‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
Carlos Gussenhoven
bron
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call.’ In: Journal of Linguistics 29 (1993),
p. 37-63.
Zie voor verantwoording: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/guss001dutc01_01/colofon.htm
© 2002 dbnl / Carlos Gussenhoven
37
The Dutch foot and the chanted call
Carlos Gussenhoven
University of Nijmegen
(Received 1 April 1992; revised 13 April 1993)
1. Introduction
Algorithms for the assignment of main word stress in Dutch have never been
1
systematically tested against foot-based segmental processes. The assumption
has apparently been that such processes do not exist. In this article, it is suggested
that Dutch has at least four segmental rules that make reference to the foot, and
that Dutch has a chanted intonation contour whose realization is governed by foot
structure. The evidence provided by all these processes largely confirms the more
recent proposals for Dutch foot structure, including Kager (1989) and Trommelen
& Zonneveld (1989), except where they fail to conform to (1).
(1)
Monosyllabic feet can only occur word-finally
The generalization in (1) rules out the structures in (2), which have been widely
assumed in the literature on Dutch; both have a non-final monosyllabic foot, with
main stress in (2a), and without main stress in (2b). The structures argued for in this
article are given in (3a, b), respectively. In recent treatments, the structure in (2a)
is commonly assumed when the final syllable is closed, while the structure of (3a)
is assumed when the final syllable is open (for example pínda ‘peanut’). It will be
shown that, in final position, this is not a relevant distinction in the phonology of
Dutch. Second, it will be shown that the structure in (2b) is confined to the lexicon,
and that a postlexical foot-deletion rule creates the structure of (3b), which is the
relevant structure for postlexical phonology. I will use the bracketed grid notation of
Hayes (1991) throughout.
(2)
(a)
1
(x
)
(
x)
(Pword
level)
(x)
(x)
(x)
(x)
(Foot
level)
har
nas
ta
bak
(b)
This material was presented at the meeting of the Word Prosody Theme Group of the European
Science Foundation held in Salzburg on 10-12 October 1991. I should like to thank the
audience for treading softly on my intuitions. I gratefully acknowledge the useful comments I
have received, on my presentation as well as on an earlier draft of this article, from Geert
Booij, Judith Haan, Bruce Hayes, Harry van der Hulst, René Kager, Paul Kiparsky, Aditi Lahiri,
Erwin Marsi and Mieke Trommelen. I have liberally made use of their judgements and the
information they have given me. Any errors are my responsibility only. I should like to thank
Richard Piepenbrock for his assistance with a search in the CELEX data base.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
38
(3)
(a)
(x
)
(
x)
(x
.)
.
(x)
har
nas
ta
bak
(b)
This article takes the realization of the Dutch vocative chant as its starting point. It
is described in section 2, in terms of the analysis of the English chant by Hayes &
Lahiri (1992). The plausible assumption is made that the distribution of one of its
tones is foot-based and, in section 3, the foot structure of a number of word types
is established on the basis of the way they are pronounced when chanted. Then,
four segmental rules will be presented, and it will be shown that they confirm the
structures arrived at. In section 4, these results are compared with a number of
proposals in the literature. There, I also consider and reject the claim by Trommelen
& Zonneveld (1989) that rightward stress shift in Dutch is foot-based. Section 5
summarizes the results.
2. The ‘chanted call’
One of the best-known intonation contours of English is the tune which has been
described as the ‘calling contour’ (see Gibbon, 1976), the ‘vocative chant’ (Liberman,
1975), the ‘stylized fall’ (Ladd, 1978) and, most recently, as the ‘chanted call’ (Hayes
& Lahiri, 1992), which term I will adopt here. The tune is most easily evoked by
imagining a speaker calling someone's name, although the meaning of this tune is
best characterized as ‘routineness’ (Ladd, 1978). In this section, the Dutch vocative
chant is described in terms of the analysis given by Hayes & Lahiri (1992) for the
Engish vocative chant. That analysis is given in section 2.1, and our analysis of the
Dutch tune is given in section 2.2.
2.1 Hayes & Lahiri 1992
2.1.1 The facts
2.1.1.1 Tones. The tonal facts of the English chanted call, as set out by Liberman
(1975: 20), are summarized by Hayes & Lahiri as in (4). Illustrative data are given
in (5). (As Hayes & Lahiri observe, these utterances become more plausible if one
imagines them as names for pets.)
(4)
(a) H(igh) begins on the main stress.
(b) M(id) begins on the strongest stress after H.
(c) If all syllables after the main stress are stressless, then M begins on the final
syllable.
(d) If the main stress is final, it receives the HM sequence.
(e) Pitches extend in time to the next pitch or the phrase end.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
39
(5)
Examples (5a) and (5b) illustrate that the association of M is sensitive to the
postnuclear stress, which is on the penult in (5a), but on the last in (5b) (which is
quadrisyllabic in American English). Examples (5c, d) illustrate how a stressless
final syllable attracts the M if no secondary stress intervenes between it and the
main stress. In (5e), the two levels are realized on the same syllable, because main
stress is on the final syllable, while (5f) (from Liberman, 1975) illustrates that the M
looks for the strongest stress after the main stress. Here, the word-internal secondary
stress on -nath- has less stress than unaccented dear.
2.1.1.2 Duration. The lengthening of the first syllable of a pitch level is illustrated by
Hayes & Lahiri with the help of examples like those in (6), which show that the degree
of lengthening depends on the number of syllables that are associated with a pitch
level. The most extreme lengthening occurs when both pitch levels are on the same
syllable, as in (6a). If a pitch level extends over exactly one syllable, it is less extreme,
but obligatory, as illustrated in (6b-d). If it extends over two syllables, the lengthening
is optional, as in (6c-e). With three syllables, it is dispreferred, as in (6f, g), while
the addition of a fourth syllable makes lengthening impossible (cf. (5f)).
(6)
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
40
Lastly, Hayes & Lahiri observe that the lengthening neutralizes the vowel-quantity
distinction between tense and lax vowels, as shown in (7).
(7)
Polly!
['pɐ:li:]
Paulie!
['pɔ:li:]
2.1.2 Hayes & Lahiri's analysis
To account for the tonal facts, Hayes & Lahiri propose that the tune consists of the
tone sequence H M. The emphasis in their analysis is on the durational properties
of the tune. They point out that the data in (7) rule out an account in terms of the
addition of moras or Xs. Instead, they assume that the tone comes with a grid. The
grid is intended to capture both the rhythmic facts (encoded as column height) and
the durational facts (encoded as the number of columns associated with a tone).
