Caste and Social Change in India
Author(s): Radhakamal Mukerjee
Source: The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 43, No. 3 (Nov., 1937), pp. 377-390
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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CASTE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA
RADHAKAMAL MUKERJEE
ABSTRACT
Caste, the rural community,and the joint familyhave contributedto social and
ofrace and culturewerelikelyto provoke
culturalsolidarityin India, wheredifferences
perpetualconflict.Althoughtheymake up an interwovencompact and solid structure
theyare plastic,bendingto economicforces.Throughthe caste systemthe aboriginal
tribes have been gradually absorbed into Hindu social organization.As peasants,
artisans,and tradersrisein the economicscale, theyrisealso in caste,not as individuals
and fusionofcastes
but as groups. Almostunceasingare theprocessesofdifferentiation
and subcastes,especiallyin thelowerrungsoftheHindu social ladder. Withthegrowth
ofcitiesand ofindustrialdevelopmentcaste has abandonedmanyofits restrictions
and
itsadaptabilityto becometheguildor trade-unionin the new system
has demonstrated
o? industry.
The dominantfeatureof India's social historyis the incursion
land ofdifferent
racesposfromage to age intoa singleenormous
standardsof culture.The presenceofdifferent
rasessingdifferent
cial elementsand the disparityof stagesof economicdevelopment
amongthevariousracesand peoplesgavean indelibleimpressupon
the Indian social structure.The tribe,the caste,the villagecoman effort
to organizea
munity,and the joint familyrepresented
ofeachgroup,collecworkable
socialsystembasedon theautonomy
andmutualtolerance.No doubtcaste,theruralcomtivediscipline,
hisplayedan important
munity,and thejointfamilycollectively
to socialand culturalstability
in
toricalroleas a greatcontribution
ofraceand standardofculturewere
a countryin whichdifferences
likelyto provokeperpetualsocialdiscord.These stillsecureto the
ofeachgroupthemuch-needed
individualmembers
and
protection,
whichimposesupon the
thisexplainswhythe social organization
individualfairlyrigidrulesofconductin all phasesofhumanrelationsstilldominatesthelifeofthepeople.'
wherethereis so muchofinstiTherearefewcountries,
therefore,
tutionalcontroloveroccupationand economiclife.On the other
hand,sincecultureand economiclifeare notstatic,a modusvivendi
was established
bywhichthetribeand thecastecouldnotdisregard
I R. Mukerjee, Foundationsof Indian Economics(London and New York: Longmans, Green& Co., I9I6), chap. iii.
377
378
OF SOCIOLOGY
THE AMERICANJOURNAL
and bywhichtheruralcomtheclaimsto cultureand advancement,
theneedofeconomicprogress
mustrecognize
and thefamily
munity
ofIndiansocialcontrol,
Alongwiththerigidity
and individualism.
of
nothingis truerin India thantheplasticityand responsiveness
whichcontroleveryone'ssocial,economic,
theseveryinstitutions
and domesticlife.
and families,thoughmaking
Tribes,castes,ruralcommunities,
whichis ancientand solid,are
compactstructure
up an interwoven
plastic,bendingto economicforces.The evergrowingpressureof
lands,
andmoresalubrious
whooccupiedthemorefertile
newcomers,
peoplestoswamps,forests,
has no doubtdrivenbackmanyprimitive
and mountainfastnesses.Naturalobstaclesand malariahave here
and this explains
protectedthe latterfromfrequentdisturbance,
in somepartsofIndia arestillthriving.On the
whytheaborigines
otherhand,manyaboriginaltribeswhohave advancedto a higher
levelofeconomiclifehavemergedmoreorlessrapidlyin theIndian
SuchforinstancearetheBhumuj,Mahili,Kora,
socialorganization.
