2. Post-Constantinian (Christendom)
A second way in which Europe can be called post-Christianised is that we are
witnessing the end of an era in which society and politics were dominated by
the combined influence of the institutional church and the state. This era and
this system are called Constantinian, after the first Roman emperor to embrace
Christianity, Constantine the Great. In his famous Edict of Milan in 313 he put
an end to the long series of persecutions of churches in the Roman Empire. He
granted Christianity the status of religio licita, ‘officially permitted religion.’ Here
we have the beginning of Christendom, based on the alliance between throne
and altar.
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Constantinian alliance of throne and altar
In English publications, this system is often called Christendom, not to be
confounded with Christianity.182 We prefer the designation Constantinianism,
which is used in other languages. A lucid description has been given by the
Dutch scholar of cultural history, Feitse Boerwinkel, already in 1974.183 We
will follow his presentation.
After Constantine the Great had made Christianity the official religion of
the ruling class, it soon became the privileged religion of the empire as a
whole. From that time onwards, ‘the state wants the invincible church to be
the guarantee for its own existence.’184
Roman religions were based on the foundational principle do ut des, ‘I give
in order that you give.’ This means that man offers cultic worship to a divine
being (or beings), in exchange the divinity offers his protection to human
society.
When Constantine won the battle against rival Roman generals, under the
sign of the cross, he concluded that the god of the Christians was invincible
and very powerful. Therefore, the people of his empire needed to render
favour to this divinity. So Christianity became the official religion of the state.
Constantine granted many privileges to the Church. He ordered the
construction of church buildings in Rome, his new capital Constantinople
and many other cities. Clergy were exempt from state duties. Bishops were
given judicial powers and allowed to make use of imperial transport. This is
the beginning of the European custom that ecclesial institutions are exempt
from paying taxes. The church obtained the right of legacy and the right of
asylum. In a church building, state officials had no authority to take someone
prisoner or to execute someone!
As for Constantine himself, his position remained somewhat ambiguous.
He turned the persecuted church into an established church. In 325 he even
convened the famous Council of Nicaea to settle doctrinal matters that
divided the church. Nevertheless, he postponed his baptism until shortly
before his death. After the Edict of Milan in 313, he ordered the construction
of several temples for Roman gods. Apparently, he wanted to remain on good
terms with both the Christians and the adherents of the very popular Mithras
cults.
182 The English term ‘Christendom’ looks the same as christendom in Dutch, and
Christentum in German, but the meaning is not the same. The latter terms denotes
Christianity as such, they are the equivalent of ‘Christianity’ in English.
183 Feitse Boerwinkel, Einde of nieuw begin, 1974.
184 Hendrik Berkhof, De kerk en de keizer, quoted by Feitse Boerwinkel, op. cit., p. 52.
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Dominance of Christianity
After 324, when he had become the sole ruler of the empire, Constantine made it
increasingly clear that he demanded of his subjects that they become members
of the church. Yet he never crossed the line between persuasion and coercion.
This was done by one of his successors, Theodosius, in 380. Just recovered
from a serious illness, he wanted to show his gratitude by issuing a law that
made it compulsory for all his subjects to accept the Christian faith:
We order that those who obey this law shall be called Catholic Christians. We
order that the others, whom we deem outrageous and foolish, shall have to bear
the shame of being heretics. They are not allowed to call their meetings church
meetings. They will be dealt with by divine wrath. They shall also be punished by
us, we have this authority on the basis of the divine will.185
Tis implies that the church has become a state church. From now on, all
other religions, Jewish and pagan, as well as deviant Christian groups, would be
persecuted and their building demolished. Already in 385 the first heretics are
put to trial.
Boerwinkel is cautious, and rightly so, to distinguish the Constantinian system
of the alliance between throne and altar, and the Theodosian system of official
Christianity to which everyone should belong. While the first allows for a certain
measure of religious plurality in society, the second is much more intolerant.
Constantine introduced the alliance between throne and altar, i.e. between the
political power and the institutional church. He made Christianity the privileged
and dominant religion. Theodosius amplified this by making Christianity the
only religion in society.
A European phenomenon
In the Constantinian system the church is the established religion of the state.
This arrangement has been taken over by the successors of the Roman Empire
in the West and in the East. It became the rule everywhere in Europe. Even
Protestant countries, for all their protest against the abuse of clerical-political
power, have not gone as far as abolishing it. They have established a Protestant
state church (Lutheran, Anglican or Reformed), although its dominance in actual
practice has been less stringent than that of Roman Catholicism.