Underlyingly, the representation of the English chanted call is as in (8).
(8)
Hayes & Lahiri propose (9) as a constraint on grids, which they offer as their
interpretation of the rhythmic nature of speech (cf. ‘Clash Avoidance’ and ‘Lapse
Avoidance’ in other work). As a result of (9), representation (8) will be expanded if
there are no free syllables after the beats. In such a case, (9) minimally requires
one beat to be added, with an option for a second beat. The added beats associate
with the preceding strong syllable. This accounts for the durational facts: the more
beats a syllable associates with, the longer it will be.
(9)
Obligatory Offbeat Condition
Any strong beat must be directly followed by a weak beat.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
41
Implementation of (9) will be referred to as BEAT SPLITTING. The pitch levels are
accounted for by (10), TONE SHARING.
(10)
Tone Sharing
When a beat is split, all parts of the beat retain the tone of the original.
Association of the grid follows the description in (4): the strong beat with H associates
with the main stress, and the strong beat with M associates with the strongest stress
after H, or with the last syllable if there are only stressless syllables. The precise
way the beats of the chanted call are mapped onto the stresses in the text is not
made explicit by Hayes & Lahiri, but some grid-matching procedure is envisaged.
In (11), a derivation is given, with (i) illustrating the result of the grid-matching
procedure, and with (ii) and (iii) illustrating Beat Splitting and Tone Sharing,
respectively. In (12a, b), two illustrative surface representations are reproduced.
(11) en (12)
2.2 The Dutch chanted call
Tunes of the type exemplified by the English chanted call occur in many languages.
Hayes & Lahiri describe the Bengali counterpart, showing how it differs from the
English tune in the way the pitch levels are distributed over the syllables in the word.
The Dutch chanted call differs from both of these, most strikingly in the fact that, in
2
one very common variant, it may have more than two level pitches. First consider
the examples in (13), which
2
I am indebted to Bob Ladd for pointing this fact out to me.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
42
would appear to suggest that the Dutch chanted call follows the same pattern as
the English one. Also the neutralization of vowel quantity observed by Hayes & Lahiri
for English appears to occur in Dutch, as shown in (14). In these examples, [α] is a
lax, short vowel, while [a] is a tense, long vowel, usually given as [a:]. (The vowel
system of Dutch consists of a set of five lax vowels, [ι, ν, ε, α, ɔ], which are short,
and a set of ten tense vowels, [i, y, u; e:, ø:, o:; εi, œy, αu; a:], which are long, except
for the close series [i, y, u]; and diphthongal, except for [i, y, u] and [a:]. It also has
a reduced vowel [ə]. In this article, I will from now on use the length mark only to
indicate lengthening as created by some rule, not to indicate membership of the
tense class.)
(13)
(e) lach]v-erig]Adj-e]Obl
(14)
Katje!
['kα:tjə:]
‘cat + DIM’
Kaatje!
['ka:tjə:]
‘proper name’
The data in (15) show that unlike English, Dutch allows more than two level pitches.
The difference between (15a) and (15b) is that the penult has [ə] in (15a), but a full
[α] in (15b), the main stress being on the first syllable in either case. The difference
is easily accounted for by the different foot structures: while ‘widow’ is a single foot,
‘almanac’ consists of two feet, [αlma] and [nαk] (for example Van der Hulst, 1984).
Every (unaccented) foot after the accented syllable can trigger a new pitch level in
this way, as shown by (15c), a compound with the accent on the first constituent
(‘fake’). As can be seen, both unaccented feet of ‘almanac’ trigger the formation of
a pitch level, as does the final (weak syllable.
(15)
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
43
Let us first give an analysis of the contour in the terms of Hayes & Lahiri's proposal.
The important implication of the difference between the data in (15) and the
comparable English data in (5a, f) is that in Dutch the last syllable ALWAYS has a
separate pitch level. That is, it has a boundary tone, not some other tone landing
there by default, as is the case in English. The intermediate pitch levels evidently
cannot be accounted for by postulating underlying tones, as their number varies as
a function of the text (see Pierrehumbert, 1980: 76). These levels can be obtained
by spreading the initial H to every following foot, and by subsequently applying a
tone-splitting operation, to ensure that every foot has its own H. The Obligatory
Offbeat Condition (9) and Tone Sharing (10) then apply as in English. In order to
create the terraced realization of the consecutive H tones, we stipulate that these
tones undergo the same Downstep implementation rule as do downstepped accented
H*'s (Van den Berg, Gussenhoven & Rietveld, 1992). Since downstepped contours
need to appeal to the presence of a morpheme [DOWNSTEP] in order to implement
the pitch lowering, there seems to be no reason for not stipulating that Hs in the
3
chanted call trigger downstep. This option is given in (16).
(16)
The representation in (16) matches up with the text such that H goes to the accented
syllable, and L to the last syllable. If this syllable is not a foot, (16) will provide the
appropriate stress level. If it is a foot, (16) applies in the ‘matching’ sense, as
envisaged for (4). In order to create the intermediate levels, we need H-SPREADING,
as given in (17).
3
Alternatively, under an assumption that Downstep is triggered by particular tonal configurations
(Beckman & Pierrehumbert, 1986; Hayes & Lahiri, 1991), the first H would have to be replaced
with a HL unit (cf. Yip, 1989), which would spread as such to following feet, as suggested to
me by Paul Kiparsky. The context for Downstep could then be ‘After HL’.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
44
(17)
The description is summarized in (18). The examples in (19a-c) are self-explanatory.
(18)
(a) Associate H and L
(b) H-Spreading (17)
(c) H-Splitting
(d) Beat Splitting (9)
(e) Tone Sharing (10)
(f) (Phonetic implementation) Downstep H after H (in the chanted call)
(19)
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
45
3. The Dutch foot
In this section, the realization of the Dutch chanted call is investigated as a function
of the prosodic structure of the word. First, words with the main stress on the penult
(‘trochees’) and words with the stress on the antepenult (‘dactyls’) are discussed,
so as to ascertain what foot structures occur after the main stress. (I will continue
to use scare quotes when using these terms in these senses.) The conclusion will
be that a ‘trochee’ is a single foot, regardless of the segmental composition of the
final syllable, and that a ‘dactyl’ contains two feet, a binary foot followed by a
monosyllabic foot, unless the last syllable contains schwa, in which case the ‘dactyl’
is a ternary foot. In addition to the chanted call, evidence will be presented based
on four segmental processes and on the distribution of [h]. Next, the foot structure
before the main stress is investigated by considering the behaviour of the chanted
call in words with one syllable before the main stress (‘iambs’), and words with two
syllables before the main stress (‘anapaests’). In support of the findings here, the
durational characteristics of the prestress syllable in ‘iambs’ are discussed. Here,
the conclusions will be that this syllable loses its foot postlexically, and that the first
two syllables of an ‘anapaest’ form a binary foot.
