History Compass 3 (2005) AF 165, 1–11
Sport and apartheid
Christopher Merrett
University of KwaZulu-Natal
Abstract
Sport of the apartheid era was based on customary segregation reinforced by general
discriminatory legislation, challenged by an increasingly forceful non-racial
movement that raised the crucial question: who is a South African? The government
responded to the non-racial movement in a number of ways that included accusations
of treason and regular threats of draconian legislation specifically targeted at
sport. The authorities consistently failed to solve their problem of controlling
recreational space sufficiently rigorously to achieve ultimate segregation; and in any
case after 1967, sport was used as a reforming tool to persuade the rest of the world
that real change was underway in South Africa. The new, multi-national sports
policy failed to convince the international community that a boycott was not justified
and South Africa was effectively isolated from 1970 onwards. By the early 1980s,
sport had been exempted from apartheid legislation, but the facts that it continued
to be practised in the context of apartheid society and that the non-racial movement
was increasingly absorbed in broader political struggles meant that readmission to
international competition had to wait for the unbanning of the ANC in 1990.
The ideological foundations of modern South African sport are found in
the imperial connection that laid heavy emphasis upon British cultural and
political ascendancy, as well as for some a sentimental attachment to
‘Home’. This led not only to segregation in sport, which emphasized the
otherness of Black South Africans, but also encouraged their polarization
one from another. At the same time sport was used, with varying degrees
of success, to unite the White community across the English/Afrikaans
language barrier. Immediately after the Second World War, mixed sport,
which traced its origins back to the 1890s, began to reassert itself and by
1956 multi-racial table tennis had achieved international recognition at the
expense of its White counterpart. In 1959, Black cricket abolished all ethnic
categorization and during the 1960s multi-racial football set up a professional
league. Hegemonic social practice, segregation that seamlessly translated into
apartheid (separate development), was significantly challenged in the post-war
period. At issue was the very definition of who was entitled to own the
description South African.
It was this situation, which stimulated the first significant call for a sports
boycott of South Africa (by Father Trevor Huddleston1), that precipitated
© Blackwell Publishing 2005
2 . Sport and Apartheid
the National Party government’s first policy statement on sport. It had come
to power in 1948 and put onto the statute book the Population Registration
Act that made possible the Group Areas (GAA, strict segregation of the
ownership and occupation of residential and business property) and the
Reservation of Separate Amenities (RSAA, segregation of specific services
and facilities) Acts. These built upon extant legislation, such as the Native
Urban Areas Act of 1923 and the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian
Representation (Ghetto) Act of 1946, to affect all urban South Africans. The
use of sport for the purpose of social control of those Africans who had not
been endorsed out of (removed from) urban areas was widespread, but
variable.
A National Party MP described international recognition of non-racial
sport as a declaration of war. Such recognition challenged the assertion of
beleaguered White South African identity projected through a desire to
dominate World sport. In June 1956, the Minister of the Interior indicated
that there would be no mixed sport in South Africa: Blacks seeking
international recognition could achieve this only through affiliation to racially
specific bodies subordinate to White official organisations. This reflected a
paternalistic, controlling relationship implicit in many other South African
institutions. The affiliation policy was subtle and convenient and, like many
apartheid measures yet to come, created an illusion of change while
effectively maintaining the status quo. The mathematics of affiliation ensured
that Blacks exercised minimal influence, enjoying just a vague promise of
better opportunities to come.
Magubane makes the crucial point2 that it was vital to Whites that Blacks
should be treated as anonymous units within amorphous groups: the
emergence of a Black sporting hero could have challenged and
undermined the fundamental beliefs required to sustain apartheid ideology.
Sportspersons who questioned White hegemony were labelled agitators and
subversives. The model Black township had recreational facilities: a lack of
finance made these scarce in practice, although their contribution to social
stability had been an article of faith in some municipalities since the 1930s.