andKurmiofChotaNagpur;theBhar,theDom,and theDosadhof
theUnitedProvincesand Bihar;theKoku in theNarbodaValley;
the Koli and Mahar of Bombay;the Bagdi, Bauri, Chandal,and
of Bengal; and in Madras,Mal and Thiyan.On
Rajbanski-Kochh
theotherhand,suchdepressedcastes as the aboriginalCheruof
theUnitedProvinces,theKoibarttasand Pods of Bengal,and the
of a timewhentheyruledthe
Pariahofthesouthretaintraditions
of theirown,and had
organization
land,possessedan independent
not been relegatedto a low place in the Hindu social system.2
on the southwestcoast of India, the Pulayas,Parayas,
Similarly,
tribeswhohave been
Kuravas,and Vetas wereprobablyprimitive
made agresticserfs.As a matterof fact,in the wholeof southern
derivedfromvariIndia thedepressedcastes-whichare generally
fromthe
descended
serfs-are
probably
classes
cultivating
ous
of
tribes.In theCentralProvincestheGandas,Pankas,Koaboriginal
lis,Pradhans,Ojhas,Nararchis,and PaikraKanwars,whichare all
tribes,have all becomeHindusbothin religionand cusprimitive
tomsand are'includedamongthedepressedclasses.
tribesattaineconomicadvancetheyeveryWhentheaboriginal
2 For the Pariahs see H.
H. Risley, The People ofIndia, pp. 74, 94, and 95.
CASTE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA
379
whereclaiminclusionin theHindufold.It is theuniversaleffort
to
securesocial recognition
througheconomicupliftwhichwe encounterwhena sectionofa gipsyand vagranttribe,themembers
of
whichhuntanimals,eat carrionand vermin,
plantgrass,live with
theirwomenin a sortofgroupmarriage,
and pilferat everyopportunity,graduallysettleas menialsin a village.Here theywillstill
plant grass or learn a new craftlike basket-making,
but adopt
scavengingas theirmain occupation.From a vagranttribethey
wouldnowbecomea caste,thoughoccupying
thelowestrungin the
Hindusocialladder. Graduallytheyresortto a yethigheroccupation,suchas tanningandleather-working
orlaborinthefields.Such
occupationsestablishand maintaincontactswiththevast mass of
Hinduagriculturists,
andprofoundly
influence
theirlivingandsocial
standards.Theymodifytheirpromiscuous
habits,supersede
mountain and forestspiritsby Hindugods and goddesses,and obtaina
higherplace in theHindu social system.Finally,whenas agriculturalserfsand laborers(oras artisansiftheylivecleanly)theygive
up keepingpigsand eatingpork,adoptsuchcustomsas infantmarofwidowremarriage,
seclusionofwomen,as well
riage,prohibition
as variouscommensal
restrictions
enforced
bytheirpanchayats,
and
supplanttheiraboriginalpriestswithBrahminsor semi-Brahmins,
in thecastescale. Alongwiththeadoption
theyrisecorrespondingly
of a newand highercallingthereaccordingly
maybe and oftenis
adoptionofnewsocialcustomsand religious
practicesand changeof
residence.Thusa varietyofeconomic,
social,andsometimes
advenbreaksup tribesintoendogamous
titiouscircumstances
subgroups.
In theUnitedProvincesit appearsthat,frombeingtribes,theKorand Tharusareat presentemerging
was,Saheriyas,
as Hinducastes.
AmongtheSaheriyastheworkactivitiesofthemembers
ofthetribe
have changedwithchangingcircumstances
and have crystallized
out.
India the economichistoryof depressedcastesand
Throughout
tribesthusoftengivesa clue to Indiansocial gradation.And we
have also, amongthe recentlysettledand Hinduizedtribesand
intosubcastes,due to theadoption
castes,divisionand subdivision
of different
occupationsand social practicesby different
social
The gipsy,thievingtribesoften
groupsaccordingto opportunities.
380
THE AMERICANJOURNAL
OF SOCIOLOGY
findit easyto adoptsomeprimitive
craftslikebrush-making,
combmaking,tanning,
leather-working,
rope-making,
basket-making,
and
weaving.These occupations,howeverlow, inevitablygive riseto
separatecastes,all markingan entryof the tribeinto thepale of
of permanentagriculture
Hinduism.That the opportunities
have
not alwaysbeen available forthem(mainlydue to the fearand
thattheyengenderamongthe highercastes) explains
repugnance
thatIndia has todayaboutfourmillionpersonswhoadoptcrimeas
a hereditary
calling(a challengeto the social order),and fifty
to
sixtymillionsof the depressedcastes,a legacyof the high-caste
Hindu'scrimeofunapproachability.3
In northern
India,on accountof theheavypopulationpressure,
suchdepressedcastesas theChamars,whorepresent
I2 percentof
the totalpopulationin the UnitedProvinces,can obtainonlythe
worstand mostdistantplotsand theworstwells,and mustpay the
heaviestrentsand ratesofinterest.Theirholdingsare,as a rule,the
smallest.They cannoteven in the best yearsmake endsmeetby
and resortto keepingpigs and flayingdead carcasses,
cultivation,
occupationswhichpreventtheirrisein thesocialscale.