3.1 ‘Trochees’
Words with the main stress on the penult have only a single pitch level, if a syllable
is added to attract the boundary L of (10). That is, regardless of its segmental
composition, the final syllable of such words fails to undergo H-Spreading. Examples,
with VV, VC and VCC stem-final syllables, are given in (20). The final syllable
represents the diminutive suffix.
(20)
Two levels
méute-tje
[mø(:)tətjə:
‘crowd’
páling-kje
[pá(:)lιηkjə]
‘eel’
pínda-tje
[pí(:)ndatə:]
‘peanut’
káyak-je
[ká(:)jαkjə:]
‘kayak’
hárnas-je
[hά]:)rnαsjə:]
‘suit of armour’
éiland-je
[έi(:)lαntjə:]
‘island’
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
46
As pointed out to me by René Kager, such words contrast with compounds. A
compound like wándàad ‘misdeed’ will have three levels when diminutivized, which
is explained by the fact that the syllable daad represents a Pword, and hence a foot.
3.2 ‘Dactyls’
We have seen in section 2.2 that words with the main stress on the antepenult
appear to behave differently depending on whether their last syllable is reduced or
full. The difference becomes apparent if at least one more syllable follows to take
the boundary L. ‘Dactyl’-final full-vowelled syllables trigger the formation of a new
pitch level, as shown in (21b), but ‘dactyl’-final weak-vowelled ones do not, as shown
in (21a). The added syllable is the diminutive suffix.
(21)
(a) Two levels
wéduwe-tje
[υé(:)dy ətjə:]
Ázië-tje
[á(:)zi ətjə:]
médium-pje
[mé(:)di əmpjə:]
j
‘medium’
Pánamà-tje
[pα(:)namà:tjə:]
‘Panama’
álibì-tje
[á(:)libì:tjə:]
‘alibi’
ólifànt-je
[ó(:)lifὰ:ntə:]
‘elephant’
w
j
‘widow’
‘Asia’
(b) Three levels
3.2.1 Derived ‘dactyls’
As is to be expected, the attachment of suffixes with schwa (as opposed to a full
vowel) does not lead to the creation of new pitch level, since such syllables are
adjoined to the last foot of the base. Equally unexpectedly, the attachment of a
full-vowelled (stress-neutral) suffix to a ‘trochee’ will begin a new foot. For instance,
the diminutivized agentive noun [[['υαndəl]v a:r]N tjə] N ‘walk + er + DIM’ has three
pitch levels. There is, however, one interesting exception. When the deverbal
nominalizing suffix -ιη is attached to a ‘trochee’, it triggers a new level, as is to be
expected of a syllable with a vowel other than schwa; but when that ‘trochee’ ends
in a vowel, it does not. There is therefore a contrast between (22a) and (22b).
(22)
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
47
The explanation of this difference in behaviour is somehow to be found in the relation
between the weight of the final syllable and the presence of an onset: Kager &
Zonneveld (1986) observe that underived trisyllabic feet, like those in (21a), are
characterized by an onsetless final syllable with schwa. (The glide that appears
between these two syllables results from a postlexical rule.) Apparently, also [ι]
counts as a reduced vowel after an unstressed syllable, but only if its syllable has
no onset. I will return to this observation in section 3.2.3.
To summarize, the data for ‘trochees’ and ‘dactyls’ suggests that Dutch words with
the main stress on the penult end in disyllabic feet, regardless of the segmental
composition of the syllables. (I reserve judgement on some words with super-heavy
final syllables, that is, those ending in VVC or (V)VCC, like likdoorn ‘corn in foot’,
which may be compounds. See Trommelen & Zonneveld, 1989.) Words with the
main stress located on the third syllable from the end have a final monosyllabic foot,
provided it is not a reduced, onsetless syllable. These foot structures are given in
(23).
(23)
(x )
(x )
(x )
(x . )
(x .) (x)
(x . . )
σσ
σσσ
σσσ
pin da
Pa na ma
we du we
har nas
al ma nak
A zi ë
ei land
o li fant
(ver) ta xi ing
In support of the analysis of ‘trochees’ and ‘dactyls’, we now turn to the lexical rule
that lengthens [i, y, u] before [r] (Pre-r-Lengthening), a lexical rule inserting [ə]
between noun stems and the diminutive suffix (ə-Insertion), a postlexical rule that
devoices [j] after [p, t, k] (j-Devoicing), a postlexical rule breaking up certain
consonant clusters (Svarabhakti), and the distributional pattern of [h].
3.2.2 Pre-r-Lengthening
Pre-r-Lengthening lengthens tense [i, y, u] before [r]. While [bit] ‘beetroot’ has the
same duration as [bιt] ‘bit’, which has a lax vowel, [bi:r] ‘beer’ is durationally the
same as [be:r] ‘bear’; similarly, [brysk] ‘brusque’ contrasts with [by:rt] ‘neighbourhood’.
The data in (24) make it clear that the rule is not syllable-based: (24a, b) have the
[r] in the same syllable, but (24c, d) show that [r] may also follow in the next syllable.
The possibility of a word-based rule is excluded by (25). In (25a, b), the tense vowel
appears in an initial monosyllable before a foot beginning with [r], while in (25c, d)
the tense vowel ends a binary foot before [r]. No lengthening takes place in these
contexts. It is concluded that the rule is foot-based, and that lengthening
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
48
takes place when [r] follows in the same foot. (The length mark is used to indicate
the result of Pre-r Lengthening.)