The history of sport under apartheid from 1956 to 1967 may be
summarized as a series of threats by government against mixing on the sports
field, evoking tradition and custom while alluding to the possibility of specific
legislation. In the event only boxing and wrestling were ever controlled by
an Act of Parliament (1954), but of course many other statutes impinged
upon, or appeared to influence, sport and recreation. The non-racial
opposition (non-racial may be defined as multi-racialism applied in principle
and practice often with the involvement of broader political and social
organisations) to White sporting hegemony endeavoured to challenge
loopholes in the law, but increasingly came under pressure from a developing
police state. The South African Sports Association (SASA), founded in 1959,
demanded the right of all South Africans to participate in national sports
teams: its slogan was ‘bread, not crumbs’.
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Sport and Apartheid . 3
In 1961, an amendment to the GAA disqualified persons from the use of
land they were not otherwise entitled to acquire or occupy, but the definition
of use remained opaque, especially over the relatively short time spans
required by sport. Cabinet Ministers inveighed against racial mixing on the
sportsfield, claiming improbably that this would lead to violence. He urged
Black sportspersons to accept the affiliation model. One of its victims was
the weightlifter Precious McKenzie who refused to accept its consequences
and left for England in 1964. Other exiles were the boxer Jake Ntuli, the
cricketer Basil d’Oliveira, and yet more weightlifters, Ronnie van der Walt
and Reg Hlongwane.
Opponents of the government shrewdly pointed out that its evocation
of tradition and custom should not require constant repetition, nor supporting
legislation. In late 1963, the government threatened to introduce legislation
to debar Black spectators from White events, except under permit, and
prohibit all mixed sport amongst Black communities even if separate
seating and other segregated facilities were provided. Nevertheless Black
inter-communal sport survived, although mixed teams were harassed. In
October 1961, Lincoln City, a mixed team of White and Coloured players
from Pietermaritzburg, met an Indian team at Curries Fountain in Durban.
Seven players and two officials were acquitted of an offence under the GAA3
on the grounds that playing football did not constitute occupation of land
because of the short time span involved, no buildings had been used and no
socializing had occurred. But multi-racial football supported the international
sports boycott and this prompted the White Football Association of South
Africa (FASA) to persuade municipalities to withdraw their facilities.
Eventually only three grounds, in Cape Town, Johannesburg and
Pietermaritzburg, were left to the non-racial Football Professional League
(FPL).
The apex of apartheid sport was Proclamation R26 of 12 February 1965,
decreeing that permits would be required for mixed crowds at all events.
In practice they tended to be awarded for international and provincial
matches as long as separate entrances, seating and toilets were provided.
Human rights lawyers argued that mixed sport could take place legally on
private premises provided no gate was charged, although the use of a
clubhouse or consumption of alcohol would certainly be illegal. Cancellation
by New Zealand of their 1966 rugby tour over the inclusion of Maoris
simply increased the intensity of South African defiance. In his infamous
Loskop Dam speech of 4 September 1965, Prime Minister Verwoerd
instructed the world to abide by South African custom. His view was that
mixed sport would lead to miscegenation and violence.
The attitude of apartheid to Black sporting aspiration and its sympathizers
was sneering and disparaging. When the national Department of Sport and
Recreation was set up, its remit was the growth of a physically and spiritually
strong White nation; not, in the words of its Minister, Frank Waring, to
‘build turf wickets for the Coloured people’.4 By way of retort, the poet
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4 . Sport and Apartheid
and non-racial sport activist Dennis Brutus promised that the international
boycott would deprive Whites of their ‘sporting prowess and esteem’.5
In the late 1960s most Whites, whether English- or Afrikaans-speaking,
agreed that mixed sport was too high a price to pay for international
recognition. The opposition United Party differed from the government
only in disagreeing with legislated enforcement of sport segregation via
police state methods, preferring laissez-faire conservatism to interventionism.
Critics of segregation were labelled traitors, the agents of World liberalism
and communism. The exiled non-racial sport movement, the South African
Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC), was treated as an enemy
organization. In refuting SANROC’s allegations regarding discrimination
in South African sport,White administrators referred in vague terms to the
constraints of the law. They also claimed that Black South Africans were
not interested in sport, or of insufficient ability, in spite of evidence to the
contrary: for instance, Humphrey Nkosi, the South African half-mile record
holder in 1964. He could, of course, never be the national champion as he
was Black.