Of course, an intrinsic link between politics and religion is not uniquely
European. All ancient societies knew it. What makes the European case so
remarkable is that it was Christianity, of all religions, which entertained this
185 Edict of Theodosius, 27 February 380, quoted by Feitse Boerwinkel, op. cit., p. 53.
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symbiotic relation with civil government. This is all the more startling when
we realise that Christian churches started as a countercultural movement, with
values that were subversive in the society of that time. For that reason they were
persecuted, marginalised, and considered to be a threat to the social system.
A movement that challenged the legitimacy of the ruling powers for three
centuries became the legitimisation of emperors and kings.
The alliance between the state and the institutional Christian church has
originated and developed in Europe. In English, this is called ‘establishment.’
The underlying ideal was to create a Christianised society, under the combined
rule of church and state. The first uses the spiritual powers of preaching and
sacraments, the second has the temporal powers of law and, if need be, military
arms.
The underlying conviction was that of ‘one king, one law, one faith.’ In order
for a country or an empire or a state to be united, it should belong to one religion.
Thus, Christianity became the guarantor of national cohesion. The sovereign
prince needed the legitimization of the church, in order to confirm the divine
right by which he ruled. Hence coronations in churches, and official prayers at
the opening of parliamentary sessions
The Constantinian system has determined European history, and marked the
socio-cultural development of each and every country on the continent.
Counter movements
We should note that there have always been counter movements that wanted
to change this. Usually designated as heretics and sects, they were not tolerated
because they called into question the existing system. Persecution was their
common lot. Many sought refuge in the New World.
The most challenging critique of the Constantinian system came from the
Anabaptists and the Non-Conformists movements. Their church model was that
of a community of professing believers, not dominated by the state and not
allied to political power. This ‘radical reformation’ was met with fierce opposition
from both Catholic and Protestant leaders.
Separation of church and state
The Theodosian system of a state church came to an end with the Enlightenment
principle of the separation of church and state. This led to the creation of a
secular state, which, by the way, is yet another European phenomenon.
The separation of church and state was first implemented outside Europe,
in the United States at the time of their independence in 1776. Some years
later it was introduced in France, in the wake of the French Revolution, by a
Regulation adopted in the National Assembly in 1795. During the nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries, other countries adopted the same principle,
although the church often retained certain privileges. In some countries, there
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are still established churches (Lutheran in Denmark, Anglican in England,
Orthodox in Greece, for example), although their political role is limited, and
part of a parliamentary democracy. Be that as it may, the principle of separation
of church and state is now generally accepted as a basic value in European
societies.
The Enlightenment and the secularisation of the state were not so much
anti-Christianity as they were opposed to the Constantinian and Theodosian
arrangement of a dominant and privileged state church.
Be that as it may, some churches were bitterly opposed to these new ideas.
In Roman Catholic and Orthodox countries, the separation of church and state
took place in the context of long battles, fuelled by fierce anticlericalism
on the one side, and outright conservatism on the other. In other countries,
this separation was brought about gradually and by peaceful means. But
the net result was the same: the state became neutral. Here are the main
characteristics:
• The divine right of the sovereign ruler (who reigns by the grace of God) is
replaced by the sovereignty of the people.
• Inhabitants are no longer subjects of the prince but citizens of the nation.
• The law is not based on the will of the king but on a constitution that is
voted on by the elected representatives of the people.
• Governments are formed by the elected representatives of the people, in
order that they execute the will of the people.
• Religion is a matter of private concern, outside the civil and political realm,
which means the disestablishment of the official state church.
• Pluralism is the guiding principle of democracy. This implies religious
tolerance.
In French, this principle is known as laïcité. There are two kinds of laïcité: an
ideological and a pragmatic form. The first is rigid, opposed to any Christian
involvement in education, medical care, social welfare and parliament. Its
adherents are against any form of state support for religious institutions. The
second is pluralist and less rigid. Its adherents allow for confessional schools
(Christian, Jewish or Muslim), hospitals, trade unions, charitable societies,
political parties and so on, as long as they abide by the rules that are set for the
whole society, and as long as they do not seek to dominate, and as long as they
do not impose their views on people outside their constituency.
Opportunities for nonconformists
For a long time, the ‘free’ non-conformist churches were in at a disadvantage in
comparison to the historical churches that represented the dominant religion.
They did not receive the same privileges granted to established churches.
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Where the Constantinian arrangement receded, ‘free’ churches of all stripes
were allowed to build sanctuaries, set up schools, influence the political debate,
and have a voice in the public domain. Indeed, in some countries, Evangelical
churches are becoming more important, more visible, and more involved in
society.
Recently, the Belgian government has recognised Evangelical churches as
one of the two wings of Protestantism. As a consequence, the state is prepared
to pay the salaries of their pastors, in the same way that it remunerates other
Protestant pastors, and following the same criteria. Some Evangelical churches
have welcomed this opportunity. Others are more reluctant, since they are afraid
of possible government influence on internal church matters in the future.