(24)
(a)
[υí:r]
‘algae’
(b)
[ólivì:r]
‘Oliver’
(c)
[slú:ri]
‘slut’
(d)
[pi:rəmənt]
‘barrel organ’
(25)
(a)
*[pi:rát]
[pirát]
‘pirate’
(b)
*[hu:rá]
[hurá]
‘hurray’
(c)
*[kɔ́rdy:rɔ́j]
[kɔ́rdyrɔ̀j]
‘corduroy’
(d)
*[αtmi:rál]
[αtmirál]
‘admiral’
The prediction of our analysis is that [i, y, u] are long when occurring before [r] in
the second syllable of a ‘trochee’, regardless of the segmental composition of this
syllable. This prediction is borne out in (26). The rule is formalized in (27), which
assumes that short [i, y, u] are linked to the first of two consecutive V-slots. (The
empty second V-slot accounts for the distributional behaviour of [i, y, u] as long
vowels; the representation of [i] contrasts on the one hand with [ι], which is linked
to the only V-slot of its syllable, and on the other with [i:], which is linked to two
V-slots underlyingly, and which vowel appears in loans like analyse, Hermans, 1992.)
(26)
(a)
[υí:rok]
‘incense’
(b)
[dú:rαk]
‘scoundrel’
(c)
[zý:rιη]
‘sorrel’
(27)
The rule must be lexical. Ablauted past tense verb stems fail to undergo
Pre-r-Lengthening. For example, bedierf [bə'dirf] ‘spoiled’ and wierp [υirp] ‘threw’
have short [i]. We will return to this point in section 3.3.
3.2.3 ə-Insertion
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
In Kooij (1982), it has already been proposed that the rule inserting schwa between
the stem and the diminutive suffix in Dutch is foot-based: this schwa is inserted only
if the stem ends in a monosyllabic foot (see also Van der Hulst, 1984: 124, who also
gives an earlier unpublished reference Van der Hulst, 1981, and Booij, 1984). The
proposal suffered a setback in Trommelen (1983: 13, 31), who argued against the
idea on the ground that segmental
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
49
conditions need to be placed on the rule, and that the specific form of these feet
was not independently supported. It is true that the rhyme must consist of a lax
vowel and a sonorant consonant. Research on prosody-based rules has shown,
however, that simultaneous reference to prosodic constituents and segmental
information is commonplace (Kahn, 1976; Nespor & Vogel, 1986). As for the objection
that the required foot structure is not independently motivated, we have shown that
the feet required for diminutive ə-Insertion are independently required by the chanted
call and Pre-r-Lengthening, while below we will see that j-Devoicing also requires
these structures. The sensitivity of ə-Insertion to foot-structure is illustrated in (28).
Here, the (a)-examples trigger the rule, while the ‘trochees’ in (28b) do not.
(28)
(a)
(b)
STEM
DIMINUTIVE
[rιη]
[rιηətjə]
‘ring’
[zɔ́n]
[zɔ́nətjə]
‘sun’
[υαndəlιη]
[υαndəlιηətjə]
‘walk’
[hórizɔ̀n]
[hórizɔ̀nətjə]
‘horizon’
[pálιη]
[pálιeta;kjə]
‘eel’
[αlbΥm]
[αlbΥmpjə]
‘album’
[pítɔn]
[pítɔntjə]
‘python’
[sátαn]
[sátαntjə]
‘Satan’
Trommelen (1983: 47) observes that words of the type (28b) are sometimes given
with inserted schwa by native speakers. It is noted, however, first, that the forms
without schwa are always considered to be well formed; second, that schwa-full
forms are only given for words with [ɔ, α] before the final sonorant consonant, like
‘python’, ‘Satan’, which are recent borrowings, and rare; third, that such data have
been elicited, not observed. It is possible that native speakers are simply insecure
when asked to give the diminutive forms of such words. It should be borne in mind
that all other words ending in [-ɔntjə, -αntjə] contain stems ending in [-nt], and that
the regularity that words ending in [-αn, ɔn] take schwa (such as [kαn] ‘jug’, [stádiɔn]
‘stadium’) must be very strong. That fact that schwa-less forms for ‘python’, ‘Satan’
are well formed at all therefore constitutes strong evidence in favour of our rule (29).
(29)
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
50
Interesting confirmation of the analysis is provided by the diminutive form of
[ɔntsény-ιη] ontzenuwing ‘refutation’, a noun formed by suffixing [-ιη] to the verb
[ɔnt-zényυ]. Haverkamp-Lubbers & Kooij (1971) give it as [ɔntsény-ιηkjə], that is
WITHOUT inserted schwa. There is no obvious way in which this word distinguishes
itself from the words in (28a). If we assume, however, that ‘refutation’ is a single
foot, like ‘taxi-fication’ (see (22a)), the failure of ə-Insertion is precisely what one
would expect, given the foot-based nature of the rule. This analysis predicts the
absence of a consonant in the onset of the final syllable (see (23)). That is, underlying
[υ] of [zényυ] must be deleted when [-ιη] is added, so as to cause the resultant
segment string to conform to the pattern of (22), third column. It can in fact be
demonstrated that the [w] of ontzenuwing is a postlexically inserted glide. One
phonetic difference between an underlying labial glide and an inserted one is that,
in the onset, the underlying one can be labio-dental rather than bilabial (see
Zwaardemaker & Eijckman, 1928: 154). In ontzenuwing, the labio-dental
pronunciation is indeed excluded, showing the [w] is inserted. Consistent with this
is the fact that a ‘chanted’ realization of the diminutivized form has two levels, just
as does (22a).
3.2.4 j-Devoicing
The third rule which provides evidence for our analysis of Dutch foot structure is
j-Devoicing. Syllable-initial [pj, tj, kj] display strong devoicing of [j] in words like [kɔpj̥e,
sχαtj̥e, pαkj̥e] ‘cup + DIM’, ‘darling + DIM’, ‘packet + DIM’. Initially in the word, the
devoicing is not obligatory. This is shown in (30). Now notice that in ‘trochees’ like
[djɔ́kja] ‘Jokjakarta’ the devoicing is obligatory, as shown in (31), which is evidence
that they form single feet. The prediction is also that in ‘dactyls’ like bárbecùe
devoicing of [j] is not obligatory, while in an otherwise similar word in which the third
syllable has schwa, like mónnikje ‘monk-DIM’, the devoicing is obligatory again. This
is correct, and shown in (32). These facts are explained if we assume that j-Devoicing
is obligatory if the cluster is foot-internal rather than foot-initial, assuming the foot
structures in (23). The rule is given in (33).