Under a new Prime Minister, John Vorster, South African sport adopted
a new direction in 1967. Vorster saw international sport as an extension of
his outward-looking foreign policy. The government now accepted that
South Africa could field an integrated team in multilateral sport such as the
Olympic Games, the Davis and Federation Cups, and Canada Cup. His
right-wing opponents labelled this ‘golf politics’ (Vorster was a keen golfer)
and forced a split in the National Party in 1969, although this had minimal
effect: in the 1970 General Election, the Herstigte (Purified) Nasionale Party
registered only 3.6% of the popular vote and won no seats. Surveys showed
growing support among English-speaking students for sports integration,
but there was less enthusiasm for mixing at club level. Vorster described
South Africa’s view of sport and ethnicity as ‘rowing upstream’, but National
Party ideologues also saw potential in sport reform for propaganda
purposes. The international boycott intensified: South Africa was excluded
from the Mexico City Olympic Games of 1968, played her last cricket test
and Davis Cup tennis match in 1970, and was suspended from international
athletics in 1972.
In April 1971, a new policy described as multi-nationalism was
unveiled. This allowed mixed competition as long as sufficient numbers of
foreigners were involved. In the case of single nation tours such as cricket
or rugby, the tourists would play against ethnically defined South African
teams and only in front of segregated audiences. Sports policy was now
predicated on the belief that South Africa comprised a number of different
nations with separate identities. Sports administration was increasingly
dominated by the elite and secret Afrikaner society, the Broederbond, whose
policy resulted in the government issuing stern warnings about mixing on
the sports field, while slowly edging closer towards depoliticizing sport
within the context of apartheid society. By 1973, mixed football was included
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Sport and Apartheid . 5
in the South African Games programme, but no foreigners were present as
policy theoretically demanded. But at local level, old habits died hard and
police intervened in the Natal town of Tongaat to stop mixed football which
had been practised for twenty years. By 1974, South Africa was excluded
from nine international sporting associations including the Olympics,
weightlifting, swimming, athletics and football, but in many others, like
cricket for instance, membership was retained while participation was
forbidden.
In 1973, an ethnically mixed group of cricketers formed Aurora Cricket
Club in Pietermaritzburg, the capital of Natal, and it was admitted to the
local White league. This was in spite of intense government pressure that
included the issue of a proclamation in terms of the GAA. Aurora’s first
match proceeded under police surveillance, but with minimal disruption.
Eleven cricketers and their supporters demonstrated that the government’s
sports policy was in a state of confusion; and that in spite of a range of
repressive of laws from which to choose, the authorities could not prevent
a determined attempt to play mixed sport. Indeed, the government’s mood
became concessionary and by 1974, sports that had been suspended by
international bodies were free to compete on a multinational basis without
the need for a foreign presence. The government was keen to extend
multinational status to the annual Comrades (ultra) Marathon, but this was
delayed until 1975 because the members of Collegians Harriers, the
organizing club, voted against a mixed event in a 1974 referendum. Road
running had never, in any case, been subject to racial restrictions, although
the associated facilities were affected of course, and numbers of Black athletes
(and women) had competed unofficially in the past. In 1976, the concept
of multinationalism was extended to all adult sport from club level upward:
ethnic identity would remain the key concept, but teams were urged to
work together as closely as possible to advance the interests of sport.
For a brief period in the season 1976–7, cricket abolished its racial
structures and played under one umbrella, the South African Cricket Union
(SACU). Cricket was the first sport to make such a move, which was labelled
‘normalisation’. But few teams became multi-racial, racist incidents took
place, facility provision remained highly skewed, and good Black players
were not selected for representative sides. The structures of apartheid that
made mixing difficult were not affected: off the playing field ordinary life
remained unaltered. But above all, this was the year of the Soweto Uprising
and there was great pressure on players not to participate in what was seen
by many to be an establishment propaganda exercise designed to achieve
readmission via the back door to international competition. After one
troubled season, cricket reverted to its normal state of abnormality: Western
Province and Natal being the first provinces to break ranks with SACU. Its
rival, the South African Cricket Board (SACB), was typical of
anti-government sports bodies that demanded equal opportunity in all areas
of life, not just recreation, in a non-racial, democratic society.