In westernIndia muchof thesocial unrestamongthedepressed
casteshas also arisenbecausethelandsset apartfortheserviceof
villagemenials,or theirshareofgrainat eachharvest,can no longer
maintainthe castes who have increasedin numbersand cannot
obtainemployment.
In a denselypopulatedvalley,subjectedto a longseriesofimmiforthe vagrantaboriginal
grations,it is naturallymoredifficult
andhonestlivelihood.Thus,theso-called
tribesto adoptagriculture
criminal
tribesand castesaremostlyto be foundin India in theoutskirtsof prosperousvalleysof whichtheywereoftenthe original
ownersandrulers.Where,however,
orhave
theyhavesoughtrefuge
economicadjustment
beendrivenintothejunglesand foothills,
has
been easierand the tribesare vigorousand expansive,whilethey
showno criminalhabitsat all.
In themountainsand junglesof ChetaNagpur,Assam,and the
CentralProvinces,forinstance,such tribesand castes are hardly
3 B. S. Haikerwal,Economicand Social Aspectsof Crimein India (Forewordby the
presentwriter),p. I4; also R. Mukerjee,GroundWorkofEconomics,pp. 28-29.
CASTE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA
38I
of economiclifeand tribalism
"depressed."Greateropportunities
have enabledthemto resistthe alien cultureof the plains or to
assimilateit withoutdeterioration.
Economicfactsand statisticsall pointto thegradualabsorption
tribesintoHindusocialorganization.
oftheaboriginal
Noris social
assimilationthroughHinduismconfinedto the aboriginaltribes.
Many land-holding
and militaryclans and tribesin northern
and
westernIndia,suchas the Gujars,Jats,Ahirs,and Meos ofRajputana and the Punjab and the Marathasof Bombay,have become
Hindu castes. The entryis oftenthroughintermixture
withthe
ofclaimsofRajputdescentthrough
Rajputs,and theestablishment
mythorlegend,theBrahmanshelpingthemto inventtheirfictitious
and miraculouspedigree.On the otherhand,it is even probable
thattheAgnikulaRajputs,theParmar,Chauhan,Padihar,and Solanki,owe theiroriginto the raisingof an indigenous
Aryantribe
lowerin scale4in occupationto theKshtriyastatusby reasonofits
Both the Gujars
deeds in conquestand its militantorganization.
and Jats were ancientVaishya tribeswhocameintofitful
promiand thesehaveclaimedandobnenceon thestageof India history,
tainedRajput filiation.5
It is in thismannerthattribaland caste sociojuridical
governmenthas mingledand has beenassimilatedto each otherin India.
wereassigneda place as castesand
The semi-Hinduized
aborigines
tribeson the lowerrungsof the Hindu social ladder,and their
institutions.
Bepanchayats
todayare mostirrepressible
aboriginal
ginningwiththe originalpolityof the aboriginalfolk,we findin
and cohesionamongmanyof theIndian tribesand
greatstrength
withitsusualcomplecastesan elaboratevillagepanchayat
system,
based upona federalunionofvillagesunder
mentofvillageofficers
headmanand council.The old tribaljurisdictions,
a subdivisional
of the chiefsin council,or local
as wellas the centralgovernment
oragaina strongdemocratic
ofcircles
hereditary
chiefs,
organization
of villagecouncils,stillsurvive.The mostvital of the aboriginal
are: (i) thesocialcontrolexercised
survivals,
however,
bythestandof the asing assembliesof the castes; (2) the local jurisdiction
4
S
ProbablyVaishya.
