ARTILES MORTUARY PREFERENCES: A WARI1CULTURE CASE STUDY FROM MIDDLE HORIZON PERU William H. Isbell Mortuarypractices reveal a great deal about the social organization of prehistoric cultures and their landscape of places. However, tombs are favored targetsfor looters, making it difficult to determine original burial practices. Verylittle was knownabout Wariburial during the Middle Horizon (A.D. 500-1000), even though Wariwas an imperial, early BronzeAge culture with a spectacular urbancapital in highland Peru. Excavations at the secondary Waricity of Conchopataproduced remains of more than 200 individuals,from disturbedand undisturbedcontexts. These burials as well as informationfrom other sites permit an initial description of ideal patterns of Warimortuarybehavior. Theforms abstracted reveal graves rangingfrom poor and ordinary citizens to royal potentates, supporting inferences of hierarchical political organization. It is also clear that the living accessed graves of importantpeople frequently, implying some form of ancestor worship. However,unlike the later Inkas, Wariancestors were venerated in their tombs, located deep within residential compounds and palaces. El estudiode las prdcticasfunerariases invalorablepara el conocimientode las culturasprehist6ricasy los pueblos antiguos. Desgraciadamente,las tumbasson tambie'nel blancofavorito de los saqueadores,por lo que resultadificil en muchoscasos interpretarlas prdcticas originales. Pese a la importanciade una cultura como Wari,un imperiode la Edad del Bronce que tuvo una espectacular capital urbana en la sierra del Pert, conocemos muypoco respecto a sus prdcticas funerarias. Las recientes excavaciones en la ciudad secundaria wari de Conchopatahan permitido recuperarrestos humanos,en contextos funerarios disturbadosy no disturbados,correspondientesa ma'sde 200 individuos.Estos entierrosy la informacidndisponible de otros sitios waris (incluyendoal centro urbanode Huari) hacen posible plantear una descripcio'ninicial de patrones ideales de la conductafunerariawari duranteel HorizonteMedio (500-1000 d.C.). Lasformas interpretadasrevelantumbasque correspondentantoa ciudadanospobres y ordinarioscomo a gobernantesreales.Ademds,las tumbasde las personas importantespresentanevidencias de haber sido abiertas con frecuencia luego del entierro,implicandoalgunaforma de culto a los ancestros. studiesof tombsandmor- into builtenvironmentsof the past (Bradley1989, Archaeological tuaryremainshavebeencriticalforunder- standingthe prehistoricpast since at least Sir LeonardWoolley's (1934) discovery of the Royal Cemeteriesof Ur. In the 1970s, grave and cemeteryanalysisbecamemorerigorousandsystematicwiththe methodologicalinnovationsassociatedwith processualarchaeology(Brown 1971; Goldstein 1980, 1981; Saxe 1970; Tainter1978). Postprocessual archaeology and the study of ancientlandscapesoffera potentialforevenbroader understandingsfrommortuarystudies,examining places of the dead as spatialmetaphorsinscribed 1998;Cannon1989,2002; Carr1995;ParkerPearson 1982, 1993, 2002; Silverman2002; Thomas 1996).These landscapesof deathweredesignedto communicate,so archaeologistswouldnotbe doing theirjobs if they rejected the hermeneuticchallenge to readandinterpretthem.However,meaningful understandingsdepend on archaeologists determininghow ancientpeopleintendedburialto be conducted.Thisis usuallymoredifficultto determine thanimagined. Graves,andespeciallytheintermentsof importantindividuals,arealmostalwaystargetsof plun- William H. Isbell a Departmentof Anthropology,State Universityof New Yorkat Binghamton,Binghamton,NY 13902-6000 LatinAmericanAntiquity,15(1), 2004, pp. 3-32 Copyright@2004 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology 3 This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 4 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY der and destruction.Tombs were loci of power withintheirsocial arenas,makingthemtargetsof aggression. They frequently contain significant wealth, attractinglooters. Furthermore,mortuary behaviormaynotrepresentan event,buta process, consistingof a sequenceof acts over an extended periodof time. How can the archaeologistdifferentiate the opening of a grave to add a newly deceased member of the family, to remove an ancestor'sbones, or to participatein some activity fromrobbinga gravefor its wealth?At leastin part becauseof this problem,thereareno generalsyntheses of mortuary practices for prehispanic Andeanculturessuchas highlandChavin,Recuay, Pucara,Tiwanaku,or Wari. Archaeologists'discussionsof landscapesof the deadmustbe basedon intendedconditionsof interment.Butthe archaeologicalrecordpresentssnapshots of complexprocesses,some intendedby the mournersbut othersresultingfrom looting, construction,erosion,etc., frozen as confusing material contexts. An inventory of popular burial patternsmustemphasizethe originalideals.While this obscuresvariationand inferencesaboutindividual agency, in the long run the abstractionof ideal patternsor normsseeks to recognizeculturally relevantdistinctions,on the basis of which organizational structure may be inferred, and observedrangesof behaviorcan be morecogently discussed.To abstractintendedor idealpatternsan archaeologistmust work qualitatively,evaluating as manymortuarycontextsfrom the same culture andtime periodas possible. Effects from destructive processessuch as lootingmustbe evaluatedin opposition to impacts from intended mortuary processesthatmayhavegone on overa long period of time, such as refurbishinggrave goods. These effects must be distinguished from differences intendedto express status,class, gender,age, or other socially relevant variables. No explicit methodology exists to assure success, although large,carefullyexcavatedsamplesareessential. In the archaeologicalstudy of Warimortuary behavior,it was impossibleto move directlyfrom excavationdatato prehistoricactivity.Information was confusing and contradictory,in large part becauseso manymortuarycontextsweredisturbed. Waseverypitandchamberwitha few humanbones a tombthathadbeen looted?Orhadhumanbones been trophiesor amuletsthatwere depositedhere [Vol.15, No. 1,2004 and there,and not exclusively in tombs?Was any disturbancea result of looting, or had mortuary practices been a prolonged process involving reopeninga grave several times? Was secondary buriala Waripracticeor did bones become disarticulatedby otherpost-intermentprocesses?It was only throughcomparisonof many cases thatpatternsbeganto emerge.Unfortunately,information hasbeenpoorlyrecordedformanyyears;therefore comparativedata were not accumulatingquickly. ArchaeologistsdiscoveringdisturbedWariburials paidlittleattention,for they appearedto offeronly insignificantscrapsof informationaboutthe past. More recently,it has become clear thateven disturbedremainsare valuablefor comparativepurposes, when carefullydescribed. Archaeologistsengaged in inferringpast culturalpatternsmustavoidexcessiveinfluencesfrom theory and expectations in their comparative abstractionof ideals and norms. If we employ favoredtheoreticalconvictionsoranalogiesto help inferintendedburialformsandmortuaryprocesses and thengo on to use the sametheoryto infercultural meanings,our results become overly laden with theoretical conviction (Isbell 1995; Wylie 1992a, 1992b).Forexample,JalhDulanto(2002) describesscatteredhumanbones and theirspatial contextsfor a firstmillenniumB.C. settlementon Peru'scentralcoast thatimply an ideal involving processingof ancestors'remainsin a mannerquite foreignto anythingknowninAndeanethnohistory. However,his convictionsaboutcontinuityin Inka ancestorworshipandmortuarypracticeslead him to emphasizesimilaritiesto ethnohistorical descriptions while de-emphasizingdifferences.The outcome is preferredpatternsmoresimilarto those of the Inkathanwarrantedby the actualdata. Intended Patterns of Death at Conchopata This studyis possiblebecauseof recentexcavations at Huari's secondarycity of Conchopata.2They have revealedthe remainsof more than200 individuals from burialcontexts of the Wariculture. Conchopatais one of many Wari capitals, secondarycities, provincialcenters,andcommunities (Figure 1) that were spread across the Central Andes during the Middle Horizon (A.D. 550-1000). Most archaeologistsinterpretHuarias thecapitalof a vastimperialstateof the samename This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] A WARICULTURE MORTUARY PREFERENCES: CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE HORIZON PERU 5 IKalki n Palacio PampaGrande4? Yarnobabanba Jos San de Mar \ j-'k cac ampa Moche Honcn mp, stHuari Sphere ariWifica tnnc i v, opata aJargampata opataaPikillactacha Huaro May-mis> XJin•olca Pacheco el ac del I. t a Iwawi Tiw anak Bauf ro - ,--I ------ Lukuro-Uyu •aniKal~amarca Nno t e WariCenters W A Wari Influenced Centers TiwanakuCenters Tiwanaku phere SanPedro deAtcama 500 Km. K Figure 1. Central Andes showing Middle Horizon centers including the capital, Huari, provincial Wari cities and other contemporary capitals. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 6 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY withits networkof centersdocumentingits administrativestructure(Isbell 1983, 1985, 1991, 1997b; Isbell and Schreiber 1978; Lumbreras 1974a, 1974b, 1985; McEwan 1991, 1996, 1998; Schreiber1991, 1992). But agreementis not universal.AlternativepositionsconsiderHuariandthe Middle Horizon a confederationof lineages (J. Topic 1986, 1991, 1994; T. Topic 1991; J. Topic andT. Topic 1992, 2001), or a mosaic of independentcities engagedin intensivecommerce(Shady 1982, 1988;ShadyandRuiz 1979).Of course,new of thelandscapeof deathduringthe understandings MiddleHorizoncan help resolve this debate. Conchopatais locatedin the southernendof the AyacuchoValley,about10km fromthecapitalcity of Huari(Figure2). It has a long historyof occupation,but duringthe centurieswhen Huaridominatedmuch of Peru,Conchopatawas the second city of the imperialheartlandandthe largesturban centerin theAyacuchoValley'ssouthernsettlement enclave.Todayits ruinsareoverrunby the modem city of Ayacucho,resultingin the destructionof mostof the ancientarchaeologicalzone (Figure2). Originallythesettlementcoveredatleast20 ha,and possibly as much as 40 ha. Presently,only about threeha remain,probablythe focus of the original civic center.All of our new informationaboutthe dead comes from this tiny portionof the old city (Isbell 2001a). However, this well-documented sample of some 200 individualsis probablythe largest collection of archaeologicallyexcavated burialsfrom the Wariheartland.All come from a denselyurbanizedareaof moreor less continuous buildings,plazas, and patios (Figure3). At some time, mostof this survivingportionof Conchopata may have been enclosed by a perimeterwall, of whicha northwestanda southeastcomerhavebeen preserved.Be thatas it may,Conchopatawas long recognizedas a communityof pottersbecauselarge tools were disnumbersof ceramicmanufacturing coveredatthe site (Pozzi-Escot1985, 1991;PozziEscotet. al 1994, 1998).However,once we learned to recognizemortuaryarchitectureandhow it varied with status,it became clear thatthe surviving portion of Conchopata contained tombs that includedelaborateandwealthyexamples.The site couldnothavebeen a townof craftspeopleof more or less middle status. Rather,it appearsto have been a landscapeof palace compoundsoccupied by lowly servants,middle-levelcitizens, wealthy [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 elites, andprobablyeven pettykings or governors. Architecture,stratigraphy,ceramic styles, and radiocarbondatesrevealfive phasesof occupation at Conchopata.During the Huamaniphase (240 B.C.-A.D. 300) we know that Conchopatawas occupied,butlittleculturalmaterialcanbe assigned to this time. During the Mendosa phase (A.D. 300-550), Huarpaand Curz Pata pottery styles were in use. Severalgraveswere discoveredin the north-central portionof survivingConchopata,but burials these representa distinctpatternof interment. Modest tombs appearto have been located in an open areawith no architecture,close enough to one anotherto imply a cemetery.Bodies were flexed and placed in simple pits or cavities in the bedrock,frequentlyaccompaniedby one or more ceramicvessels, andprobablyby perishableitems as well. Anothergrave,reportedlydiscoveredby earthmoverswhile leveling the landingstripseveral hundredmeters southeastof our excavation area,containedCurzPatapottery,so it alsobelonged to the Huamaniphase. But it is reportedto have been a bottle-shapedshaft tomb with a skeleton extendedon its back (Lumbreras1974:112a). No otherbottle-shapedshafttombs or extendedburials areknownat Conchopata. The Silva phase (A.D. 550-700) initiatedthe MiddleHorizonatConchopataandis characterized by oversize Conchopata-styleceramicsas well as Chakipampaand Ocros pottery.Less-fancy potteryusuallydesignatedHuamangawas also in use. There is a great deal of evidence for large-scale building at Conchopata,althoughmany of these early buildingswere disturbedby later activities. The remainsdocumenta significantchangein the landscapeof the deadbetweenthe lateEarlyIntermediateperiodandMiddleHorizontimesthatcontinuedthroughthe Silva phase as well as the next two phasesat Conchopata.Humanbodieswere no longer placed in open cemeteries but below the floorsof roomsandpatios.Theseroomsandcourts were partsof extensive buildingcompoundsand because, as discussed below, at least some of the burialswerereveredandgiven offeringslong after death,groupsof descendentsmusthaveresidedin, and expectedto remainin chargeof, the residentialcompoundof theirancestors.TheMiddleHorizon landscape of the dead constructed a new association between large building compounds, ancestors,and a social group that was probably This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] MORTUARY PREFERENCES: A WARICULTURE CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE HORIZON PERU 7 THnawasin. Hu ta ghway to Huanta San Miguel River BaB.s Azangain 04 . River T ablapm Twacochba im hrao pap *4. Huamanga BaaBasin MyuyuOrqo4 MilitaryBase Huari eroChuru Jargampata Conchopata, " ._ Nawinpukyu i AyacuchoValleyho / Moder o Ayacucho urban Ayaccho~lle Q) L~9 . ConchopataArchaeologicalZone 0Civic Center SuburbanPeriphery Edge of Mesa Figure 2. Map of Ayacucho Valley and the Conchopata archaeological zone. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 8 ANTIQUITY LATINAMERICAN based on descent. Conchopata'slargestarchitecturalcomplexesseem to havepalacesoccupiedby rulersor governors. Itis probablethatthemortuarycomplexin room EA-203 belongs to the Silva phase (Figure3), but it was excavatedyearsago and,apparentlybecause of severe looting, it was neverdescribedin print. This tomb complex belongs to Type5a of the following proposedtypology andit could be the earliest "mortuary room"atConchopata,representing the firstelite gravecomplexconstructedunderthe floorsof a palace TheHuisaphase(A.D. 700-850) was themajor occupationat the Conchopatasite. Oversize-Conchopatapotterycontinuedin use, butprobablydisappearedbefore the end of this time. Huamanga, Chikipampa,and Ocros potterystyles were very popular.Huisa is the phase to which the majority of the burialsemployedin this analysisappearto belong, althoughit seems thatthe most elaborate tombs continuedin use though the final Alarcon phase (A.D. 850-1000). Duringthatphase, there is no evidence for constructionor occupationof palacesexcept for the tombsthatwere still in use, or perhapsbeing reused.However,Alarconphase rooms nearbyhave simple tombs that are consistent with the proposedtypology. Huamangapottery was popularin Alarcontimes, but occasional pieces of VifiaqueandAtarcostyle ceramicsalso appear. MortuaryremainsfromConchopata'sfinalthree phases seem very similar,at least on the basis of currentdata,so descriptionsfrom all threephases were combined.Along with less detailedinformation as well as restudyof undescribedgravesfrom formerexcavations,theyprovidethedataon which thefollowingpreferentialpatternsarebased.Many of the tombs sufferedsignificantdisturbance,but some were intact.However,even damagedtombs furnishedvaluableinformation. Conchopata's Middle Horizon mortuary remainsappearto fallintosevenpreferentialgroups or idealtypesof interment,describedbelow.I omit at Conchopata,in which one type of "non-burial" human remains were deliberatelydefleshed and disarticulated before they were eventually depositedon thefloorsof templebuildings.Norwill I exploreinfantandchildburialsexceptwhenthey co-occurwith adultburials.3I will make comparisons withmortuarycontextsfromHuariandother [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 Middle Horizoncities in the centralhighlandsto fill out Wari'sculturalrecord,and to confirmits mortuaryideals. WariBurial Type1-Individual Interment Thisformof burialconsistsof a singlebodyplaced in a small pit excavatedinto the groundand coveredwithearth(Figure4). Sometimesthegravewas cappedwith a flatstone or two, andoccasionallya few flatstoneswereusedto line the sides of thepit. Bodies appear to have been tightly flexed and placedin the graveeitherseated,on the back,or on one side.Tracesof textilesandcordagesuggestthat at least some bodies were wrappedin cloth and bound with rope. Examples appearto have been locatedin patios,courts,andnarrowrooms.Except when a stone slab was used to cap the pit, thereis no evidencethatthesegravelocationsweremarked. Occasionally,Type 1 gravesincludea ceramicvessel, a stone bead, or some other object, but typically, imperishablegravefurnishingsare absent. WariBurial Type2-Multiple Interments Undisturbedmultiple intermentswere found in ArchitecturalEnclosureEA-65 and EA-151 (Figure3). Both were probablyopen patioareasrather thanroofedchambers.Like individualinterments, multipleintermentsconsistof unlinedpitscovered by soil, andperhapsa stoneor two, with few or no gravefurnishings,andthe flexedremainsof two to fouror fivebodiesof adultsandsub-adultchildren. It is apparentthatburialscould be addedto these gravesas time passed,so it seems likely thatType 1 intermentsturnedinto Type2. Like Type 1 individual graves,Type 2 graves show little evidence for markingof theirlocations.However,theywere reopenedfor subsequentburials,so people of the communitymust have rememberedthe locations of thegraves.Perhapsthereweremarkersthathave now disappeared. Future bioarchaeological study will show andmovedabout whetherbonesfounddisarticulated in Type2 graveswere movedsimplyto accommodatethe additionof morebodies,or whethersome more elaborateactivitieswere involved.It may be thatMultipleIntermentgravescontainedmembers of the samefamilyor socialgroup. WariBurial Type3-Cist Interment This importantclass of Middle Horizon graves This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] MORTUARY A WARICULTURE HORIZON PERU PREFERENCES: CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE 9 CONCHOPATA ARCHAEOLOGICAL ZONE 10 meter grid fla 11 ii I ................. ....I 41 ? j ~ J< lPlaza. ..... C~h~w-3- ____lr n ................Pi ....l................... ............. ....... ...... ... ... . .. ---. -.. II ff rAY ~~ ~ .....41 I f " #• ............................................