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6 . Sport and Apartheid
Within government circles the prospect of racially mixed clubs caused
considerable anxiety. Whatever their international propaganda advantages
there was a fear, one that was to be justified by posterity, that they would
be the thin end of an unthinkable wedge of integration. In 1976 in a feat
of statistical dexterity the Minister of Sport, Piet Koornhof, explained that
only 0.0045% of South African sport, mainly cricket, had been integrated.6
The government had conceded that mixed sport was not illegal, merely
constrained by a number of statutes, leaving the matter in the hands of sports
administrators, local government and educational authorities. Desperate
about international isolation, the government argued that it was phasing out
contrived and indefensible discrimination by removing the permit
system. The government awarded places of entertainment, including many
sports clubs, international status, which meant that they could supply food
and drink to whoever they pleased.
But this fell far short of the demands of the South African Congress on
Sport (SACOS, the internal anti-apartheid umbrella body for sport founded
in 1973) for one non-racial body per sports code; the abolition of racially
exclusive clubs; and the integration of school sport. These reforms would
have disturbed the very foundations of apartheid. In turn, SACOS continued
to enforce its double standards resolution, which punished any of its members
who had anything to do with establishment sport. Government attacks on
SACOS at the end of the 1970s became increasingly virulent, in part because
it adopted more overtly political tactics, taking a lead in opposing race-based
local government structures and attaching its name to high-profile strikes.
SACOS with its links to the Unity Movement had an inclination towards
a strategy of principled non-collaboration with state and establishment
structures. This provided a strong moral and philosophical framework for
the anti-apartheid sports movement, but as a result it struggled to attract
sponsorship and continued to suffer from the attentions of the security police.
During 1979 the Department of Sport and Recreation became a service
department for all communities, although its mission was subverted by the
Liquor Act and RSAA that the government continued to insist were vital
in order to maintain law and order and avoid friction. Sport was finally
disentangled from the GAA in October 1979: a pre-purchased ticket to a
sports event in a Black area now in effect functioned as a permit. This suited
the sports establishment, which had regarded sport as an activity ideally
divorced from surrounding society; but it simply reinforced the SACOS
dictum that there could be no ‘normal sport in an abnormal society’.
The Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) report of 1980
recommended that sport should be depoliticized, freed from legal restrictions
and subject to equitable funding.The first two of these provided a blueprint
for the 1980s together with a threatening attitude to opponents of the
government. In 1980, a British Sports Council delegation led by Richard
Jeeps visited South Africa. The Jeeps Commission report was favourable
towards South Africa, but there was no end to international isolation because
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Sport and Apartheid . 7
reform in the area of sport was unacceptable without more fundamental
political change. The balance of power within World sport had changed
radically against South Africa: the Jackman affair of 1981 in which an England
cricketer with South African connections had been refused entry to Guyana
led to the United Nations blacklist, for instance.
Sport in South Africa was now ostensibly depoliticized. But a vast range of
apartheid law and practice remained, acting in concert with the decisions
of local government and commercial imperatives. Under the new constitution
of 1983 and its tricameral structure (White, Indian and Coloured), school
sport became an ‘own affair’, the responsibility of a racially defined education
department, and a refined form of multinationalism. During the late 1980s,
the government cautiously encouraged mixed school tournaments and was
attacked from left and right. Surveys showed that Whites controlled 70% of
school sports facilities and that per capita expenditure on Whites was seven
times greater than that on Blacks outside the bantustans (Black ethnic
homelands).
Right wing opposition to change emerged through conservative
municipalities and publicly funded schools. The South African government
countered its left wing opposition by demonising SACOS and detaining
without trial or withholding the passports of its leaders while describing the
organization as part of a ‘total onslaught’ against the country. SACOS pointed
out repeatedly that players might be treated as Whites during a short period
on the sports field, but then they had to return to their allotted position in
apartheid society. During the 1980s, South Africa became a security state
and local Joint Management Centres ( JMCs) led the campaign against
SACOS. At the end of the decade the latter lost its influence to the ANC’s
sports arm, the National Sports Council (NSC), over the efficacy of the
boycott and complex arguments around principles and practical tactics. There
was a growing sense that boycotts needed to be targeted and not imposed
as a matter of course. SACOS was seen as defender of rigid faith and over
concerned by doctrinal purity where a more textured approach was required.