C. V. Vaidya, HistoryofMedievalIndia.
382
THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
sembliesofgroupsoffromfiveto a hundredvillages;(3) the comof revenueburdensand ofpoliticaldutiesof
munalapportionment
inthetribalsubdivisions;
to themeasureofrights
all kindsaccording
underthe scatteredfieldsystemand
(4) the agrariandistribution
and grazingrightsin the village
the equalizationof agricultural
and (5) theorganization
ofwatchand wardas wellas
communities;
oflandsforvillageofficials,
artisans,and employees.6
theallotment
couldenable
If theplasticityofHinduismand casteorganization
the primitivetribesto gain social admittanceand recognition
throughan upwardeconomicmovement,caste itself,internally
speaking,has not been slowto respondto upliftand occupational
change.
inexorable
and solid,as its
Indeed,casteis hardlythesteelframe,
and isolationwouldlead one to expect.The formation
semirigidity
of subcastesand theease withwhichtheyare formedindicatethe
arrayoftheoccupational
dynamicaspectsofcaste.7In theimmense
groupswhichformthelargestportionofHinducasteswe findthat,
ofone castetaketo theoccupationofanother,
both
whenmembers
communities
occupymoreorlessthesamesocialstatusand coalesce
laterin the same caste withthe same social and religiousobservances. As peasants,artisans,and tradersrisein theeconomicscale,
ofthecasteintogroups,
in everyupwardstepthereis a ramification
the
social
ladder.
In
some
cases theadoption
of
theascent
marking
has speltsocialdisaster
ofa degrading
occupationbycertainfamilies
thecastename,theyare
forthatsection,and,thoughstillretaining
and thusforma subcaste.In
compelledto marryamongthemselves
otherinstancesthe converseis the case, and a groupthat abandons
a disreputable
occupationor commandssocialrespectby theadop-
tion of the customs (and restrictions)of highercastes itselfattains
in timeto a highersocial grade. Thus we findin Bombay the upper
sectionof theNadarslookeddownuponbecausetheycommenced
makingsalt, as are also the Rangari-the dyeingdivisionof the
Shimpis-andtheHaldi Malis,whoprepareturmeric.On theother
hand comesthe shiningexampleof the Chandlagar,Chitara,and
Rasania, subcastesof the Mochis,who gave up leatherworkand
6
7
R. Mukerjee,DemocraciesoftheEast, p. 9, also chap. xiii.
Economics,II, 7-II.
R. Mukerjee,PrinciplesofComparative
CASTE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA
383
As a result
took to makingspangles,painting,and electroplating.
theyare treatedlike reputableartisansand do not touch their
brotherMochis.
theiremployments
unWheremodernconditionshave rendered
profitable,
enterprising
individualshave driftedaway fromtheir
parentcastesto newtradesor havetakento theland. In muchthe
Luharsamemannerare formedthenewcastes-Kadia-kumbhars,
in Baroda.8 In I9II
sutars,Sutar-luhars,
and Kumbhar-sutarias
thefirst-named
withonlyforty-five
persons.
groupwas stillforming,
In I93I theKadia-kumbhars,
whoarepotters,
hadtakento themore
a new
elaborateworkof builders.The Sutar-luhars
weresimilarly
in i 9I I . Although
only72 then,
group,formed
byfission
numbering
theyare now 2,040, and includeamongthemalso Luharswhohad
turnedSutars. We see,thus,twooppositeprocessescoalescingfor
purposesofassociation.
In thePunjabas welltheDesi Kumbharsrarelyengageinmaking
earthenvessels;althoughthisseemsto havebeentheoriginaltrade
ofthetribe,theylookdownuponit and takeit to onlyinextremity.
whostill
Theyhavea higherstatusthantheirfellowsfromJodhpur,
workinclay. Manyofthemwhohavenolandoftheirownengagein
labor ratherthanin potter'swork.Similarlythe Sutagricultural
devotedto agriculture,
look down
trars,who are mostexclusively
whichtheyfollowonlywheninpoor
uponthetradeofthecarpenter,
circumstances.
who
Theykeep alooffromthe Khati,or carpenter
worksin wood.
thatmanyofthelowercasteshave
It is especiallycharacteristic
takento agriculture,
despisetheirformer
occupation,and separate
themselves
fromthosewhostillfollowit. On theotherhand,tradicastessplitup intogroupsby abandoningfield
tionalagricultural
belowthemand takingto otherpursuits.From
workas something
therecentcastehistoryofBengalmaybe adducedexamplesofthe
separationof the MahishyasfromtheJaliaKaibartas,of theTilis
fromtheTelis,and oftheRajbhangshisfromtheKochesand PaliThe attemptsof a groupof
yas, withwhomtheyhave affinities.
the"Devadas," and of
a
called
constitute
to
Mahisyas
highergroup
all regarded
as ofthesamegroup
onegroupofShahas(untilrecently
8 Baroda CensusReport,I93I,
p. 4IO.