In other countries, however, the historical churches are still considered to be
the national church, the religion of the people. In Russia and Serbia, for instance,
the Orthodox Church fosters nationalistic sentiments, thus perpetuating the
close ‘Constantinian’ link with the State. Throughout Eastern Europe we see
Orthodox clergy and politicians join forces to limit the action of Evangelicals
and other non-traditional churches, because they are seen as foreign elements,
as ‘Western sects.’
The end of the Constantinian era
Is this the end of Christendom? This is often stated, but we should distinguish
between the Theodosian system of a state church and the Constantinian
dominance of Christianity in society. This important nuance is brought out by
Feitse Boerwinkel when he writes:
With the French Revolution [i.e. the introduction of the principle of the separation
of church and state] the Theodosian era in which the church was privileged by the
state ended. Prior to the French Revolution, church membership was assumed.
The superiority of Christianity with regards to other religions was also assumed.
With the French Revolution, the power of the church comes to an end, but not its
influence. That has continued until our day. To be more precise, until the 1970s at
which time the assumption that everyone belonged to a church rapidly crumbled.
In our view, the 1970s mark the end of the Constantinian phase of the European
church.186
Post-Constantinian means: the church has lost its dominant place; the state
has taken over functions that hitherto were exercised by the church: education
(the introduction of state schools), medical care (hospices become hospitals),
186 Feitse Boerwinkel, op. cit., p. 53-54.
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welfare (orphanages, hostels), civil administration (registration of births and
marriage). Here are some other elements of a post-Constantinian situation:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Disestablishment of the church (the separation of church and state).
Legislation no longer exclusively based on Christian moral values.
Christianity no longer the reference religion.
Churches no longer privileged, although certain privileges still exist in
some countries.
Church membership no longer assumed.
Civil marriage obligatory, church marriage optional.
State responsible for education, medical care and social welfare.
National identity takes precedence over religious identity.
Vestiges of the Constantinian era
Even though Europe has become largely post-Constantinian, several vestiges of
the old system remain in virtually every country.
• In the Netherlands, churches have a special and privileged legal status.
• In Germany and Switzerland, government collects ‘church tax’ from church
members.
• In Greece, Orthodoxy is the official religion of the state.
• In the United Kingdome, the queen is the head of the Anglican Church
and the defender of the Christian faith; some bishops are automatically
members of the House of Lords.
• Even in France, where the state is so committed to its neutrality in religious
matters, the state maintains and restores church buildings that were built
prior to 1905 (the year in which the separation of church and state became
effective).
Look at the Constantinian vestiges in Belgium, for example. Only a minority
of the population regularly attends church, but there is a continued influence of
the Roman Catholic tradition in society.187 Here are some special arrangements
still in existence today:
• About seventy percent of Belgian children still attend a Catholic school.
• Many hospitals and universities have a Catholic flavour.
• The Catholic tradition is still very present with regard to public holidays
187 See Patrick De Pooter, De rechtspositie van Erkende Erediensten en Levensbeschouwingen
in Staat en maatschappij, Gent: Larcier, 2002, p. 66-67.
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(e.g. All Saints, Assumption of Mary) and school vacations (Christmas,
Easter, Ascension Day, Pentecost).
• On the national holiday, a ceremonial Te Deum is celebrated that political,
military and royal representatives attend.
• In the Belgian order of precedence, representatives of the Roman Catholic
Church have a higher place than representatives of other faith groups.
• Several Belgian trade unions and social security insurance societies have
a Catholic history and profile. There definitely is a Catholic civil society
consisting of a plethora of societies and institutions. Together they
represent an important majority of the Belgian population.188
This list is certainly not exhaustive but offers a general overview. How
about the relation between church and state? In Belgium there is no state
religion, but neither is there a strict separation church and state. Religion
is present in the public sphere and there is public funding of (recognised)
religion.
There are seven recognised religions, including Protestants and Evangelicals.189
They (can) receive public funds to cover the salary of their ministers, and
subsidies for building churches, carrying out social projects, etc. if they meet
the criteria set out by the state. The motivation behind the decision to actively
support certain religions is the conviction that these groups have a moral and
social utility, serve the general interest of the people, and act as the guardians
of morality.
Johan Lorein describes this rationale as pluralistic Constantinianism: the state
actively supports the church and acknowledges that its role is useful to the
general benefit of society. Instead of one recognised church, however, there are
now several recognised religions.190
In this system there is a structural difference between recognised religions
and other ones. At the same time, the Belgian constitution affirms the
fundamental equality of all religions. This leads to a paradoxical situation:
even though the various groups are officially regarded as equal they are not
treated equally.