(30)
[pjɔ́tər]
[pj]/[pj̥]
name
[tjért]
[tj]/[tj̥]
name
[kjέld]
[kj]/[kj̥]
name
[kάtjə]
*[tj], [tj̥]
‘cat + DIM’
[kɔ́pjə]
*[pj], [pj̥]
‘cup + DIM’
[bakjə]
*[kj], [kj̥]
‘tray + DIM’
[kítjαp]
*[tj], [tj̥]
‘soy sauce’
[djɔ́kja]
*[kj], [kj̥]
‘Jokjakarta’
(31)
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
51
(32)
[bάrbəkju]
[kj]/[kj̥]
‘barbecue’
[mɔ́nəkjə]
*[kj], [kj̥]
‘monk + DIM’
(33)
3.2.5 Svarabhakti
Clusters of [r, l] plus a consonant other than [t, s] are variably broken up by [ə] in
many varieties of Dutch, as in [αr(ə)m, dεl(ə)ft, εr(ə)kər] ‘arm, Delft, bay-window’.
This rule, referred to as Svarabhakti, has generally been characterized as
syllable-based (Trommelen, 1983; Booij, 1984; Nespor & Vogel, 1986), the claim
being made that the cluster must be tautosyllabic. Trommelen & Zonneveld (1989:
140) accommodate words like [έr(ə)kər] under this analysis by leaving the last schwa
of a word unsyllabified, causing the preceding consonant(s) to be included in the
coda of the preceding syllable. This analysis is questionable, as it presupposes that
the final syllable is syllabified only after the postlexical rule of Svarabhakti has
applied. This means that Final Devoicing, a postcyclic lexical rule, is incorrectly
predicted to apply in words like vrede [vre:də] ‘peace’. Moreover, in non-standard
western varieties, Svarabhakti also applies in ‘trochees’ with a full vowel in the final
syllable, as Aditi Lahiri pointed out to me. In Amsterdam Dutch, for instance, it freely
applies in the ‘trochees’ in (34a). In (34b), by contrast, where the liquid and the
consonant are not inside the same foot, Svarabhakti never applies. The data can
be explained by assuming that stressed syllables add the initial consonant of a
following weak syllable to their coda; in standard Dutch, but not in the western
varieties, the weak syllable must be schwa (René Kager, personal communication;
see also Berendsen & Zonneveld, 1985). This solution assumes an ambisyllabic [k]
in ['εr(ə)kər] in Dutch generally, and ambisyllabic [m] in ‘Helma’ (34a) in the west.
All varieties then have the same syllable-based rule of Svarabhakti. The required
resyllabification rule creating ambisyllabic consonants in the western varieties of
course confirms the analysis of ‘trochees’ as binary feet. Alternatively, Svarabhakti
4
could be formulated as a foot-based rule. Whatever solution is chosen, reference
to the foot will have to be made.
4
The formulation of Svarabhakti is possible without reference to the feature [- coronal] if coronal
clusters are first made to share a place node, after which such clusters cannot be broken up.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
52
(34)
(a)
(b)
['hεl(ə)ma]
name
['bαl(ə)kαn]
‘the Balkans’
['fɔl(ə)fo]
‘Volvo’
['kαr(ə)ma]
‘karma’
[har'pun]
*[hαrə'pun]
‘harpoon’
[bαl'kɔn]
*[bαbə'kɔn]
‘balcony’
[sΥl'fit]
*[sΥlə'fit]
‘sulphyte’
[tΥr'kεiə]
*[tΥrə'kεiə]
‘Turkey’
3.2.6 The distribution of h
Lastly, there is a distributional fact that can be shown to confirm the conception of
foot structure presented here, of which I was reminded by Harry van der Hulst. The
segment [h] never occurs foot-internally in Dutch. Instead of [h], we find the products
of HOMORGANIC GLIDE INSERTION wherever the glottal consonant might be
expected to appear foot-internally on the basis of the spelling. In (35a), [h] is
pronounced: in all cases, it is not foot-internal. By contrast, [h] does not appear in
the ‘trochees’ in (35b), regardless of the quality of the final vowel or of whether it is
closed or open. (I suspect [P] has the same distributuion as [h]; this question requires
experimental investigation.)
(35)
(a)
(b)
hoed
[hút]
‘hat’
Abraham
[ábrahὰm]
‘Abraham’
Johannes
[johαnəs]
‘John’
heraut
[herɔ̀ut]
‘messenger’
Niehe
[ní ə]
aloha
[aló a]
‘aloha’
Johan
[jó αn]
w
‘John’
j
w
name
3.3 ‘Iambs’
We continue our investigation by returning to the chanted call, and turn our attention
to words with an initial pretonic syllable (‘iambs’). When an ‘iamb’ occurs in second
position in a compound, which structure has the main stress on the first constituent,
its first syllable does not trigger the formation of a new pitch level. In the nominal
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
compounds in (36a), the initial syllable of the second constituent continues the pitch
level that was started on the main stress of the first constituent. By contrast, in (36b),
which has ‘trochees’ instead of ‘iambs’ in second position, the initial syllable of the
second constituent does trigger a new pitch level. Observe that the durational facts
are independent of the word boundary: lengthening is not obligatory for the first pitch
level of (36a), since it is followed by the pretonic syllable of the second constituent,
which undergoes Tone Sharing.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
53
(36)
These facts suggest that Dutch initial syllables do not form monosyllabic feet.
Regardless of the presence of a full vowel, or of a coda, such syllables fail to trigger
H-Spreading (17). The footless status of the initial syllable does not depend on these
words being disyllables: the initial syllable in [kαntínə] ‘canteen’ is treated in exactly
the same way (cf. [bədrέifs-kαntìnə] ‘factory canteen’).
3.4 Anapaests
Words with two syllables before the word stress, like [tιləfón] ‘telephone’ allow
H-Spreading (17) to apply to the initial two syllables. If we use such a word as a
second constituent of a compound, the level started on the first constituent may be
interrupted, and a new level be formed. It is to be noted that a realization with a
continued pitch level is also natural. Both variants are given in (37). I will return to
this point in section 4.1.
(37)
In words with three syllables before the main stress, like càrdiolóog ‘cardiologist’,
màrihuána, a separate pitch level appears on those syllables in post-tonic position,
as in nép-màrihuàna ‘fake marihuana’. This confirms the existence of initial ternary
feet. In (38), the foot structures of ‘mattress’, ‘canteen’, ‘telephone’ and ‘marihuana’
are given in (38).