384
THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
as the Sunris)to forma highercaste groupunderthe distinctive
name"Sadhubaniks"are also instancesto thepoint.
Perhapsthe mostremarkable
exampleof the upwardeconomic
and consequent
socialdifferentiation
movement
is to be seenamong
in clothand tannedleather,whorankhigherthanthe
theworkers
makersof raw materials.All the tribes-the Chamar,Meghwal,
Dhed, Julaha,Paoli, Mochi-engagedin weavingcoarseclothand
in tannedleatherin thePunjabwereoriginally
ofthesame
working
race,or at all eventscloselyconnected,and perhapsof aboriginal
descent. The Chamarsare dividedinto severaldistinctsections
which will not intermarry.The Chandor Chamars will not
associate with the Jativa Chamars, who, they say, workin
leathermadefromcamels'and horses'skins,whichis an abominationto theformer.On theotherhandtheMarwariChamars,settled
at Delhi,whomaketripsin the Punjab in thecold weatherselling
withthe
leatherropesin thevillages,refuseto have anyconnection
local Chamars,who, theysay, tan leatherand eat the fleshof
animalsthat have died; whiletheyworkonly in leatheralready
tanned.In theUnitedProvincesthoseChamarswhohavegivenup
theirformer
occupationof skinningdead animalsnow call themselves"Jatavs"or even"JatavRajputs." In otherplacestheystill
call themselves
Chamars,but call thosewhofollowthe traditional
occupation"PharraiyaChamars."Again,theKoris,whohavegiven
"Kush KuleenRajputs"or "Tanup weaving,willstylethemselves
tuvai Vaishyas."9Similarly,in Madras, the Panikkanswho have
withthosewhoserveas barbers
takentoweavingwillnotintermarry
to the Shanans.In Bengalthe SukliTanti has becomea separate
endogamousgroup,because it onlysells clothand does notweave it.Io
instanceof social differentiation
is to be
A verycharacteristic
foundamongtheTeli castesof theCentralProvinces.The heredibuta largemajority
have
taryoccupationofthecasteis oil-pressing,
intoEkabandonedit andbecomecultivators.Theyaresubdivided
baila,Dobaila,Erandia,Sao, and Gandli.EkbailaTelisuseonlyone
bullockintheiroilmill,whileDobailasusetwo. Sao Telisaremainly
cultivatorsand growsugarcane and rice. The Gandlisare land9 CensusReportoftheUnitedProvinces,I93I,
-0
E. A. Gait,CensusReportofIndia, i9ii.
p. 538.
CASTE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA
385
and aspire to be classed as
owners,traders,and moneylenders,
Banyas. Erandia Telis are sociallythe lowestsubcaste,and they
butespein anyform,
aloneextractcastoroil (eranda). Oil-pressing
ciallycastoroil,is regardedas a vulgaroccupation,and mostTelis
it.
are anxiousto risein societyby abandoning
If castesare splittingintosubcastesand newcastes are formed,
due to the changeof occupationin the economicuplift,subcastes
in India. Even
also are gettingfusedintowidercasteseverywhere
and
in Kerala,themostcaste-ridden
tractin India, thefisherman
the washermancastes are aimingat amalgamationand sooneror
ofsubcastesis
towardamalgamation
laterwillfuse.The movement
similarlynoticeableamongthe Brahminsof Orissa,the Ahirsof
Bihar,the Agurior Ugra Kshattriyasand the Baidyas in Bengal,
IndiatheAharsandAhirsandBarhaisandLohars
whileinNorthern
in orderto improvetheirsocial status.Even
are also fraternizing
castesshowsignsoffusionin someprovinces.In BengaltheBrahto a certainextentin somedisminsand Kayasthasare mingling
to intermarry
the
Chasas
are
into,and pass
tricts.In Orissa
trying
offas, members
of theKhandaitcaste;whiletheKhanthemselves
to entertheKarancaste. The adoption
daitsintheirturnaretrying
thecarpenters,
blacksmiths,
goldby theartisanclassescomprising
a
and
others
of
common
designation-forexample,Vissmiths,
as inBengal,Bihar,theUnitedProvwakarmaorViswa-Brahaman
and Travancore;andof themilkman
inces,theMadrasPresidency,
castessuchas theAhirs,Goalas, Gopis,and Idaiyansby thesingle
name "Yadavas" in variousparts of India-also pointsthe way
and is a clearinstanceof theadaptationof
towardamalgamation,
castesto modernconditions.