188 Lieven Boeve, ‘Katholieke’ identiteit van organisaties en instellingen uit het cultureelmaatschappelijke middenveld’ in: Peter De Mey and Pieter de Witte (ed.) De ‘K’ van Kerk: De
pluriformiteit van katholiciteit. Antwerpen: Halewijn, 2009, p. 109.
189 These are Roman Catholic, Protestant (consisting of two recognized wings, Protestant
and Evangelical), Anglican, Jewish, Islamic, Orthodox and Humanists (‘secular philosophy
of life’).
190 Johan Lorein, Assignment paper for the course Europe and the Gospel, Evangelical
Theological Faculty, Leuven, August 2012.
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Even among the recognised groups there are significant differences. The most
important one is found in the criteria for the funding of ministers. Roman Catholic
parishes receive local funding for priests based upon general population rates,
while the other religions are dealt with on the basis of ‘effective members’ as
criterion for the funding of ministers.191 The reason for this difference is mainly
historical: The constitution of 1831 recognised not only Roman Catholicism but
also Protestantism and the Judaism. It was decided that only Roman Catholic
priests should receive a state salary as a way of compensation for the state’s
appropriation of Catholic buildings. While this system made sense in 1831, it is
now no longer valid.
Another area in which the Roman Catholic Church maintains a privileged
position are the criteria that are used to recognise religions. These criteria seem
to be based upon Catholicism. Recently the recognition of Buddhism in Belgium
became a problem because it did not meet these criteria. Given the above
reality, Johan Lorein concludes that the Roman Catholic Church still dominates
the legislation, as primus inter pares. 192
Given the vestiges of the Constantinian arrangement, as described in the
above overview, we conclude that institutional churches are still privileged in
many ways. This confirms the impression that Europe remains attached in a
special way to Christianity.
15.3. Post-Religious (Secularised)
Thirdly, the qualification ‘post-Christian’ can be used in the sense that Europe is
secularised, post-religious. When we look at the behaviour of our fellow citizens,
at their political views, their scientific explanations of the world, their economic
values and sexual norms, we cannot escape the conclusion that many of them
live and act etsi deus non daretur, as if God does not exist. Europe has become
post-religious. To put it more precisely; the majority of its population is now
post-practicing Christian. Usually, where Christianity is abandoned, people do
not adopt another religion. They remain irreligious.
Even many of those who do attend church (regularly or occasionally), do
not necessarily believe the doctrines taught by that church, nor do they always
feel obliged to abide with its ethical principles. As far as their social conduct is
concerned, they are more or less like the unchurched, secularised population.
191 Patrick De Pooter, op. cit., p. 302-303.
192 Johan Lorein, op.cit.
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Disregard of traditional religious (Christian) values
Everywhere around us, we see the extent to which the European population
has become post-religious. Conspicuous signs are the decline of religious
rites and customs, and the disregard of traditional religious values and norms
in the public space. In the European context, these values are Christian - or
Judeo-Christian if you like. Morals based on religious convictions and sacred
texts are give way to ethics based on ‘inner worldly’ considerations, be they
philosophical, pragmatic, social, economic, or political.
For example, the ‘facts’ that count in the world of science are studied on
rationalistic grounds only, disconnected from the ‘values’ of religion. In the
realm of governance, the state is separated from the church. Public and nonconfessional institutions have taken over the role of church-related institutions
in education. The welfare state is developed as the secular alternative to the
social function of the church in the past.
We see this shift also taking place in areas like marriage and family,
education and social manners, financial scruples, sexuality, attitudes toward
the weak and the elderly, respect for life in its embryonic stage as well as in its
final suffering stage, and so on. Currently, abortion has been legalised under
certain conditions in most European countries and certain forms of euthanasia
are also allowed. It is difficult to tell whether a majority of the public is in
agreement with this. If so, it is a silent majority. Pro-life organisations and
political parties that oppose these practices constitute minorities.
Until fairly recently, the idea of civil marriage possible for same-sex couples
met with general public disapproval. Today, it is accepted by the majority
of the public. Some countries (The Netherlands, Belgium, even Spain) have
passed laws allowing it, notwithstanding their long history of Christian political
involvement and despite protests from religious institutions. Other countries
are preparing to follow suit.
As homosexual and lesbian couples demand the right to parenthood,
they put forward several options: adoption, in vitro fertilisation, egg/sperm
donation, surrogate motherhood, and perhaps other modalities still. All of
this is debated. People with religious convictions are very hesitant, to say
the least, but opinions also vary among those who argue along purely secular
lines.
Of course, alternative ways of procreation made possible by medical
technology were and still are primarily used by heterosexual couples. Christians
and adherents of other religions who take different views are not, in general,
categorically against them. But when these alternatives are made available for
single parents and same-sex couples, they lead us far away from the Christian
model of marriage of man and woman as the context for procreation and
parenthood. They are also at odds with the traditional views of other religions,
Judaism and Islam in particular.