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
54
(38)
( x)
(x)
( x)
(x)
(x)
(x . )
(x . )(x)
(x . .)(x . )
σσ
σσσ
σσσ
σσσσσ
ma tras
kan ti ne
te le foon
ma ri hu a na
While after the main stress, the proposed footing is independently supported by a
number a phenomena, the proposed footing before the main stress is not as amply
supportable by other rules or distribution patterns. However, interesting evidence
can be found in durational facts.
3.4.1 Pre-stress foot structure: Foot Deletion and Footless Vowel
Shortening
Our analysis will be uncontroversial where words with two or three syllables before
the main stress are concerned. In fact, the non-final ternary foot of ‘marihuana’ is
independently supported by the distribution of [h]. In (39), we see that the third
syllable is not [hu], as it might have been on the basis of the spelling, but [u], showing
that syllable is foot-internal. And the initial two syllables of an ‘anapest’ do indeed
form a foot, as shown by Pre-r-Lengthening. I repeat (24d) in (40).
(39)
‘marihuana’
j w
[màri u ána]
(40)
[pì:rəmənt]
‘barrel organ’
It is the footless status of initial prestress syllables that may appear problematic.
For example, the presence of [h] in initial position in ‘iambs’ suggests that this syllable
is a foot, since [h] typically occurs foot-initially (see (35)). Our suggestion is that this
syllable is indeed a foot in the lexicon, and that defooting is a postlexical rule. The
main argument for this solution is based on the observation that when [r] follows a
tense vowel in an initial prestress syllable, there is no durational distinction between
[i, y, u] and the other (long) tense vowels. In this context, these vowels are long in
careful, dictation-style speech, but are shortened in ordinary speech. This is shown
in (41).
(41)
Very formal
Normal
(a)
[za:rbrýken]
[zarbrýken]
‘Saarbrücken’
(b)
[χi:r'lάndə]
[χirlάndə]
‘festoon’
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
(c)
[ku:rtáζə]
[kur'táζə]
‘estate agent's fee’
Pre-r-Lengthening applies in the lexicon: recall that ablauted past-tense verb forms
also fail to undergo Pre-r-Lengthening, that is, these forms are exceptions to the
rule. The fact that the words in (41) can be pronounced with long pre-r vowels in
careful, dictation-style speech indeed suggests that Pre-
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
55
r-Lengthening applied to them, and that in the lexicon the initial syllable must be a
foot. (As already shown by ə-Insertion in diminutives, foot structure is available in
the lexicon; see Booij, 1988; Inkelas, 1989.) The shortened forms are accounted
for by assuming that postlexical Foot Deletion is reflected in variable durational
reduction of the stray syllable. Indeed, all such initial defooted syllables are
durationally reduced, regardless of segmental composition.
While this shortening of unfooted syllables may be seen as resulting from phonetic
implementation rules, there is one context in which a categorical shortening would
appear to take place. The relevant data are given in (42). They show that in
dictation-style speech, long tense vowels are indeed long in open prestress syllables,
as in (42a, b), but that in ordinary speech styles they merge with short tense [i, y,
u], as shown in (42c), as well as with short lax vowels, as in (42d).
(42)
Very formal
Normal
(a)
[pa:rát]
[parát]
‘ready’
(b)
[a:nálə]
[análə]
‘anal’
(c)
[pirát]
[pirát]
‘pirate’
(d)
[αnálə]
[αnálə]
‘annals’
Of course, (42c) is straightforwardly accounted for, because (42c) never met the
structural description of Pre-r-Lengthening: [i] and [r] are in different feet in the
lexicon, hence [i] is not long, even in careful speech. Durationally, then, this form is
equivalent to (42d), which has a lax vowel. What is unexpected is the merger in
ordinary speech styles between long and short vowels, since if durational reduction
affects both types of syllable in equal measure, as indeed we must assume, then
the first syllables of (42a, b) should be shorter than those in (42c, d). However, there
seems to be no quantity difference at all. This suggests that open-syllabled
appendices lose a V-slot. Since short vowels are lexically provided with a coda
consonant, which will be ambisyllabic if only one consonant separates it from the
next vowel (Van der Hulst, 1985), the representations of long and short vowels
remain distinct after the loss of the V-slot, which accounts for the subtle quality
difference that remains between shortened [a] and [α]. I give the rule in (44). Foot
Deletion, which precedes (44), is given in (43). The idea here is that with the ‘x’ also
the constituent brackets are deleted. The representations of ‘anal’ and ‘annals’ are
given in (45a, b), respectively.
(43)
Foot Deletion x →
(
Ø/(__)(x(
σ
(44)
Footless Vowel Shortening V → Ø / ω((… V__) σ …)ω
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
56
(45)
3.5 Summary
The investigation of Dutch foot structure on the basis of the chanted call and of
Pre-r-Lengthening, ə-Insertion, Svarabhakti, j-Devoicing, the distribution of [h] and
the durational reduction of initial prestress syllables has led to the following two
conclusions:
1. Contrary to what other proposals claim, trochees are single binary feet,
5
regardless of the composition of the final syllable.
2. Initial monosyllabic feet are deleted postlexically.
Together, these conclusions amount - postlexically - to the generalization with which
we started this article. In the following section, some attention is paid to previous
proposals, and an argument is rejected for the traditional view that words like hárnas
contain two monosyllabic feet.
4. Comparison with earlier proposals
Stress has been a very productive area in the Netherlands. Since the early 1980s
there have been a number of proposals for the derivation of Dutch word stress. In
(46), I list representative foot structures as given in or inferred from a number of
publications. (The abbreviated references are, respectively, Van der Hulst & Moortgat,
1981; Neijt & Zonneveld, 1982; Van der Hulst, 1984; Kager, 1985; Langeweg, 1988;
Lahiri & Koreman, 1987; Kager, 1989; Trommelen & Zonneveld, 1989.) The
parentheses indicate foot boundaries, while the square brackets indicate extrametrical
elements. Observe that in earlier proposals extrametrical syllables were assumed
to be included in the preceding foot in surface structure, but that the later proposals
have extrametrical feet in final position.