• I ZL:I S~--it i ~ __ _ _ _ _7 1// ii7i ,Z-- 1-Y -- -_ _ _ __ t _ _ _ Figure 3. Map of Conchopata's civic center architectural remains. (Figure4) is poorlyknownat Conchopata,for only one undisturbedexamplewas discoveredin room EA-205 (Figure 3). It contained an older adult femalewithtwo ceramicvessels, butthe gravewas only partially stone lined with a clay top as its markerratherthana rockwitha perforationthrough it. A small hole reachedthe grave,passingthough a wallto theadjoiningroom.A secondlootedexample was foundin the PinkPlaza(Figure3), incompletelycappedby severalflatstonesandcontaining the partialremainsof a single individual,a tupu,4 anda distinctivepolychromeceramicsherd.However,because cist intermentsare frequentat other sites in theAyacuchoValley,the type deservessignificantattention. Cist tombs probablywere markedgravesconsisting of cylindricalpits, fully or partiallystonelined, about60 to 90 cm in diameterand 60 cm to 1 m deep. They are known throughoutAyacucho and many were sealed with a large, flat, circular stone or by several smaller slabs of rock. Some- times thereis a notchin one side of the cover,or a hole about 10 cm in diameterpecked throughthe middle of a single stone lid. Sometimesthereis a small niche in the wall of the cist, or a grooverunning down one side. Where grooves have been found, they appearto align with the notch in the lid. Cist tombs probablyrepresenta more lavish version of Type 1 and Type 2 graves. Their distinctivelids servedto markthe gravelocationand probablyalso facilitatedreopening the tombs. I suspectthatType3 tombsweredesignedto receive successiveburialsovera periodof time.Whenthey havea notchor hole throughthe lid, this musthave been intendedfor communicationwith the dead. I have named the notch or hole throughWari gravelids "ttoco,"from the old Quechuatermfor window or passage. These holes appearto have been used for makingofferingsto the dead,probably consistingof smallluxuryitems such as shell and stone beads. Type 3 Cist Intermentsare very similarto the primaryand secondaryburialcham- This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 10 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY Type1 [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 Type 6 Type3 profile prfilei 1~~z~~ plan r plan p Type 7 Type 2 Type 4 proflane profile p cifile plan Figure 4. Illustrations of Wari Burial Types 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7. bers of mortuaryrooms that I classify below as Type 5a, demonstratingunity in grave forms at ConchopataandotherWarisettlements.However, thereis no evidence for ttoco in Type 1 and Type 2 Warigraves.And only the more elaborateburials that have ttoco also have evidence for introducing small luxury items into the grave as offerings. At otherMiddle HorizonAyacuchosites, Type 3 cist intermentsappearto occurin isolationor in cemetery groupings, in buildings, and in open places.Theymaycontaintheremainsof one orseveral individuals, but often contain incomplete assortmentsof human bones. Grave furnishings were occasionally included, but rarely are the objectsnumerousor of significantvalue. residentialareasof largercompounds.Perhapsthis kindof tombshouldbe recognizedas anothervariant of the mortuaryroom, which I have classified below as the Type5 burial,an issue to be resolved by furtherstudyof Warimortuarypractices. Bedrock cavity tombs have different shapes, probablybecausethecontoursweredeterminedby cracksin the rockthatmadeit easierto removethe stone. Most, but not all, the bedrockcavity tombs discoveredat Conchopatawere looted.All appear to havecontainedtheremainsof morethanone person, andsignificantnumbersof pots as well as other offerings.Onebedrockcavityintermentwas found intactbelow Conchopata'sroomEA-31 (Figure5). To constructthe tomb, earthand then stone had been cut away to produce a broad shaft-like entrance,with two burialchambersin the deepest WariBurial Type4-Bedrock CavityInterment northernpartof the excavation,one to the northBedrockcavityburialemployeddeep tombsexca- east andone to the northwest.A ttoco about15 cm vatedintothebedrockunderlyingConchopata(Fig- in diameterthathadbeen cut throughthe bedrock ures4, 5, and6). They appearto havebeen marked at the northwestedge of the tomb shaftappearsto by raisedbench-likestructuresthatoftenhadttoco have servedboth burialchambers. holes in them.They were locatedunderthe floors The northwestchamberwas open, havingbeen of buildingsthatwereprobablyroofedroomsin the looted, and containedmany fragmentsof human This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] PERU MORTUARY A WARICULTURE HORIZON PREFERENCES: CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE 11 Figure 5. This bedrock cavity tomb was cut though the floor of room EA-31, and a ttoco was also opened through the rock to its left. All photographs are by William Isbell. bones as well as pieces of brokenpottery,but the northeastchamberremainedclosedbehinda rough stone wall. It containedseveralindividualswhose bones were almosttotally consumedby chemical actionwithinthe sealedenvironmentof the grave. Two adults were tightly flexed. One, associated with tupus, has skeletal features diagnostic of a female.The otheradultwas associatedwithhalf of an archer'sbow and anotherwooden object that may be a reworkedbow stave. Based on the bow, it seems probablethat the individualwas male, althoughsex determinationfrom the bones themselves was impossible.Intherearof thegravewere additionalbones in extremelypoor conditionthat mayrepresentearlierintermentsin the samegrave. A jar in the grave contains a humanfetus and a radiocarbonsamplefromvegetablefiberbindings about one of the cadavers produced a terminal Huisaphase date. The most impressiveunlootedbedrockcavity intermentwas discoveredduringour2000 season. The grave opening was found in room EA-105, partiallycoveredby a bench-likeconstructionthat had a circularhole in the top suggestiveof a ttoco, except thatit did not penetrateinto the tomb (Figure 6). Small luxury objects of turquoise and Spondylusshell were foundin this hole. The flooraroundthetombentrancewas covered with sherdsfrom largejars, but therewas no lid, only earthand rocks in the mouth.A small plain pot with constrictedopeningwas also foundat the entranceinto this bedrockcavity tomb.Below the roughly80-cm-diametertombmouthwas a spherical cavity almost2 m wide and about1.6 m deep, excavatedinto the bedrock.The graveyielded 27 ceramicvessels, includingseveralminiaturepots that seem to imitate oversize offeringurns, small objectsof greenstone,numerouscoppertupus,and the remainsof 15 individuals.Osteologicalexamination documented two fetuses in jars, three infants,partof a child,ajuvenile,one malebetween 23 and 27 years of age, and six adultfemales of various ages, as well as a seventh skeleton too incompleteto be sexed,butprobablyalso an adult female (Tung 2003; Tung and Cook 2002). The male was placedin the bottomof the graveseated This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 12 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 15, No. 1, 2004 Figure 6. The bedrock chamber tomb in room EA-105 had large pots and other objects just inside its entrance. Its bench and ttoco can be seen just behind the tomb opening. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] PERU HORIZON MORTUARY PREFERENCES: A WARICULTURE CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE on crossedsticks of wood thatmay have been the frameworkof a stool or mortuarysupport.I suspect thatthis was the primaryburialof the group, probablya husbandaccompaniedby polygynous wives and deceased infants.If my inferencesare correct,it seems likely thatthis gravebelongedto a nobleman,for the numberof wives seems too largefor a commoner. The skeletonof a pregnantwoman was found just inside the tomb opening. It was completely articulatedas thoughuntouchedsincethebodyhad been placedinto the tomb.It appearsto havebeen addedafterotherburialsimmediatelybelow,which were disturbedandpartiallydisarticulated.Disturbance of these skeletons was consistentwith the intrusionof the final female body when the other bodies still had connective tissue holding their bones together,but when theirremainswere delicate enoughto permitpartsof the skeletonto separate from one another. This is a convincing demonstrationthatWaritombs were reopenedby intentionto addindividualsandit seems likelythat it occurredmanytimes.We can also concludethat bones were removedwhen the tomb was opened, for some of the skeletonsin thisunlootedgraveare incomplete.So Wariburialwas a process, not an event. The last woman addedto the gravein EA105 was about45 years of age and was pregnant, but she probablyalso was a wife of the young man interredearlierat the bottomof the grave. AnotherType4 BedrockCavityIntermentwas in EA-40, and disturbedexamples were found in roomsEA-9 andEA-64.A uniquecase in a larger, probablyopen patiocame from EA-6. WariBurial Type5a and Type5b-Mortuary Room Interment Thiskindof burialis named"Mortuary RoomInterment"becausetombsoccupyso muchof the space within a room that it is difficult to imagine any otheractivityexceptburialandburialritualwithin the enclosed androofedarea(Figures7, 8, and9). In some cases a secondroomandevena thirdroom appearto havebeen partof the mortuarycomplex, although these secondarymortuaryrooms were probablynot filled with tombs. However,looting has usually disturbedthe original conditions so cannotbe precise.At severelythatinterpretations least six examples of mortuaryrooms are known at Conchopata.They are room EA-138, with its 13 neighborEA-110 that were both looted severely. A second, and perhapsthe largestmortuaryroom complex, consisted of EA-38 (Figures 3 and 8), probablycombinedwith EA-44, andperhapsEA31. Mortuaryrooms thatappearto have included only one architecturalspace are EA-39, EA-150, EA-153, and EA-203 in the westernpartof Conchopata,acrossthehighwayfromourexcavations. Mortuaryrooms EA-38 (Figure 8) and EA-150 (Figure9) arethe bestpreservedandprovidemuch of the informationnecessaryfor identifyingBurial Type5a andType5b, respectively. Type5a mortuaryrooms(Figures7 and8) contain severalcircularor rectangularstone-linedcist tombs and skeletalremainsfrom numerousindividuals. Mortuaryrooms of Type 5a all probably containedseveralcist chambers,but one appears to have been the principalcist, which also may have been the firsttomb in the room. The principalcist orburialchamberwas eithercircularorrectangular, and apparently could have two and perhapsmorechambers.Itwas sealedwitha heavy capstonepiercedby a notchor hole, the ttoco.All examples probablycontainedthe remainsof severalindividuals,althoughnonehasbeendiscovered intact. Over the capstone a small offering house somewhatless than 1 m tall was built,containing an altarchamber.The offeringhouse had a flattop and a small trapezoidalentrancein one side. The floor of the offeringhouse was the gravelid, with the ttoco providinga tiny passage from the altar chamberof theofferinghouseintotheburialchamber that containedhumanbodies. It seems likely that ttoco were usually sealed with stone plugs shapedmuch like champagnecorks.The offering house was constructedon the heavy stone lid, so once the littlebuildingwas in place it would have beenimpossibleto re-openthecist withoutdestroying the altarchamberwalls. Consequently,constructionof the offeringhouse terminatedthe use of the principalcist, and probablyinitiatedexcavationof, andburialin, secondarycists withinthe mortuaryroom. There likely was both a chronologicalorderanda hierarchyamongtheinterments in multi-cistburialmortuaryrooms. In some mortuaryrooms,additionalcist tombs were excavated throughthe floor almost everywherethatwaspossible.Sometimespartitionswere constructedarounda seeminglysecondarycist, or set of cists, creatinga subsidiaryoffering house This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 14 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY Type 5a [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 Type5b PrimaryBurialChamber WithOfferingHouseConstructed On BurialChamberLid BuralRoom Chambereringouse tWith Doorway over Ttocoe LRoomRo locoiiiiN pranance T Figure 7. Illustrations of Wari Burial Type 5a and Type 5b. Figure 8. Mortuary Room EA-38 is an example of Wari Burial Type 5a. The offering house, now lacking a roof, is constructed over a massive lid of the primary burial chamber. Its ttoco notch is visible at the top edge of the stone. Secondary cist tombs were located around the primary burial chamber. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] A WARICULTURE MORTUARY PREFERENCES: CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE HORIZON PERU 15 Figure 9. Mortuary Room EA-150 is an example of Wari Burial Type 5b. The offering house, with roof intact, is constructed over a chamber that was entered from the side, where its rectangular lid, now broken, has collapsed into the void. The ttoco notch is located inside the offering house. with an altarchamber.Occasionally,an adjacent roomseemstohave beenpartof themortuarycomplex, having its own cist tombs excavatedinto its floor,and walls thatmay have been partsof offerlootinghouseswithaltarchambers.Unfortunately, ing hasmadeit difficultto determinecriticaldetails of constructionchronology,but what does seem clear is that in Type 5a mortuaryrooms, the constructionof an offeringhouse overa tombsignaled its importance.It also meantthatthe tombwas difficult if not impossible to re-open to insert additionalburialsor to removeany remains. Mortuaryrooms of Type 5b representan elaborationon Type 5a that could be enteredand reentered, without disturbing the offering house. These tombs had a separateentranceto one side, sealedby a flatstone(Figures7 and9). A largerectangularburialchamberwas constructedbelow the floor of the mortuaryroom andcappedwith stone slabs at aboutthe same level as the floor.A ttoco was constructedbetweenthestonelintelsatone end of thechamber,andanentrancethatcouldbe sealed witha single stoneslabwas placedatthe otherend. An offering house with altar chamberwas built overthettoco,coveringabout70 percentof thebur- ial chamber,butleavingthe entranceandcovering stoneexposed.Thiskindof mortuaryunitcouldbe re-openedrepeatedly,while the offeringhouseand ttoco remainedundisturbed. All the mortuaryrooms discovered at Conchopatawere looted,butgold artifactswere found in mortuaryroomsEA-138 andEA-150.Thisis the only gold discoveredin our excavationsat Conchopata,so thereseems little doubtthatmortuary rooms were the pinnacles of the local interment hierarchy.Onlythemostpowerfulandwealthyresidents could affordso much luxury.Study of the skeletal remainsfrom mortuaryrooms is still in progress,and,of course,all were disturbed.However, preliminaryevidence indicatesa significant of femaleskeletons,consistentwith preponderance a high-statuspalaceareawherea kingandhis noble kinfolkwere attendedby numerouswives, concubines, and servingwomen. WariBurial Type6-Wall Interment This typeof intermentemployeda chambercutout of, constructedwithin,or attachedto, a thickwall (Figure4). Wedidnotdiscoveranywall interments duringour excavationsat Conchopata,but Lum- This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 16 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY breras(1974a:180-181) reportedone examplecontainingtwo individualsduringhis investigationsat the site. It is possible thatit representsa late addition to a Silva phase wall at Conchopataand that wall burialis a late Warifeature.Numerouswall burialshave been reportedfrom Huari(Gonzalez Carr6and BragayracDaivila 1996) and Middle Horizon Batan Urqo (Zapata1997), so although burialType6 does not seem to havebeen verypopularin thecivic centerof Conchopata,it was apparently a significanttype of Wariinterment. WariBurial Type7-Communal or Sacrificial GroupBurial One exampleof a mass grave,probablya groupof sacrificial victims,5 is reportedfor Conchopata. Thisuniqueexamplecontainedfive youngfemales coveredby a stone moundor cairn(Figure4). All appearto have been buriedat the same moment. This intermentwas discoveredin 1977 about 1 m northwestof a ceramicofferingof oversize faceneckjars(Isbell1987;IsbellandCook 1987,2002). It is likely thatthe womenparticipatedin the same event in which the giant face-neck jars were smashedandburied(Cook 1987, 1994). Wari Tombs at Other Settlements I doubt that this descriptivediscussion,based on Conchopataburials, exhausts the range of Wari mortuary practices. Expansion, revision, and reevaluationswill surely be requiredas we learn moreaboutMiddleHorizonmortuarylandscapes. However,it is clearthattheseidealtombtypeshave equivalentsat otherAyacuchosettlements,as well as at moredistantWaricommunities. Tombs of Type 1, individual interment, are describedfor the Warisites of Jargampata(Isbell 1977:29) and Azangaro(Anders 1986:619-620). Similargraves existed at the Rio Pampassite of TaqsaUrqo,butwere destroyedby roadconstruction. However,I suspect