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All of this is part of the general trend to rethink, on a non-religious basis, the
connection(s) between marriage, living as a couple, procreation, and biological
parenthood.
Disregard of traditional values is not only a matter of private ethical issues
such as the examples mentioned above; it is also relevant in the economic
and political realms: unbridled financial markets, hedonist consumerism,
individualisation, anti-immigrant attitudes, and so on.
What people do in the private and the public realm is related to moral
convictions called values. Our values are part of our worldview, related to certain
philosophical and spiritual convictions, but this spiritual dimension is often
overlooked. This is due to the fact that many people live and act on the basis of
a worldview that only takes into account what is visible to the eye, tangible and
verifiable to the rational researcher, explicable in natural scientific terms.
Secularisation
The technical term for this phenomenon is secularisation. However, using
this term may lead to confusion because it can convey several meanings.
Surprisingly, it was at first a Christian theological term, denoting the temporal
terrestrial realm, as distinct from the spiritual realm. We live in the present age
of this world (seaculum), but we hope for the age or the world to come,’ the age
of all ages (seaculum saeculorum).
‘Secular’ referred to the world of ordinary believers — as distinct from the clergy
— who lived in the world, in contrast to monastic communities who lived according
to a religious rule. During the French Revolution, civil authorities took over many
church-owned properties, such as monasteries, schools, orphanages, and so on.
The technical term for that was the ‘secularisation’ of ecclesiastical possessions,
so that they could be administered by terrestrial, i.e. secular authorities.
Much later, the word secularisation reappears in the context of sociological
studies. Sociologists use it to denote the rational worldview that has emerged
since the Enlightenment, a worldview that does not take into account the
intervention of a divine being in human history. Secularisation means excluding
God from scientific research and political action. Later still, the same term is used
to denote the decline of church membership, the abandonment of organised
religious practice, and even the abandonment of any religious belief.
Nowadays, the term secularisation is generally used in this sense although it
implies the former sociological sense as well, because people with a religious
mode of life usually have a secularised, i.e. non-religious worldview.
The alternative of no religion at all – a European phenomenon
Giving up the Christian faith in large numbers is not something that only
happened and happens in Europe. This has also happened in North Africa and
the Middle East, where Christianity has been the dominant religion for many
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ages but lost this position to Islam. A number of peoples in Central Asia were
once Christian, now they are Buddhist. Christian people groups in India have (re)
turned to Hinduism.
But there is one fundamental difference. While these peoples have turned
from Christianity to another religion, or returned to the religion of their ancestors,
Europeans have given up Christianity for no other religion at all. Some may have
retained certain beliefs, but they are no longer part of organised religion. In this
part of the world, the alternative to Christianity is not another faith, but no faith
at all, i.e. a non-religious worldview, a secular life-style. The typical European
non-Christian is not a convert to another religion, but someone defining himself
as ‘without religion.’
Secularisation as a non-religious worldview and a non-religious way of life is
a European phenomenon, historically speaking. It originated in our part of the
world. While it has now spread to other regions of the world, mainly countries
with a western culture, Europe still stands out as the continent where it has
taken root more than anywhere else.
No outside pressure
Another remarkable thing about this phenomenon is that it took place, and still
takes place, not because of external pressure but because of internal factors
within ‘Christianised’ Europe itself. Several movements emerged in reaction to
the predominant place of the church in society. They challenged its doctrines,
and secularised its morals. Many Europeans became disillusioned with the
institutional church. Why? Generally speaking, this was not because they were
attracted by another religion. People abandon the Christian perspective of
heaven and a new earth to come. Why? Generally speaking, not because they
find more hope in Islam or Buddhism but because they prefer inner-worldly
perspectives of a better society brought about by human means only. Today,
many have become disillusioned with secular ideologies as well, which leaves
them with very little expectation of a better possible world.
Christianity disappeared from Central Asia and North Africa and it has
been marginalised in the Middle East because of the impact of outside forces,
invasions, and the social pressure of other religions. In contrast, Europe is deChristianising itself.
Relatively low percentage of atheists
Despite ongoing secularisation, atheism remains a minority option for Europeans.
Clearly, people can live secular lives while still having sacred hearts. They might
suppose that a divine being exists, they might be deists or agnostics, but the
attitude taken is often that of practical secularism. As French people often say:
‘I can’t tell whether God exists or not, but at any rate, he doesn’t bother with me
much, so I’m not bothering with him.’
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With the downfall of communism, the official atheism of the Soviet
authorities and their anti-religious policy has disappeared. This was followed by
a resurgence of religious practice all over Eastern Europe.