The explanation for the rather large differences between these proposals is that
it is only the main stress and the occurrence of schwa that provide easily accessible
phonetic evidence for foot structure: the main stress must be a foot head, and schwa
is categorically weak. By contrast, full vowels without main
5
After completing this article, I learned that Geert Booij proposes an analysis of Dutch stress
in a forthcoming monograph on the phonology of Dutch which is entirely in keeping with our
conclusion here.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
57
stress might or might not be feet. It is interesting to see that despite the fact that the
proposals have virtually exclusively been based on stress facts, and have ignored
evidence of the type presented in this article, the historical trend is clearly towards
the foot structure as proposed here, and summarized in (47). For instance, except
for ‘trochees’ with closed second syllables (harnas and kayak), the representations
in (46g) largely correspond with those in (47), with ‘violin’ even having a stray initial
syllable.
(46)
(a) H & M 81
(sám)(ba)
(ká)(yak)
(hár)(nas)
(wé)(du we)
(pá)(na)[(ma)]
(ál)(ma)[(nak)]
(o)(to)(máat)
(vi)(óol)
(sám ba)
(ká yak)
(hár nas)
(wé du we)
(pánama)
(ál ma nak)
(o to)(máat)
(vi)(óol)
(sám ba)
(ká)(yak)
(hár nas)
(wé du [we])
(pána[ma])
(ál ma)(nak)
(o to)(máat)
(vi)(óol)
(sám ba)
(ká)(yak)
(hár)(nas)
(wé du [we])
(pána[ma])
(ál ma)(nak)
(o to)(máat)
(vi)(óol)
(sám ba)
(ká)(yak)
(hár nas)
(wé du we)
(pána)(ma)
(ál ma)(nak)
(o to)(máat)
(vi)(óol)
(sám ba)
(ká)(yak)
(hár)(nas)
(wé du)[we]
(pána)[ma]
(ál ma)(nak)
(o to)(máat)
(vi)(óol)
(sám [ba])
(ká)[(yak)]
(hár)[(nas)]
(wé du [e])
(pána)[(ma)]
(ál ma)[(nak)]
(o to)(máat)
vi(óol)
(b) N & Z 82
(c) H 84
(d) K 85
(e) Lg 88
(f) L & K 87
(g) K 89
but: (kan) (tóor)
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
(h) T & Z 89
(sám [ba])
(ká)[(yak)]
(hár)[(nas)]
(wé du [e])
(pána)[(ma)]
(ál ma)[(nak)]
(o to)(máat)
(vi)(óol)
(sám ba)
(ká yak)
(hár nas)
(wé du e)
(pána)(ma)
(ál ma)(nak)
(o to)(máat)
vi(óol)
(47)
and: kan(tóor)
It is not, in fact, difficult to modify the more recent analyses so as to create the
structures of (47). For instance, Trommelen & Zonneveld (1989) assign foot structure
with the help of a quantity-sensitive trochee (a heavy plus light, or a light plus light
syllable, or else a heavy or light, assuming degenerate feet are allowed; Hayes,
1981) from the right (see also Kager, 1989). The facts of Dutch stress are, briefly,
that main stress falls on one of the last three syllables if the penult is open, and on
one of the last two if the penult is
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
58
closed. Two assumptions produce the desired results. The first is that Dutch treats
tense vowels (generally analysed as VV) as light, and VC as heavy. The second is
that after the erection of foot structure, the final syllable is marked as extrametrical,
so as to prevent the word-level prominence-assignment rule from placing the primary
stress on a final monosyllabic foot (‘late extrametricality’). Words like Pánama are
provided with a lexical foot on the final syllable, so as to force parsing from the
penult. (The pattern *Panáma, which results if the final syllable is not prespecified
as a foot, is the more common pattern for VX-VV-VV.) Lexical specifications are
given in (48a). In (48b), quantity-sensitive trochees are built, with ‘late extrametricality’
applying in (48c), so that in (48d), the word-level prominence goes to the correct
6
syllable.
(48)
(a)
(x)
(b)
(c)
(d)
VC
VV
VC
VC
VVVV
VV
sam
ba
har
nas
pa na
ma
VC
VV
VC
VV
VC
VC
al
ma
nak
gi
bral
tar
(x
.)
(x)
(x)
(x .)
(x)
VC
VV
VC
VC
VVVV
VV
sam
ba
har
nas
pa na
ma
(x
.)
(x)
(x)
(x)
(x)
VC
VV
VC
VV
VC
VC
al
ma
nak
gi
bral
tar
(x
)
(x)
(x)
(x .)
(x)
VC
[VV]
VC
[VC]
VVVV
[VV]
sam
ba
har
nas
pa na
ma
(x
.)
(x)
(x)
(x)
(x)
VC
VV
[VC]
VV
VC
[VC]
al
ma
nak
gi
bral
tar
(x
)
(x
)
(x
)
(x
.)
(x)
(x)
(x.)
(x)
VC
[VV]
VC
[VC]
VVVV
[VV]
sam
ba
har
nas
pa na
ma
)
(
x
)
(x
6
(x
.)
(x)
(x)
(x)
(x)
VC
VV
[VC]
VV
VC
[VC]
Final main stress is achieved by suspending extrametricality, either by lexical marking or, in
the case of superheavy syllables, which appear only finally and are frequently mainstressed,
on the basis of syllable composition.
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
al
ma
nak
gi
bral
tar
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
59
As said in section 3.5, a rule defooting initial monosyllabic feet will create the required
appendix. The non-distinctness of ‘trochees’ with open final syllables and ‘trochees’
with closed final syllables could be achieved by post-stress destressing (cf. the Clash
Resolution Hypothesis of Hammond (1984), or our generalization in (1), which could
be elevated to a constraint), followed by stray adjunction. An analysis in terms of
the foot templates of Hayes, 1991, requiring a parse with the help of a moraic trochee
(Lahiri & Koreman, 1987) could be brought in line with (47) in the same way. The
net effect is that Dutch obeys (1).
4.1 Rightward stress shifts
Dutch has both leftward and rightward stress shifts: the prominence patterns of
words may be reversed from w-s to s-w in positions before a following main stress,
and from s-w to w-s in positions after a main stress (Kager & Visch, 1988). Because
rightward shift data have been used to argue for the traditional analysis of Dutch
foot structure, I will show how these data fit into the present analysis. The conclusion
will be that rightward shifts in ‘trochees’ involve lexically based prosodic
restructurings.