that many examples of WariType 1 burialshave gone unrecognized,and perhapseven unreported,because they contained no stylisticallydatableobjects. Type2 multipleintermentsare as pooras Type 1 gravesandareprobablyalso under-reported. One described Schreiber (1992:249-250), example, by is a gravecontainingtwoindividualsatJincamocco. This tomb was a little fancier than Conchopata [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 examples,for the pit was partiallystone lined and coveredwith simpleslabsof rock,butno offerings were included. Type3 cist intermentburialshavebeenreported for Aqo Wayqo (Ochatoma and Cabrera2001: 83-96), whereatleastone containedpottery,tupus, and other furnishings.However,these examples had no ttoco.A similarburialwas found at Nawimpuquio, with a stone-lined double chamber (Cabrera1998) that is somewhatlargerand more elaboratethanmostcistinterments,althoughit also lacked a ttoco. Perhapsthis representsa subclass of cist burials consisting of a stone-lined vault insteadof just a pit cut into earth. A Type4 bedrockchambertombis foundat the planned architectural complex of Azangaro (Anders 1986:617-619). Accounts of what seem to be Warisites in the Rio Pampas,southof Ayacucho, suggestthatbedrockchambertombsmayexist thereas well. Type5a mortuaryroomintermentis alsoknown at Huari(Figure10). My studentsandI excavated an examplein theMoraduchayuqarea(Isbellet al. 1991:34-36 andFigure 18). The presenceof only scatteredfragmentsof humanbone madeus reluctantto identifythe chambersas mortuaryin funcwe now have tionwithoutthekindof corroboration from comparisons with Conchopata.At Moraduchayuq,two rooms, each 5.3 m long and 2 m wide, connect througha doorway.The northend of the innerroom is raisedabout20 cm with the primarycist locatedon this bench andcoveredby a heavy circularstone with two ttoco. Remainsof an offeringhouse arerepresentedby wall bases on two sides of the lid. In this mortuaryroom, there aretwo morelargecists with lids andttoco,andin the neighboringroom,four cists, one with lid and ttoco still in place.All the tombshad been looted, anda greatquantityof finepotteryof MiddleHorizon EpochIB, all severelybroken,was foundscattered about.The potterywas mostly open vessel forconforms,suchas bowlsandcups,appropriate sumingfood and drink(Cook 1994). A secondexampleof a Type5a mortuaryroom is from the Cuzco Middle Horizon site of Batan Urqu(Figure11). Partof a largerWaricommunity knownas Huaro,theBatanUrqucomplexmightbe describedas a cemeterybuildingcontainingvarious mortuaryrooms(Zapata1997).Most similarto theConchopataexamplesis theprimaryburial(Zap- This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] MORTUARY A WARICULTURE CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE PREFERENCES: HORIZON PERU 17 N Cist3 Pit Raisedstep in floor PitA 135 (1 B Pit C t 0 2m Stonelid withttoco coveringcist nexcavated 134 RaisedstepV in floor 234 3acy 161 MoraduchayuqCompound, Huari Figure10. Huari'sMoraduchayuqCompoundshowinga burialroomof Type5a. (Redrawnfrom Isbellet al. 1991: Figures6 and 18) This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 18 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY ata1997:Figures33, 34) consistingof a hugestonelined cist with heavy rock lid and central ttoco. Remainsof a smallrectangularofferinghouse surmountthe lid, andmanyothercist tombsandmortuaryrooms are locatedclose by. Therecan be no question that the Batan Urqu mortuarycomplex representsan orderof magnitudeor two grander than anything at Conchopata,but the mortuary behavioris clearlythatof a Type5a Wariburial. I believe that ConchopataType 5b mortuary roomsareformallysimilarto numerousexamples from Huari, but the Huari tombs have been so severely damagedthat most are difficultto conceptualize in their original form. Called "cheqo wasi" (stone house), they are megalithicchamber complexes,often of two or even threefloor levels (Figures12 and 13).No one has attemptedto determine theiroriginalforms, althoughwe have severaldescriptionsof thelootedarchitectural remains (Benavides 1984, 1991; Bennett 1953; Gonzailez Carr6and BragayracDaivila 1996; P6rez 1999, 2001a, 2001b). Based on these discussions, my own researchat Huari,and the new Conchopata comparisons,I conclude that the majorityof the megalithic chambers were enclosed within the roughstonewallsof architectural compounds.They were re-openable mausoleums similar to Conchopata'sType5b mortuaryrooms. Type5 mortuaryroomsdescribedfor Huarican encloseone largechambercomplexorseveralsmall chambers,probablyrangingfromtwoto five.Small and simple cheqo wasi probablywere enteredby removingthelid (Figure12).Morecomplexexamroomor complexof ples consist of a subterranean rooms enteredfrom one side througha crawlway, perhapsalso coveredby a heavystone(Figure12). The upperlevel is often a room,or room complex thatmay have been closed except for ttoco. Other ttoco connect the upperchamberswith the lower chambers.In form, Huari's cheqo wasi are like Type5a and5b mortuaryroomsfromConchopata, except thatthey are much grander.I proposethat these megalithictombs be recognizedas another subclass,Type 5c (Figure12) All knownType5c mortuaryroomsfromHuari werelooted,probablymanytimes,beginningin the distantpast.Inearlypostconquesttimestheyserved as quarriesfor constructionstone,furnishinghuge expertlyworkedashlarsthat could be re-cut into mill stones,waterconduits,andotherstoneobjects [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 used to constructthe colonial city of Huamanga (now Ayacucho).But excavationsin and around themhaverevealedmanyhumanremainsin thedisturbedcontexts.As ourunderstandings grow,there seems little doubt that the chambers were elite tombs. If the BatanUrqoType 5a mortuaryrooms are granderthanConchopata'sby an orderor two of magnitude,some of Huari'slargercheqo wasi are greaterthanConchopata'sType5b mortuaryrooms by half a dozenordersof magnitude.Huari'scheqo wasi must have been tombs for kings or nobles whose statuswas a full social level abovethe fanciest tombsdiscoveredat Conchopata. Megalithicstonechambersof Type5c arecommon at Huari,but are very rareif they exist at all outsidethecapitalcity.Onlyone examplehasbeen reported.In southernAyacucho,morethan100 km fromHuari,Schreiber(1992:154-155) reports"at least one (andpossiblymorethanthree)semi-subchambersbuiltof largeslabsof cutstone." terranean This settlementappearsto have been quite small but locatednearthe entranceinto a valley thathad architeca sizablecomplexof Wariadministrative ture and extensive agriculturalterracing.Perhaps it becamethe estateof a Huarimonarchwhose relatives were eventually buriedthere, but excavations arerequiredto confirmtheexistenceof these ruralcheqo wasi, much less infer their meanings in the vastWarilandscapeof death. Uncommonat Conchopata,Type 6 wall interment was frequentat Huariand at BatanUrquin Cuzco (Zapata1997). Wallgravesareonly found in very thickwalls, which arerareat Conchopata, at least in the civic centerwhere our excavations have been concentrated. Type6 wall intermentrequiresadditionalinvestigationin thefuture.BurialsfromtheVegachayoq Moqo sectorof Huari(Figure14) aredescribedby Vera Tiesler Blos (1996). Most of the human remainswere looted fromtombswithina massive wall that was built across a courtyardwhen the functionof thearchitectural complexchangedfrom palace, to mortuarymonument,to popularcemetery(see Isbell200 ib). It is nowclearthatthismassive wall, more than 2 m thick, had many large niches, one containinga collection of secondary burials (Bragayrac 1991), as well as numerous chambers for wall interments. These were not nichesbutcryptsforprimaryburialsthatwereprob- This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] MORTUARY A WARICULTURE PREFERENCES: CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE HORIZON PERU 19 0600 --offering --' ...... Remainsof house andaltarchamber constructedoverprimary tomb Mortuary rooms 0 ' 10m ... ....I Figure 11. Batan Urqu, Cuzco, mortuary building with burials of Types 5a and 6. (Redrawn from Zapata 1997: Figures 5 and 34). ably sealed except when occasionally reopened. Some wereprobablyintrudedintothe wall afterits construction, while others appear to have been shapedas the wall was built (Pdrez1999; Tiesler Blos 1996). I suspect that the large quantity of humanremainsfoundalong the edge of this same wall-and attributedto post-MiddleHorizonmor- tuaryactivityby Tiesler-are actuallyHuariburials pulled from theirwall chambersand scattered aboutthe foundationareaby looters. At Batan Urqu in Cuzco, Zapata (1997) describesa largerectangularbuilding,poorlypreserved, but originallyabout 33 m by 89 m, with partsof its perimeterwall standingalmost1 m high This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY 20 Type5c HuariMortuaryRoom with two smallchambers [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 Type5c HuariMortuaryRoom with one largechambercomplex aPlan a : r Entrance Chamber2 : 2 r2 I Profile 7m.Profile Figure 12. Huari's cheqo wasi or megalithic