How many atheists are there really? That is, how many people are convinced
that there is no divine supreme? According to a survey conducted in 2005, fiftytwo percent of EU citizens of the member states believe in a personal being
called ‘God,’ while another twenty-seven percent believe that there is some sort
of spirit or life force. Only eighteen percent believe that no spirit, ‘God’ or life
force exists. The remaining three percent declined to answer.193 Another survey conducted in 2004, showed that twenty-five percent on
average of the people in Western Europe identified as atheists, over and against
twelve percent in Central and Eastern Europe. Its authors also noted some other
remarkable disparities. The percentage of atheists varies from four percent in
Romania and eight percent in Greece, to a surprisingly high forty-one percent in
The Netherlands and even forty-nine percent in the Czech Republic.194
Such high figures are often brought up. However, the wording of the
questionnaire does not always make the necessary distinction between
convinced atheism on the one hand and practical atheism on the other (living
as if there is no God). The latter is usually coupled with agnosticism (not
being sure whether God exists). Taking this distinction into account, French
sociologists agree that in their country atheists account for only fifteen
percent of the population, and that this is the highest percentage in the whole
of Europe, with possible exceptions of the Czech Republic and parts of other
European countries, such as the eastern Länder in Germany.195 Most people
who do not identify as practising a religion are in fact agnostics rather than
declared atheists.
Has Christianity paved the way for a post-religious society?
Sociologists of religion have pointed out that when Christianity supplanted
the preceding pagan religions in Europe, it brought about a certain measure of
secularisation. Christian missionaries denied the existence of gods and spirits
related to natural phenomena – Boniface cut down the holy oaks of the Saxons
to prove the non-existence of the deities that were supposed to send fire from
heaven to punish him. In spreading the message of the Bible, the church has
disenchanted and demythologised nature.
193 Eurobarometer, statistics provided by the Council of Europe, 2005.
194 Wall Street Journal, European edition, 23 December 2004.
195 See e.g. Frédéric Lenoir, Le Christ philosophe, Paris: Plon, 2007, as well as the survey
published by Le Monde des religions, July 2005.
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Moreover, the church introduced a distinction between political and
spiritual authority. Even though the European thrones were in alliance with
the institutional church, the two spheres were seen to be parallel, precisely
because they could not be equated. The first wielded temporal power by
the use of the sword; the second exerted spiritual power by the use of the
Word.
While Roman Catholics, Orthodox, Protestants and Radical Reformation
movements disagreed on the way in which church and state should relate
to each other, they all insisted on the fundamental distinction between the
two, following the statement of Jesus, ‘Give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar,
yield to God what belongs to God’ (Matthew 22). Protestants developed the
principle of freedom of religion and tolerance. This amounted to denying
the authority of the state to intervene in matters of conscience. In all these
respects, Christianity paved the way for the secularisation of politics that was
to come about in the wake of the Enlightenment.
Christianity has also contributed to the development of an autonomous
scientific research, through its emphasis on rational enquiry. Initially, the
church applied reason and philosophy to Biblical revelation. Rational enquiry
served to understand God’s Word (theology), God’s principles for society (law),
and God’s laws of creation (medicine and natural sciences). The idea was to ‘try
and think God’s thoughts after Him.’
Gradually, the study of the laws of nature became independent from the
religious context, leading to secular rationalism and a secular worldview which
no longer explained reality in relation to a divine being. Modern science and
technology have developed out of this. But they would probably never have
come about without the prior phase of Christian rationalism. Here we have
yet another way in which Christianity can be said to have paved the way for a
post-religious society.
Churches and missionaries have generally presented their faith as being
superior to all other belief systems. Christianity, they say, provides the answer
to the fundamental problem of man that no other religion can resolve, i.e. how
to be reconciled with God. Of course, this is a Christian way of making the
comparison. But it shows that, from a Christian point view, this faith is the nec
plus ultra. So if people give up Christianity for whatever reason, where would
they look for something better? If one follows the rationale of Christianity,
then the logical answer would be nowhere, because Christianity was already
considered to be superior to all others. This is exactly the conclusion drawn by
Europeans who are disaffiliated from church institutions, and who no longer
practice the Christian faith. They have developed a secularised, non-religious
way of life.
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15.4. Post-Modern
Contemporary Europeans are often described as postmodern. It would be more
precise to say that a considerable portion of the population (e.g. the young, the
cosmopolitan and the affluent) has a more or less postmodern mindset. Is this
yet another way in which Europe is becoming ‘post-Christian?’ To answer this
question, we must take a very brief look at the shift from modern to postmodern.
A reaction to the Enlightenment and modernism
Postmodernism, or ultramodernism,196 is not a clearly defined movement but
rather a philosophical outlook, a mindset. Postmodernism has permeated every
aspect of European culture, but it began as a philosophical critique of totalitarian
regimes such as Nazism. Reacting against social structures and ideologies that
claimed to represent absolute truth, postmodern philosophers argued that such
claims were claims for absolute loyalty that were instruments of power.