The caste systemis thusplasticand fluent.No tendenciesare
especiallyin thelowerrungsof the Hindusocial ladder,
stronger,
and fusionof
thanthealmostunceasingprocessesofdifferentiation
castesand subcasteson theonehand,andon theothertherapidand
superchangeofthecustomsofcastewhichareessentially
frequent
ofthecastesystemareoften
ficial.Whiletheobnoxiousrestrictions
whichthecastesysteminsuresto individual
abjured,theprotection
thefutureof
ofeach groupor subgroupamplyguarantees
members
thesystem.
386
THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
due
handicrafts
andoccupations,
The declineofthetime-honored
fromthemachineindustry
of theWest,and a conto competition
sequentnewsocialvaluationuponvocationshave set adriftmultitudeswho have been forcedto take to occupationsthat have no
has
populationpressure
to ancestralcallings.The growing
reference
also led to thecitywarddriftofmillionsoflandlesspeople. In the
and teashopsall sortsofcastesworkand eat tofactories,
markets,
and exclutheancientrestrictions
ofcommensality
gether,defying
if
the
and the
grip
sive living.But, theseeconomicforcesloosen
collectheancienttradition
oforganized
ofthecastesystem,
rigidity
tive action,whichcaste has preservedforthe Indian throughthe
ofthecastepanclayatevenin
has led to therehabilitation
centuries,
and bustisofCawnand slums.In thecrowdedtenements
factories
pore,Calcutta,Madras,and Madura we findthe caste panchayat
amongthemajority
its disciplinary
authority
exercising
effectively
broughtthe
of thelowerand depressedcastes. Caste has certainly
to
the
aid
of
the
newindusof
social
ancientexperience
government
trialorderas itis evolvingoutofthepresentchaosandunsettlement
townsand regions.
in ournewmanufacturing
What is trueof the depressedclasses,whichhave migratedin
labor,is
largenumbersto thecitiesformanualworkand industrial
therigorsof
also trueofthehigherartisancastes,whicharefighting
in
the presentindustrialtransition
by absorbinggroupsdissimilar
ethnicoriginand domicile,by adoptingthe functionsof tradeintofederations
on thebasisofcommunity
unions,andbyexpanding
of occupationin adaptationto the largereconomicand cultural
themerchant
andtradercasteshaveoften
needsoftoday. Similarly,
inbusinessandtrade,theirsabhas
andsolidarity
showngreatintegrity
andpowerofthecommercial
thedignity
comandguildsrepresenting
munityin mostcitiesofIndia outsidetheradiusofEuropeanbanking. Again,somecastes,suchas thePatidarsofWesternIndia,the
theNamasudrasofBengal,and the
KurmisoftheUnitedProvinces,
of
castes
Christian
Travancore,have used theirdisciplineand auelectionsto local bodies. The Patidarshave
forcontrolling
thority
boardsand municipalities
withan
actuallycapturedseatsin district
ease whichhas been an eye openerforthe highercastes like the
Brahmansand the traders,amongwhomcaste solidarityhas con-
CASTE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA
387
in
a newimplement
siderablyweakened.Caste has thusfurnished
andpoliticaladjustment.It has become,so
theprocessofindustrial
to speak,the "electionagent"of thenewsystemof representative
in thenewsystemof
as wellas theguildortrade-union
government,
industry.Caste shornof its abuses may thusbecomea powerful
at no timemoreindispensable
leverofgroupactionand solidarity,
strains
and newopportunities.