mortuary rooms of Type 5c. (Redrawn from GonzAilezCarre and Bragayrac Divila 1996: 20 and from PNrez2001a: Figure 32). to 20 m in diameterandhalf as deep thatwere partially filled with huge rocks, includingfragmehts of finely workedashlars,curiouslyshapedstones thatlooked like conduitsfor aqueducts,andcircularslabsresemblingmill stones.Nearbywas a long subterranean hall filled with humanremains. Although extremely damaged, clearing and excavationby IsmaelPerez (1999, 2001a, 2001b) in 1997 has finallyrevealedenoughof the ancient architectureat Monjachayoqto get a sense of its originalform. Monjachayoqconsisted of four or five subterraneanlevels of constructionwith the deepestreaching 10 m or more below the ground (Figure 15). On the surfacethereappearsto have been a perimeterwall, a "D-"shapedtemplebuilding, a large structure,and maybe a streetor corridor.Underthis, and apparentlybelow the original Type 8 Royal Interment groundlevel, was a complex of four halls, end to The Monjachayoqarea of Huari is also named end, of well-maderoughstonemasonrywith mas"canterdn"(Bennett 1953:19) or stone quarryin sive cut stoneslabsfor theroof andthe floor.At the Spanish.Before the 1970s it had gaping holes 15 southend, the hall complex passed over a deeper, and about 1.3 m thick. Along the interiorbottom of the west wall, he foundType6 wall burialchambers of variousforms, from rectangularto semicircularto elongated,usuallycontainingdisturbed bones of several individuals, adults as well as infantsand children(Figure11). Basedon thesereportsit appearsthatwall intermentsrepresentyet anotherkindof Warigravethat was probablyopened and reopenedfor the addition,andperhapstheremoval,of humanbodiesand defleshed bones, respectively. Few offerings or gravefurnishingshavebeen foundwith wall interments.Perhapsthisis becauseso manywerelooted, but moreprobably,it is becausethey were similar in statusto Type 3 cist interments. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] MORTUARYPREFERENCES: A WARI CULTURE CASE STUDY FROM MIDDLEHORIZON PERU 21 Figure 13. This mortuary room at Huari contains a medium sized cheqo wasi, or megalithic tomb of Type 5c. second subterranean level of architecture(Figures 15, 16, and 17). level conMonjachayoq'ssecond subterranean tains 21 cells constructedof ashlarsin combination with rough stonework(Figures 16 and 17). Thisconstructionwas disclosedby cleaningone of Monjachayoq'sgapingholes of loose stone,revealing a surfaceexposedby lootersand subsequently worked by colonial stonecutterswho converted ancientashlarsintomillstones,waterconduits,and otheritems requisitionedby Spanisharchitectsin the new city of Huamanga.In fact, the 21 chambers areexposedbecausemassivecoveringstones were removed, along with several levels of constructionabovethem.Pdrez(1999) foundstonesin theprocessof beingre-cut,alongwithanexhausted iron chisel of the colonial masons. Huari's subterraneanmegalithic complex of cells must have been opened and looted, perhaps in prehispanictimes.Duringthe colonialeraSpanish contractorsbegan quarryingstone from Mon- jachayoq,recuttingits originalconstructionblocks fornew requirements in thecolonialcapitalof Huamanga.In spiteof this destruction,therecanbe little questionthatthe complexof 21 cells represents a mortuarygroup,of subsidiaryburialchambers, or perhaps offering houses built above an even granderprimarymortuarychamber. Under the complex of 21 cells is a thirdbasement level, accessible only by a shaft. It is a hall whose plan resembles a llama viewed in profile (Figures 16 and 18). Pdrez (1999) observedthat entry was at the mouth of the symbolic animal. And, at the tip of the llama'stail a still-deeperelement was constructed,that mightbe considereda fourthundergroundlevel. This is a circularchamber, lined with roughstonework,3.7 to 4 m deep, reaching 1.2 m in diameterat the bottom, with a flat-stonelid that once sealed it. It looks remarkably like a primaryburialcist froma Type5a Wari mortuaryroom,as well as theprimaryburialchamber in the BatanUrqumortuaryroom. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY 22 :I• WallTombs 4 SmeNiches lo s ..6 niches P surface t St wall tombs SProbable Walls walls ecorated icstonesd "D" ShapedhbuildinsFloorlevel FirsdinTe er r TW aceFfPill of stones . Floors canal Floor esu Fo Moqosector. Figure14.Mapof Huari'sVegachayoq This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions So Isbell] MORTUARY PREFERENCES: A WARICULTURE CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE PERU HORIZON --------- -----W-- -I --------------- * 23 ------------- I Vegachayoq Sector S Moqo.-..y Entrance SPossible Sectorarchitectural Sashlars I Vg 0 First subterranean hallswallslevel meters Monjachayoq ashlarUncleares Cleared in1973 Second subterranean level cells Third subterraneanlevel llama-shaped hall Surface walls -- Figure 15. Map of Huari's Vegachayoq Moqo and Monjachayoq sectors. For details of subterranean levels in Monjachayoq Sector, see Figure 16. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 24 [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY Originalentrance to llama-shapedhall tomb D3 'd? 6 V 7 1 ~c~fV 3 ~a7~s7G3 17~=3 5 llama shaped Vto N subterranean level Cells of second 1 2 0 Cylindrical cyst-tombof fourth subterraneanlevel hall Llama-shaped tomb of third loters' hall tombentrance subterraneanlevel -????-metersmeters Figure 16. Map of Huari's Monjachayoq Sector showing the second, third, and fourth subterranean levels. Nothing of the original contents of Monjachayoq'shugeunderground complexis lefttoday. Many humanbones were removedfrom the first basementhallsin 1977.The21 chambersandllama gallery of the second and third basements were excavatedmore recently,but they containedonly secondaryfill, withoccasionalfragmentsof human bones, pot sherds,and stone tools. Even the lid of the deepestcist hadbeenremovedandnothingwas foundwithin.Of course,fragmentaryanddisturbed humanremainswere scatteredthroughoutthe fill of this impressivecomplex, confirmingits mortuary function. The form, size, and impressiveconstructionof the Monjachayoqmortuarycomplex place it on a par with royal burialplatformsfrom Peru's great northcoastalcity of ChanChan(see Conrad1982). I feel securein identifyingthe Monjachayoqsubterraneanbuildingcomplex as a royalWaritomb, eventhough,as atChanChan,regalbodiesandtheir offeringsdisappearedcenturiesago. Curiously,the Huarisepulchreis virtuallythe inverseof Chimu's royalburialplatforms-a "royalcatacomb."Itrepresents the supremehierarchicallevel in Wari's landscapeof death.The Monjachayoqtomb ma? be listed as a WariType 8 SubterraneanChamber Complex Interment, probably representing an emperorwho ruledHuariand all its possessions. Withinthe Huarisite, I do not thinkthatType8 interment is unique to Monjachayoq. Near the northeastcorner of Huari's architecturalcore is anothergreathole, filled with brokenblocks, ashlars, and stones, that is also called canterrn. I believe thatexcavationswill revealanothermegalithic subterranean tomb complex of a Huari emperor,also looted long ago, andquarriedfor its fineworkedstones.Perhapsa new excavationcampaign will revealan unlootedroyaltomb at Huari. Wari's Landscape of the Dead Waripeopleinscribedrespectfor,andengagement with, the dead into the built environmentsof their cities andtowns.At Conchopatathey creatednew This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] MORTUARYPREFERENCES: A WARI CULTURE CASE STUDY FROM MIDDLEHORIZON PERU 25 Figure 17. Wari Type 8 Royal Tombs are represented by the megalithic subterranean complex at Monjachayoq, Huari. The second subterranean level consists of 21 cells that probably served as secondary tombs and offering chambers. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 26 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 Figure 18. The third subterranean level of Huari's Monjachayoq royal tomb was probably the primary burial chamber. It consists of a narrow hall whose plan resembles a llama in profile. Located 6 to 8 m below the original ground surface, the looted chamber now contains construction rubble and fragments of human bone. kinds of buildingswhere the living veneratedthe dead,who were interredbelow the floors.Some of these tombs were modest,otherswere substantial anda few werepretentious.Themostpowerfulresidents created mortuaryrooms for their bodies, wheretheywouldbe visitedby generationsof their descendents,at least some of whom would eventuallybe addedto the same complex of tombs. Conchopatahas half a dozen mortuaryrooms with tombsthathavegreatlids, ttoco,andoffering housesfillingthe entirespace.This mortuarylandscape affirmsthatConchopatawas not just a city of craftspeople,but of elites and nobles, occupying palaces and commandingresourcessufficient to constructimpressivetombsandprovisionthem with wealth thatincludedgold. But the poor condition of Middle Horizontombs made it impossible to describeWari mortuarybehaviordirectly. This has been achievedonly by abstractingideal or preferredpatternsfrom a multitudeof graves, manydisturbedbuta few intact,fromConchopata and relatedsettlements,includingthe Huaricapital itself. The resultingtypologyof ideal mortuary classes is remarkablycomplex andhierarchical.It suggestsso manyinferencesthatonly a few can be discussedhere. Wari's Middle Horizon landscape of death linked ancestorsand descendentswith a house or palace.This surelypromotedthe formalizationof royallineagesordynastiesknownin manycultures as "greathouses."Wariintermentemphasizedstatus differenceand social inequalityin its spatial metaphors.Type 1 and Type 2 intermentswere small, unmarked,and lackingin materialobjects. Type 2 multiple intermentsmay graduallyhave becamemorepopular,almostreplacingindividual interments.Kin ties, or whateverformedthe basis for mortuarygrouping,became emphasizedeven more as multiple intermentsof the Middle Horizon replacedindividualgraves and cemeteriesof This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] PERU HORIZON A WARICULTURE MORTUARY PREFERENCES: CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE theEarlyIntermediateperiodMendosaphase.Perhaps in the new urbanmilieu, new principlesof affiliationwere exploredfor creatingnew kindsof relationships(Smith2003). Ttocoopeningsintotombsbecamepopularduring the Middle Horizon, implying an increased desire to maintaincontact with ancestors.However,Type 1 and Type2 intermentshave no ttoco and containno luxurygoods. It appearsthatlowstatusindividualswereburiedtogether,in affiliated groupings,butthey did not become reveredancestors. WariType 3 cists, as well as Type6 wall interments, are a step higher in the social landscape. Type3 gravessometimes,butnotalways,hadttoco openings,whileType6 seemsnotto havehadthem. I suggest thatthese burialsrepresenttypical residents of Waricities, neitherpowerfulnor impoverished. Type 4 bedrockchamberintermentsappearto havebeentheburialplacesof minornobles,atleast at Conchopata.They had ttoco openingsand contained many grave goods. Type 4 burialsare frequentat Conchopata,implying thatthe surviving portionof thatcity was a palacecompound,orcomplex of associatedpalacecompoundsoccupiedin large partby elites. Bedrockchambertombs that were not disturbed appear to have held family groups,and at least some examplesarebest interpreted as the polygynous family of a man with manywives. In fact, female remainsconsiderably outnumberthe males in ourConchopataosteological sample,a factthatI ascribeto the seraglio-like natureof the palatialsector we have investigated at Conchopata. BurialType 5a and 5b mortuaryrooms representthepinnacleof theintermenthierarchyatConchopata.Theyhavettocoopenings,combinedwith anofferinghousewithaltarchamber.Thesegraves contained gold and other objects of wealth, althoughnonehas beendiscoveredunlooted.As in bedrockchambertombs, mortuaryrooms contain a predominanceof female skeletons, seeming to confirmtheimportanceof polygyny,andtheimportanceof womenandtheirlaborforthesmallernumber of elite men. I proposethatthe personsburied in Conchopata'smortuaryrooms were rulersand theirclose family members,probablypetty kings or curaca, to use an Andeanterm.The discovery of similarbutmoremagnificentmortuaryroomsat 27 BatanUrqo in Cuzco implies Warikings of similarnoblerankin thedistantcity of Huaro,butjudging by the graves, Batan Urqo's kings were probablywealthierthan Conchopata'srulersin a regionalscale of powerandaffluence.Type5a and 5b burialsseem to representa fourthlevel of social statusin ancientWariculture,perhapsrulersof secondarycities and governorsof provincialterritories. Mortuaryroomsof Type5a and5b weretheapex of the funeraryhierarchyat Conchopataand at Huaro/BatanUrqu, but they were modest when comparedwith Huari's cheqo wasi-megalithic chambertombs-but placed in mortuaryrooms similarto those of Conchopata.This demonstrates that the fourth-levelcuracas of Conchopatawere significantlyout-rankedby more powerfulnobles at Huari,who could build trulymagnificentmausoleums.Furthermore, Type5c megalithicmortuaryroomsappearto havebeenlimitedto Huari,and perhaps one provincial site in the south, where some Huariprince may have establisheda royal villa orcountryestate.Consequently,Type5c burials must representa fifth hierarchicallevel of status and wealth in Waricultureand society. Their limitationto the capitalcity impliescentralization of political power, with deceased nobles being buriedonly in the greatcity. Wari'slandscapeof deathproclaimsHuari'suniquehierarchicalposition, contradictinginterpretationsof the Middle Horizonthatarguefor equivalentcities or confederationsof lineages. Supremepowerand wealthin Wari'smortuary landscapeis representedby Type8 royalinterment, a sixth level in the power hierarchy.Still poorly known, these tomb complexes were vast and impressive.Furtherresearchwill probablyprove thattheywerethe tombsof Huari'semperors.And they significantlysurpassall othergravesof Middle Horizon date anywhere within the Wari sphere-Pachacamac, Cuzco, Huamachuco, Nasca,or Moquegua.Theironly appropriate place was Huariitself, wheretheyprobablydefinedcentrality,for therearehintsthatsocial relationswith these dead emperorsneverended, and that social memorywas constructedaroundtheirtombs. Wari's dead, or perhaps more correctly, the higher-statusdead,werein continuedrelationships withtheliving.Offeringsof some sort,butcertainly including small luxury objects, were introduced This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 28 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY intotombsthoughttocoopenings.Offeringhouses with altarchambers,built over the tombsof Type 5 as well as Type 8 royal tombs, may have containedmany otherkinds of gifts. This shows that progenitorswere objectsof adoration,andthatthe peopleof Waripracticedancestorworshipof some sort. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Andean peoples practicedreligions that emphasizedancestorworship(Doyle 1988;Duviols 1988; Isbell 1997a; Salomon 1995). Corpsesof important lineage founders and political leaders were mummifiedbecausetheirbodieswereholy objects of publicworship.The cadaverwas carefullypreserved,even body exuvia-fingernail cuttingsand trimmedhair.Some mummiesresided in special mortuarytowns,othersremainedin theirhomesand palaces, and, at least some of the time, dead Inka kings sattogetherin a greathallwithinCuzco'ssun temple(MacCormack1991).Founders'mummies anddeceasedkings were publicfigures.They participatedin feasts, traveledabout,and were availableforconsultation.Theydemandedandreceived fine clothing,foods, and otheritems of conspicuous display,andwitnessingtheirenjoymentof these gifts seems to have been an essentialpartof worship by theirdescendents. It would be attractiveto imaginesimilarmummies populatingWari'slandscapeof death,butthis seems unlikely.Warimortuaryfacilities were not designedto preservemummifiedflesh. Underthe floorsin the ground,Warideadwere soon reduced to bones. Furthermore,some of the bones, but not mummifiedcadavers,were removedwhile other partsof the body remainedin the graves.Apparently, Wari ancestorswere deliberatelydismembered, somethingthat would have horrifiedInka worshippers. Manyof the higherstatusWaritombswereeasily openedand sealed again,but it seems unlikely thatthey containedfounders'mummieswho were broughtout for public worship.The entrancesof these tombswouldhavemadeit difficultto extract andreplacewhole mummies.But the evidencefor Type 5a tombs is even more indicative.Theirprimary cists were impossible to re-open once an offering house and altarchamberhad been constructedover the lid. Principalcists of Type5a mortuaryroomscontainedimportantancestors,but it is impossibleto [Vol.15, No. 1, 2004 imagine Inka-style mummies trapped in these tombs, beyond the reach of their descendents. While therewere importantdevelopmentsin Type 5 tombs that appear to document significant changesin treatmentsandmeaningsof deadancestorsthoughthe MiddleHorizon,Waridescendents who employedType5a mortuaryroomscontented themselveswith communicatingwith theirprincipal ancestorthrougha ttoco At Conchopata,andapparentlyatHuarias well, elaboratemortuaryrooms were located far from publicareas.They were intendedfor privateceremonies, not public display.In fact, built environments of deathimply that admissionto mortuary roomswas limitedandexclusive.Perhapsentrance instatedpowerthathad to be controlled.Adjacent facilitiesdo not includecourtyardsor plazaslarge enough for the assemblyof many people. We do not yet fully understandhow the Waridead were incorporatedin granderritualswheresocial memory was constructed,but currentinformationsuggests the possibility that defleshed and disarticulatedbones of deceased ancestorscould have been objects of displayin public landscapes of death. Unfortunately,the image of Inka-stylemummies is excessively powerfulin Andeanarchaeology, becoming an untested assumption for earliermortuaryremains(see Kaulicke interpreting Inka ancestormummieswere kept in open 2000). and broughtout to participatein ceresepulchres monialactivitiesof the living,in