Philosophers like Jacques Derrida, Jean-François Lyotard and Jürgen Habermas
set out to deconstruct these systems in order to bring to light the political and
economic interests behind them. They serve to oppress people, to exclude all
rivals, and to maintain the ruling elite. This leads to oppression of individual
freedom. Nazism and Soviet communism were prime examples, as they were
perpetrated the worst horrors of the twentieth century: the genocide of the Jews
in the Shoa and the Gulag Archipelago of forced labour camps in Siberia.
From a postmodern point of view, the same mechanisms are evident on a
much wider scale. The dogmatic rationalism and the belief in scientific progress
that characterize modern Western culture are equally suspect, when they serve
to impose this one worldview, without tolerating alternative worldviews. Hence
the name of this critique: postmodern. In a similar vein, this critique can also be
applied to cultures claiming to be superior to others, to religions claiming to be
‘the only way.’
Postmodernism has become a school of thought that sharply critiques the
Enlightenment with its faith in the triumphant march of science and continuing
social progress. Human beings are fundamentally a mystery even to themselves
so instead of relying on the limited power of reason, this mystery can often
better be explored by means of music, aesthetics, intuition, religion and other
rich worlds of experience.
Postmodernism has been characterised as a turning away from objectivity to
subjectivity, according to which everyone has the right to live according to his or
196 French authors, in particular, prefer the term ‘ultramodernism.’ Cf. Jean-Paul Willaime,
Europe et religions, p. 204ff.
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her ‘truth.’ One of the fundamental claims of postmodernism is that there is no
absolute truth and no single worldview that is better than any other, let alone
superior. Claims to that effect should be critically dismantled. The age of these
so-called meta-narratives is over. Instead, all religious, moral and philosophical
viewpoints have a value as such, because they are related to a particular real life
context. In principle, they are of equal value.
Postmodernism is a philosophical corollary of the multicultural society: cultural
and religious differences should be accepted. Diversity is inevitable. This position
leads to a pluralist outlook; let there be room for different values, ethical norms,
religious beliefs, etc. If there is any universal value, than it should be tolerance.
Is Postmodernism a reaction to Christianity?
Returning to the question put in the preceding paragraph: is postmodernism a
reaction to Christianity? The answer is ‘yes’ inasmuch as it is critical of any claim
to absolute truth, including the Christian one. But the Gospel presents Jesus as
the only Name by which people can be saved. There is an exclusivist element
in Christianity that cannot be denied if we want to remain loyal to the Biblical
revelation. Postmodernism has a problem with that. In this respect it is a reaction
to Christianity. There is unease with missionary efforts to bring non-Christians to
this one faith in one unique saviour who is the way, the truth, and the the fullness
of life.
However, the answer is ‘no’ inasmuch as postmodernism is not a reaction to
any religious experience and practice. Postmodernism is not against religion, nor
does it present itself as an alternative religion. People with a postmodern outlook
are not closed off to religious belief and spiritual experience, quite the contrary.
One can be postmodern and practice a religion – as long as one remains tolerant
of other forms of ‘truth,’ a postmodern person would add. From the Christian
standpoint, the great problem of postmodernism is its pluralism, which leads to
relativism.
15.5. Post-Evangelised
Several missiological publication place Europe among the ‘evangelised world,’
a term indicating that at least fifty percent of the population has unrestricted
access to an understandable presentation of the Gospel.197 Indeed, any
197 Apart from the ‘evangelised world’ there is the ‘non-evangelised world’ where less
than 50% of the population has free access to an understandable presentation of the
Gospel, and the ‘unreached world’ where less than 2% of the population is Christian. In
missiological jargon, these are called World C, B and A respectively.
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observer will notice the plethora of literature, movies, videos, television
programs, Christian items in the news, Christian television channels, journals,
tracts, billboards, and bookstores, all presenting the message of the Bible,
not to mention church buildings which people can enter, Christian schools,
Christian hospitals, Christian holiday centres, museums with Christian art, and
religious education in schools. The list can be expanded at length. It seems
almost impossible to not be informed about the message of Christianity.
Furthermore, churches regularly engage in evangelism aimed at arousing an
interest among the un-churched. To this we should add the countless occasions
on which individual believers talk about their faith to non-Christian friends
and colleagues.
Finally, there are church planters all over the continent, trying to bring
people together in new communities, in areas where the Christian testimony
is deemed insufficient, or thought to be completely lacking. (It is a matter
of debate whether such initiatives should also be undertaken in towns that
already have an important Roman Catholic or Orthodox presence.)