Trommelen & Zonneveld (1989) claim that their analysis of Dutch foot structure
(see (46g)) is supported by the facts of rightward stress shift. Recall that in their
analysis ‘trochees’ are binary feet only if the word-final syllable is open: samba is a
single foot, but harnas and kayak each consist of two feet. If rightward shift amounts
to a foot-based relabelling of relative prominence, rightward shift should apply in
‘trochees’ with closed final syllables, but not in ‘trochees’ with open ones. In (49),
from Trommelen & Zonneveld, this is indeed the case. However, in (50), this
generalization is shown to have exceptions in both directions. On the one hand,
there are many words with final open syllables that do undergo the shift pásta, tóffee,
and on the other, there are words with closed final syllables that do not undergo it
léraar, óorlog, hárnas.
(49)
átlas
Bós atlàs
‘Bos atlas’
kompás
schéeps kompàs
‘ship's compass’
prémie
*jáarpremìe
‘annual premium’
bougíe
húlp bougìe
‘auxiliary spark’
(50)
RIGHTWARD
SHIFT
NO RIGHTWARD
SHIFT
tánd-pastà
‘toothpaste’
réis-schèma
‘itinerary’
dróp-toffèe
‘licorice toffee’
póst-gìro
‘postal giro’
jéugd-herbèrg
‘youth hostel’
dáns-lèraar
‘dancing master’
dwáng-arbèid
‘forced labour’
bróod-òorlog
‘price-war’
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
Bós-atlàs
‘Bos atlas’
bórst-hàrnas
‘breastplate’
áarts-bisschòp
‘archbishop’
áarts-hèrtog
‘archduke’
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
60
The existence of a relation between syllable weight and rightward stress shift, first
noted in Kager (1989: 296), in itself is not at issue: there are only two cases in which
open final syllables are strengthened but rather more in which that syllable is closed
(though here, too, such cases are the exception rather than the rule, at least in my
own speech). The shifts are clearly lexically determined, and are more likely as the
compound is more frequent or older, and the final syllable ‘heavier’. Novel compounds
with ‘trochees’ as their second member, which by their nature are not listed, do not
have a stress-shifted pronunciation. As may be expected, there is variation between
speakers. For instance, borst-harnas is given with shift by Trommelen & Zonneveld
(1989), but only occurs without in my own speech. It is dubious if a case for foothood
can be based on these facts. Rather, there would appear to be variable restructuring
from ‘trochees’ to ‘iambs’ when occurring as the right-hand member of a compound.
In (51), I give the representations of ‘hostel’ (not right-shifted) and ‘youth hostel’
(right-shifted).
Restructuring to initially defooted ‘iambs’ predicts that the realization of the chanted
call will be sensitive to whether the ‘trochee’ has been right-shifted. This is correct.
The items that have undergone the restructuring from (51a) to (51b) behave exactly
like embedded ‘iambs’. Thus ‘youth hostel’ has two levels, not three (see (36)).
(51)
(x
(x. )
(a)
herberg
(b)
)
(x )
(
x)
(x )
.
(x )
jeugd
her
berg
It is generally assumed that ‘dactyls’ undergo rightward shift when used as the
second member of a compound. Trommelen & Zonneveld (1989) adduce this alleged
rightward shift in support of their foot-based formulation of such a rule. Their
prediction, therefore, is that the ‘dactyls’ in (52b) are neutralized with the ‘anapaests’
in (52a) (p. 250) when used as the second member of a compound.
(52)
(a)
pelotón
véld pelotòn (b)
márathon
‘field
platoon’
maniák
matinée
dórps
maniàk
?stránd
marathòn
‘beach
marathon’
álmanak
?stáats
almanàk
‘village fool’
‘state
almanac’
‘village fool’
‘state
almanac’
fílm matinèe
dóminee
?dórps
dominèe
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
‘film
matinée’
chocolá
mélk
chocolà
‘milk
chocolate’
‘country
vicar’
cámera
?fílm
camerà
‘film camera’
I do not believe that this neutralization in fact takes place. In ‘film camera’, for
instance, the final vowel [a] does not appear to be as long as the final vowel in ‘milk
chocolate’. The realization of the chanted call, moreover,
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
61
speaks against a neutralization. H-Spread (17) treats ‘dactyls’ and ‘anapaests’
differently: when they appear as second members in a compound, the initial (weak)
foot of ‘dactyls’ can be skipped, but not the initial (strong) foot of ‘anapaests’. In
(53a), with chocolá in second position, the level on choco need not be realized. The
foot came of cámera in (53b) is not so skippable, however. These data suggest that
rightward shift does not generally occur in ‘dactyls’. Thus, while the foot structure
assumed by Trommelen & Zonneveld for ‘dactyls’ is the same as that arrived at in
this article, it is not independently confirmed by any stress shift data. Since there is
no general rightward stress shift in ‘dactyls’, the case for a foot-based rule is
weakened further.
(53)
5. Conclusion
In Dutch, words with the main stress on the penult end in binary feet, regardless of
the segmental composition of the final syllable, and words with the main stress on
the antepenult have a final monosyllabic foot, provided the final syllable is not an
onsetless syllable with [ə] or, in derived words, [ι]. Evidence for these representations
is provided by the realization of the ‘chanted call’, by the lexical rules of
Pre-r-Lengthening and ə-Insertion (which inserts [ə] between monosyllabic feet and
the diminutive ending), and the postlexical rules j-Devoicing and Svarabhakti, as
well as by the distribution of [h]. Regardless of its segmental composition, a single
syllable before the main stress is unfooted postlexically, and is included in the Pword
as an appendix. Evidence for this aspect of foot structure comes from the realization
of the vocative chant and durational reduction effects. Rightward stress shifts within
the word, which have been analysd as s-w → w-s relabellings of feet, are shown to
be confined to disyllables with the main stress on the penult, and to involve lexically
determined restructurings of a binary foot to a combination of appendix plus
monosyllabic foot.
More recent proposals for Dutch foot structure are in better agreement with the
foot structures argued for in this article than are the proposals made in the early
1980s. Since all previous proposals have been based on stress facts (as opposed
to segmental and intonational facts) our analysis finds additional support in the
circumstance that consecutive proposals have
Carlos Gussenhoven, ‘The Dutch Foot and the Chanted Call’
62
tended to produce foot structures that are increasingly like the ones proposed here
(see also note 5).
Author's address: University of Nijmegen, Vakgroep Engels-Amerikaans,
Erasmusplein 1, NL 6525 HT Nijmegen, The Netherlands.
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