manycases as the focus of adoration.TheresaandJohnTopic(1984; see also Isbell 1997a:204-208)reportedthe possibilityof Inka-likemummiesfroma lateEarlyIntermediateperiod/MiddleHorizonmortuarybuilding at CerroAmaruin Huamachuco,althoughthe context was disturbedand requiredsignificantinterpretativeinference. Also on the basis of highly disturbedhumanremainsI arguedthatJargampata, a ruralMiddle Horizon installation25 km from Huari,may have includeda room within its residentialquarterswheremummieswere kept (Isbell 1997a:187). But new mortuaryinformationfrom Conchopatashowsthatthedeceasedwereaccessed though ttoco openings, and that removalof comin publicritualswould pletebodiesforparticipation have been difficult or impossible. GordonMcEwan's (1998) inference that Inka-like ancestor mummies were the principalreligious objects of This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Isbell] PERU HORIZON MORTUARY PREFERENCES: A WARICULTURE CASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE 29 Wari'sregionaladministrativecenterat Pikillacta now seems very unlikely. Quoted in a recent National Geographic Magazine article (Morell 2002:123),McEwanstatedthatPikillactawas used as a mummystoragedepotwhereWarileadersheld capturedancestormummieshostageto insurepolitical compliance from their living descendents. Withoutmaterialevidencein supportof this assertion, andin light of inconsistenciesbetweenMiddle HorizonAyacuchomortuaryfacilitiesandthose associatedwith Inkapublic display of mummies, suchancestorbundlesseem unlikelyin Pikillacta's landscapeof death.If ancestormummiesexisted at Pikillacta,they were partof the cultureof the conqueredpeoples of Cuzco. Therecan be no doubtthat this study of Wari mortuarylandscape is preliminary.Much more informationmust be collected and compared.As dataincrease,so will the refinementof ideal types of Wari mortuary practices, as well as actual cases-the occasionalintacttomb-providing better understandingof variability and individual strategiesin the treatmentof Waridead. But even in preliminaryform,this typology of Warimortuarypreferencesfurnishesa tool for inferringsocial andpoliticalhierarchyduringtheMiddleHorizon, whileit createsa new understanding of Wari'slandof death. scape the Universityof NorthCarolina(TiffinyTung),the University of California-Berkeley(Bill Whiteheadand Matt Seyre), La UniversidadNacional de San Marcos (PatriciaMayta), and fromArgentina(MabelMamaniand SilvanaRosenfeld),who have contributedto the researchby directingexcavationcrews and/or participatingin analyses. Special recognition is due AlbertoCarbajalA., my friend,our projectadministrator, and an insightful archaeologist. I want to thank Dr. Luis Lumbreras,currentdirectorof Peru's InstitutoNacional de Cultura,for his encouragement.Throughthe yearsunequaled supporthas come from Dr. EnriqueGonzalez Carr6,in his posts as Rectorof the UniversidadNacional San Crist6balde Huamanga,Directorof the Museo Nacional de Arqueologfa, andDirectorof Peru'sInstitutoNacionalde Cultura.Gonzalez had a storagefacility added to the archaeologylaboratoryof the Universidad Nacional San Cristobal de Huamanga expressly for materialsexcavated at Conchopata.I want to thank the directors of Ayacucho's Instituto Nacional de Cultura,Ulyses Lareya, Teresa Carrasco,MarianoBenites, and Severino Castillo for their help, friendship,and advice. CesarAlverez,directorof Ayacucho'sarchaeologicalmuseum Hipolito Unanue, also contributedto the success of the ConchopataArchaeologicalProject,as did manyothers.I also wish to thankmy university,the StateUniversityof New York at Binghamton,and my colleagues in anthropology,for support and encouragement.Dr. Cook's Catholic University of America, and the UniversidadNacional San Crist6bal de Huamangahave also contributedgenerously.Finally,my wife Judy Siggins has been a source of continualhelp and inspiration. She has managedour home and family life duringmy long researchabsences, she read and edited my proposals, reports,andmanuscripts,andshe is the best consultantanyone could hope for. Acknowledgements:The ConchopataArchaeologicalProject is directedby Dr.WilliamH. Isbell, Dr.Anita G. Cook, M.A. Jose OchatomaP., and Lic. MarthaCabreraR. de Ochatoma. It is administeredby AlbertoCarbajal.Special recognitionis due the sponsors, and particularlythe National Geographic Society that has been the primarypatronsince 1998. Initial supportwas a grantfrom WennerGrenin 1997 to Ochatoma. Additionalfundinghas come from the CurtissT. and MaryG. Brennan Foundation, Dumbarton Oaks, and the Heinz Foundation.Excavationswere conductedin 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001-02 and2003 withpermissiongrantedto Professor Ochatoma(1997-1998) and Dr. Isbell (1999, 2000, 2001-02, 2003). I wish to thankthe co-directors,and also the archaeology students,especially those from the State University of New York-Binghamton (Catherine Bencic, Juan Carlos Blacker, Juan Leoni, Greg Ketteman,Mike Calaway,Marc Lichtenfeld,Ariela Zycherman,Kris Mearish,Amy Groleau, Dan Eisenberg, Brian Finucane, and Meridith Davis), La UniversidadNacional San Crist6balde Huamanga(Lorenzo Huisa, Carlos Mancilla, Ismael Mendosa, Maximo Lopez, Teresa Limalla, Irela Vallejo, Alina Alvarado, and Edgar Alarc6n),the CatholicUniversityof America(BarbaraWolff, Nikki Slovak, David Crowley, Teresa Carmona, and Eric Schmidt), La Pontifica Universidad Cat6lica del Perdt (Gonzalo Rodriguez, Manuel Lizarraga, and Antonio Gamonal),the Universityof Pittsburgh(CharleneMilliken), References Cited Anders,MarthaBiggar 1986 Dual OrganizationandCalendarsFromthe Planned Site of Azaingaro: WariAdministrativeStrategies.Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Departmentof Anthropology, CornellUniversity,Ithaca. 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Tung,Tiffiny,andAnitaCook 2002 IntermediateElites andTheirRole in WariImperialism as IdentifiedThroughBioarchaeologicaland MortuaryAnalysis.Paperpresentedat the 67thAnnualMeeting of the Society for AmericanArchaeology,Denver. Woolley,C. Leonard 1934 Ur Excavations.Vol.2: TheRoyal Cemetery.British Museum and University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania,Londonand Philadelphia. Wylie,Alison 1992a On "HeavilyDecomposing Red Herrings":ScientificMethodinArchaeologyandtheLadeningof Evidence withTheory.In Metaarchaeology:ReflectionsbyArchaeologists and Philosophers,edited by LesterEmbree,pp. 260-288. KluwerAcademic,Dordrecht. 1992b The Interplayof EvidentialConstraintsand Political Interests:RecentArchaeologicalResearchon Gender. AmericanAntiquity57:15-34. Zapata,Julinho 1997 Arquitecturay contextos funerariosWarien Batan Urqu,Cusco. In La muerteen el antiguoPerdi,editedby PeterKaulicke,pp. 165-206. BoletinArqueologicaPUCP del Peru,Lima. Vol. 1. PontificaUniversidadCat61lica Notes 1. "Huari"is also spelled "Wari."This name refersto the archaeologicalruinsof a greatcity in Peru'scentralhighland AyacuchoValley. It also refers to the art style and archaeological culturethat probablyoriginatedin the city, and was spreadacross much of the CentralAndes duringthe Middle Horizon (A.D. 550 to 1000). To reducethe confusion, I have proposed(Isbell 2002) that "Huari"be used for the city and its contents, while "Wari"be employed for the broadlydiffused cultureand its distinctiveart found outside the capital city. I follow that practicein this article. 2. I wish to recognize the co-directors,project administrator,sponsors,and otherparticipantsand contributorsto the Conchopata Archaeological Project. Please see "Acknowledgments"at the end of the article. Special thanks are due Dr. Tiffiny Tung for her painstakinganalyses of the Conchopataskeletal remains, and the preliminaryinformation presentedhere. Bioarchaeologicalstudy of these materials is continuing. 3. This discussiondeals with the burialof adultsandjuvenile children.Except where they were placed in what appear to have been family tombs, the burialof fetuses and infants, as well as young children, was significantly different from burial for adults and youths. This probablyexpressed practices appropriatefor differentage grades.Complete analysis of Conchopataburial practices, including the intermentof children,will be presentedin the future. 4. A tupu is a long pin with flat head ethnohistorically used by women to fasten a wrap-aroundgarmentover their shoulders. 5. ChallengingIsbell and Cook's originalconclusionthat the women were sacrificialvictims, recentre-examinationof the bones by TiffinyTungfailed to detect evidence of violent death. Of course, strangulation,poison, and othertechniques for killing would leave no detectableevidence, especially on poorly preservedbones, as these are. But the conclusion that the women were sacrificedrequiresmore examinationin the future. SubmittedJanuary31, 2003; AcceptedOctober3, 2003; RevisedNovember18, 2003. This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Fri, 14 Mar 2014 00:34:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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