However, the consequent marginalization of the SACOS intelligentsia would
prove a serious loss in the future.
South Africa hit back at the boycott by organizing mercenary cricket,
rugby and football tours consisting of players, many of them out of favour
or near retirement, described by Archbishop Tutu as pariahs. These tours
emerged out of clandestine activity and much rumour and were denounced
even by conservative World leaders such as Margaret Thatcher because of
their commitment to a Gleneagles Agreement that bound Commonwealth
nations to isolate South Africa as far as possible. Beckles describes mercenary
tours as a ‘backstreet illicit encounter with South African apartheid’.7 They
represented a hardening of the face of South African sport and a White
nationalist triumphalism, although the football tours received minimal
support. At a time of instability in World cricket, South Africa threatened
to split it along racial lines. By the time the Australian mercenaries arrived
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8 . Sport and Apartheid
in 1985, it had become clear that the tax concessions awarded to sponsors
amounted to an effective government subsidy, although it is possible that
earlier tours were directly funded. Ironically the sponsors were shy about
revealing their identity for fear of alienating a large sector of South African
society. Much of the work of South Africa’s embassies overseas during this
period consisted of keeping sports links alive. One result was a surreal
juxtaposition of pseudo test matches and mass funerals for the victims of
unrest.
The final mercenary cricket tour, led by Mike Gatting, coincided with
the unbanning of the liberation organizations and release of Nelson Mandela
in February 1990. The tour had already attracted considerable opprobrium,
large demonstrations and few spectators and it provided the opportunity for
the African National Congress (ANC), a body that had historically shown
minimal interest in sport, to become involved. The remainder of the tour
was cancelled, but the ANC was to become the prime supporter of South
Africa’s rapid return to international competition, a political ploy to lend
reassurance to Whites at a time of profound political change.
Sport provides particularly important insights into apartheid society. It
was a powerful signifier of White South African identity and a means of
distancing Whites from other communities. But it was also highly
vulnerable. Apartheid legislation for all its draconian might failed to find a
watertight formula for the control of recreational space, which at its most
elemental consisted of an open road or a piece of veld. For the international
community wanting to demonstrate its abhorrence of apartheid, the sports
boycott was an easy option; and for some small countries it was the only
one. For many White South Africans, a victory by their team on the sports
field was conclusive, muscular proof of the righteousness of their way of
life; yet sport was the country’s Achilles Heel in more ways than one. The
symbiotic relationship between government and establishment sports bodies
was based on the former’s evocation of custom and tradition and the latter’s
fear of legislation. Establishment bodies throughout the period under review
were rarely more than standard bearers for government policy, lacking any
vision of a broader role in society. The restrictions surrounding apartheid
sport depended not so much on statute, but on National Party policy and
the connivance of the White sports establishment. But ultimately sport was
mortgaged to the need to provide apartheid with a more acceptable face.
Notes
1
T. Huddleston, Naught For Your Comfort (London, Hardingham & Donaldson, 1956), pp. 202–3.
B. Magubane, Sport and Politics in an Urban African Community: A Case Study of African Voluntary
Organizations (Durban, University of Natal, 1963), p. 79.
3 The case was ‘S v. Brandsma and others’, South African Law Reports, 1963 (1), pp. 261–4(N).
4 Debates of the House of Assembly 6, 30 September 1966, cols. 3325–6.
5 D. Brutus,‘Let me say it’, A Simple Lust: Selected Poems . . . (London, Heinemann, 1973), p. 90.
6 Survey of Race Relations, 1977, pp. 558–9.
2
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Sport and Apartheid . 9
7
H. M. Beckles, The Development of West Indian Cricket: v.1. The Age of Nationalism (London,
Pluto, 1998), p. 20.
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