thanin thepresenteraofsocial
and the
Whileeconomicforcesact as socialbindersandlevelers,
and artthroughin socialservice,literature,
movement
liberalizing
thenew
thecasterestrictions,
out Hinduismgraduallydisintegrate
among
the
the
fear
consciousness
has
engendered
civicand political
backwardcastesthattheyarebeingswampedby theadvancedsecin the struggleforpoliticalprivilegesand
tionsof the community
in government
service,and thusthese
representation
proportional
and
even
rebellious
units.It is this
out
as
independent
nowstand
castesof the Hindu comfeelingthatkeeps asunderthe different
munity,and has nowbecomethe rootcause of recentcaste exclusiveness,whichwas beingresolvedin the gradualprocessof social
among the middle
assimilation.An increaseof unemployment
thebarriers
to strengthen
contributed
classeshas,indeed,indirectly
separatingone caste fromanother,whicheducationand economic
havebeenpullingdown. Whether
caste,byutilizand socialreform
will
and
subservethe
coexistent
tolerance,
social
its
discipline
ing
will
and, byadaptingnewpoliticalinstitutions,
endsofnationality
ultimatelyresolveIndian societyinto horizontaldivisions,more
inelastic,perhaps,in the beginningthan theirprototypesin the
ofguilds
WestIIhas thusbecomelesscertainthanthetransformation
and trade-unions,
intoco-operatives
by which
and castepanchayats
castewilladapt itselfto neweconomicconditions.It maybe that
and theadapitsrenewalofguildsand co-operatives
caste,through
willimport
its
to
and
institutions
forces
of
economic
service,
tation
intothepoliticalfieldthelessonsoftoleranceand mutualgoodwill,
theforcesofdisunionthatare
orat leastcontrol,
andwilloverthrow,
in the directionof nationits development
at presentpreventing
ality.12
I,
I1
Baroda CensitsReport,1931, p. 4I.
R. N. Gilchrist,Indian Nationality;also R. Mukerjee,Civics,pp. 50-54.
388
OF SOCIOLOGY
THE AMERICANJOURNAL
themselvesinto
Occupationalcastes easily have transformed
the artisans,traders,and merchants
guildsin India,guaranteeing
The guildis nothingbut a
bothsocial and economicprotection.'3
unionofcastepeopleplyingthesamecraft
orpermanent
temporary
generalrulesof conductand socialmorality
and tradeand framing
whilesometimesit regulatestradeor wages,the
and observances,
as well
oflaborand theuse ofmachinery,
ofemployment
conditions
and theprotection
and maintenance
as theeducationofapprentices
guildmay
of the destituteand the helpless.But one craftsmen's
castesor one castemayhave subdividedguilds.
comprisedifferent
fromthe
Thus,in somecitiesthe tradecouncilis differentiated
castepanchayat.For example,in Ahmedabadthereare threecastes
threeassembliesforcastepurposes,
and,therefore,
ofconfectioners,
mahaguild. So thesilk-mashru-weavers'
butonlyoneconfectioners'
Kanbis
and
both
more
contains
Vanias.
Many
same
city
jan in the
instancesmightbe cited. In thePunjab someof the classesof artisans,suchas Luhars,Julahas,Telis,and Dhobis,are moretradeoccupation
guildsthantribes,and a familygivingup its traditional
aftera generation
ortwo,
andtakingto anotherwouldbe considered,
to belongto thecastewhosecommonoccupationit had adopted,so
castesarenotdividedfromeachotherbyfixedand
thatthedifferent
to followtheanlastingboundaries.Still,so strongis thetendency
to each
are
the
and
so
belonging
persons
closely
occupation,
cestral
of occupainterconnected
by community
suchcasteor trade-guild
of
and similarity
carrieswithit intermarriage
tion,whichgenerally
divisionsare of real imsocial customs,thatthesewell-recognized
ofsociety.On theotherhand,the same
portancein theframework
guilds.AtLahoreboththeHindu
castemaybe dividedintodistinct
formone craftguild,whichhas
and the Muhammadangoldsmiths
classesofwork.Suchratesare strictfixedthechargesforparticular
ofthesameguild.In manycitiesofnorthlyadheredto bymembers
ernand westernIndia thereis a guildof tradersof all castes,conofeach caste,whichdecidescases relating
sistingofrepresentatives
to trade.
At Suratand Ahmedabad,Jaipurand Delhi,Agraand Muttra,
and thepowersexerand Puriand Madura,theguildorganization
13
chap.xii.
Economics,
ofComparative
Principles
R. Mukerjee,
CASTE AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA
389
cisedby thevania,the seth,the makajan,and theperiadanakaran
deservethe most carefulinvestigation.In different
regionsand
amongdifferent
occupationsthe solidarityof the industrialand
have
mercantileguildsand theircapabilitiesforself-government
varied,and thusthe recognition
of theirplace and statusat the
handsbothof rulingauthorities
and of thecommunity
as a whole
dehave been different.