Yes, Europe is being evangelised at length and to a large extent. We should
add that this has been going on for many centuries. Even so, despite the fact
that Europeans have access to the Christian faith, and despite the impressive
amount of evangelism efforts, a great number of our contemporaries do not
seem to be interested. It is as if these people are saying, ‘I know all about
Christianity, in Europe we have seen a lot of it, but I prefer leaving it in the past.
I appreciate the heritage of Christian art, I appreciate what Christians are doing
for the poor, and so on, but as for me, I’m not interested in joining a church. I
can pray on my own, when I feel the need for it.’
In a very real sense, Europe can be called post-evangelised. Talking about
the Gospel gives the impression of presenting ‘old news’ instead of ‘good
news.’ While becoming a Christian represents a step forward in other places of
the world, it is seen as joining the religion of the past in Europe.
In his interesting book on the way today’s secularised citizens in the United
Kingdom look at the church and Christianity, Anglican pastor Allan Billings
makes some thought provoking observations. What he says about British
society can easily be applied to other European countries:
Whether the losses in Church attendance spell terminal decline, as some have
predicted, is debatable: the Church has considerably resources and the fall in
numbers is not uniform across the different types of Anglicanism. But...if the
starting point for assessing the place of religion in Britain today is with numbers
of active members, the message of decline cannot be disputed. Moreover, this
is in spite of considerable efforts at evangelism during the final decade of the
20th century. The inescapable message of the twentieth century was that the
British people do not want to attend Churches on a regular basis and there is no
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strategy of either evangelism or Church restructuring that can make a significant
difference to that.198
The exceptional continent
How different the situation is in other parts of the world, not only in the
developing countries, but also in a modern and highly technological society
like the United States. British sociologist Grace Davie has characterised
Europe as ‘the exceptional continent.’ She gives us two important starting
points to understand why this is so. In Europe, the rise of modernity (a
worldview based on rational science and technology) has been accompanied
by secularisation and the decline of religious practice. But this combination is
not a universal phenomenon. In other parts of the world, the development of
a society along the lines of western technology and rational science does not
seem to hamper religious practice. On the contrary, in United States, Canada,
Korea, China, and Latin America, to mention a few striking examples, religious
communities are thriving and secularisation remains limited in scope. It
seems that the European combination of modernity and secularisation is the
exception to the rule.199
In a recent publication, Peter Berger, Grace Davie and Effie Fokas compare
the religious practice in Europe and in the United States.200 While there are
similarities, the differences are striking. Their analyses show that religion
occupies an important place in American society, while European societies are
much more subject to secularisation.
Could Christianity become marginalised or even extinct?
Suppose we extrapolate the trends in the USA and in Europe. Should we then
come to the conclusion that the Christian faith will continue to prosper over
there, and continue to decline over here?
Certainly, Christianity is still a vibrant and influential religious community.
Here and there we see thriving, growing churches. The number of immigrant
churches has risen sharply over the last years. But even so, the overall decline
of Christian religious practice continues. The proportion of un-churched
Europeans is growing steadily. This raises the question, could it be that
Christianity in Europe will sooner or later be marginalised or even become
extinct?
198 Allan Billings, Secular Lives, Sacred Hearts, p. 11.
199 Grace Davie, Europe: the Exceptional Case, p. 137 and p. 145
200 Peter Berger, Grace Davie and Effie Fokas, Religious America, Secular Europe?
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In theory this is possible. Throughout history, there are examples of both.
North Africa once had a thriving church. Christianity in the Middle East is
marginalised where earlier it was the dominant religion for many centuries.
Central Asia offers similar examples. Looking at the figures of diminishing
church membership, we should not jump to conclusions though. Developments
in the area of religious practice are never linear. Others refuse to believe that
faith in Jesus could one day become a rare phenomenon in our lands. Hoping
for revival they point to signs of revitalisation in the present. However, the
presence of some almond blossoms does not yet make the summer of a reChristianised Europe.
In theory, then, both scenarios are possible: gradual extinction despite
occasional local upsurges, or renewal and revival. Philip Jenkins does not
believe in the possibility of the first scenario. Looking at earlier periods in
history when leading thinkers were convinced that Christianity was doomed or
in its final days, he finds that often the opposite happened. Similarly, current
predictions about the inevitable further decline of Christianity ‘is perhaps the
best indicator that it is about to expand or revive.’201
For the time being, one cannot be certain of any scenario, as Grace Davie
rightly pointed out in her study on the spread of religious beliefs and values in
western European societies. She gives two reasons for this uncertainty. ‘There
exists no simple alignment between modernity, secularisation, and the decline
of religious sensibility.’202
201 Philip Jenkins, God’s Continent, p. 288.
202 Grace Davie, Europe: The Exceptional Case, p. 137 and p. 145.
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