Again,a flourishing
guildwhichregularly
rivesits feeincomefrommonthly
or annualcollections
ofa certain
ofprofits
and spendsit oncharity
orfeeding
thepoor;on
percentage
fountanks,
shade
trees,
cattle
troughs,
dharamtshalas,
pinjrapols,
tains; on the supplyingof rice,ghee,oil, and otherrequisitesto
temples;on anointing
and scentsforthebathofthegods;or on processionsat festivals,
commands
etc.,naturally
greaterprestigethan
a guildwhichcontributes
its smallincomederivedfromoccasional
to theexpensesofa villageor cityfestivaland amusesubscriptions
ment.Similarly,
thejurisdiction
oftheguildand itspowerto resist
outsidecompetition
vary. In thesmallvillagetheguildis all-powerfuland the caste coincideswiththe guild,lendingit a doubleauofworkmen,
thority.In citieswherethereis a largenumber
artisans,
and traderswhodo notbelongto theguild,thepowerdiminishesunless,as is veryoftenthe case, different
guildsmutuallysupport
one anotherand forma loose unionto protectthemselves
fromthe
forcesofcompetition
and exploitation
fromoutside.
The federation
deof groupsof guildshas been a characteristic
is
velopmentin Indian economichistory.Wherethe organization
ratherloose,as incentralIndiaand Rajputana,thenumber
ofguilds
is verylarge,a cityhavingevenmorethana hundredguilds,while
witha strongand compactorganizationthe numberdiminishes.
The morepowerful
theguild,thestronger
thetendencies
towarda
theweakertheguild,themoremarkedarethetendencies
federation;
and thelargerthenumberofguilds.
towardsubdivision,
In manycitiesof southernand centralIndia we findthe merchants,bankers,and largedealersunitedtogether
intoone central
co-ordinating
guild,whiletheartisansrepresenting
thesimpler
handicraftsand occupationsare similarlyfederatedinto one artisans'
The bankers'and merchants'guildsfixthe ratesof
organization.
exchangeand discount,settlecommercial
disputes,levypettyim-
390
THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
andspendtheproceedsonhumaneand
postson certaintransactions,
outside
religious
objects. In thesmallercitiestheseguilds,working
the pale of the chambersof commerceand similarassociations
nota littletowarda high
modeledon Westernlines,stillcontribute
community,
theprodegreeofmutualtrustwithinthecommercial
ofcommercial
crises.
motionofindustrial
peace,and theprevention
In manyoftheIndianstatesin centralIndia and Kathiawarthese
and holdan imguildsstillexerciseimportant
rightsand privileges
as
portantand influential
positionin the body politic,embracing
a
and thebankersoftheregion.For long
thesedo all themerchants
of bankersand traders
timeto comethe indigenousorganizations
willcontinueto playan important
partin India,althoughtheymust
move with the timesand adapt themselvesto modernbanking
methodsin orderto arrestthe presentdeclineof theirbusiness.
in India maybe effecthepresentdeclineofhandicrafts
Similarly,
theguildsofartisansand craftstivelycombattedby reorientating
meninto co-operativeindustrialsocieties.'4A notableinstanceof
therevivalofan important
through
assimilating
modern
handicraft
is furmethodsof businessand marketing
intotheguildstructure
nishedby theSourashtracommunity
ofsilk-weavers
and tradersin
Madurain thesouth.
In Indiacastesolidarity
withthefusion
has notbeenincompatible
of social and economicelements.The artisans'guild,as we have
oronecastecomprises
embracesdifferent
castemen,
seen,sometimes
notonlydifferent
severalguilds.The guildoftradersalso comprises
also formguilds,
castesbutalso different
races. The Muhammadans
as theyformvillagecommunities
and castes,in weak imitationof
theguildhas developedas a conHindumodels.In India,therefore,
inobedienceto largereconomicneedsthanwhat
glomerate
structure
and casteis nottheonlyrootoftheinstitution.
castesatisfies,
UNIVERSITY OF LUCKNOW
LUCKNOW, INDIA
14
R. Mukerjee,Groundwork
ofEconomics,pp.
I69-70.