BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA I STORY OCTOBER, VOLUME 15, NUMBER 4 1997 A History of Missed Opportunities TIle following paper was presented by DI: Elizabeth Frost at the Fourth International Symposium on the' History of Anesthesia in Hamburg, Ger many, in April, 1997. DI: Frost is a former President of the A nesthesia HistOlY Association and a n active member of the Association. Misleading Developments in Anesthesia Techniques as an Impediment of Progress in Surgical Anesthesia by Elizabeth A.M. Frost, M.D. New York Medical College, Valhalla, New York It is not difficult to realize how little real progress was made in surgery before the dis covery and application of anesthesia in the 19th century. Prior to 200 years ago, methods Anesthesia is not, however, an unmixed good. . .We cannot purchase immunity from suffering without incurring a certain degree of danger. . . many of the deaths that have fol (boquet) with a double series of charged bottles that converged upon a steel rod, from which conductors extended to the painful or afflicted part of the body. He devised lowed the inhalation of anesthetics have re other means of mass healing, including sulted from want of knowledge or of due care on the part of the administrators." magnetizing mirrors, wash basins, gardens, However, over the past 200 years it is inter Lafayette went t o America at the end o f the ders exceedingly . . ." The rationale was that esting and even comical to see how some 18th century, told Washington that, besides pain, associated only with an injury, could strange developments, often heralded as ma jor anesthetic advances, either did not work or to alleviate pain differed greatly.Around the time of the writing of the Edwin Smith papy rus (c. 3,000 B. C.) the physician was advised "to palpate . . . wound, although he shud not be intensified by anything the surgeon did and therefore could not be relieved by him.The ancient Greeks suggested that pres sure on the carotid arteries (Karoun = caused such major complications that success ful surgery was not possible. surgeon from Bologna in the 13th century described a soporific sponge of opium, un ripe mulberry, hyoscyamus, hemlock, man dragora, wood ivy, and dock and water hemlock seeds.However, the surgeon himself apparently had little faith in his concoction and advised that the patient be firmly tied down. Throughout the middle ages little refer ence is made to anesthesia because pain is mentioned so frequently in religious teach ings and is envisioned somewhat akin to a "noble " state. Rather, theological doctrine held that pain serves God's purpose and should not be alleviated. munitions of war, he was bringing the United States a most important gift known as mesmerism, "a marvellous weapon against illness and pain." Despite Mesmer's enormous popularity, to plunge into sleep) caused unconsciousness. Paul of Aegina (625-690 A.D.) advised stuff ing the patient's ears with wool.Theodoric, a parks and even whole forests. W he n Mesmerism Heralded as the "last of the magicians, " Franz Friedrich Anton Mesmer, a sometime student of divinity, law and medicine, claimed the power of working miracles with his "vital most physicians in France refused to ac knowledge his claims as scientific. King Louis XVI persuaded the Medical Society to hold an enquiry. A committee was ap pointed that included Guillotin, Benjamin energy." Born in Germany in 1734, Mesmer was Franklin, Lavoisier (the chemist) and educated mainly at the University in Vienna where he lived affluently, counting such court Jussieux (the botanist) to investigate ani figures as Mozart, Gluck and Hayden among his friends.Through his association with a Je cluded that Mesmer's activities were inex suit priest, Pater Hell, who was professor of astronomy at the University, Mesmer became ence could not approve what it could not convinced that the lodestone was useful in the treatment of certain ailments.He believed that mal magnetism. The commission con plicable and not devoid of value, but sci explain.Mesmer retired to Lake Constance where he died in 1815. One of his disciples, Count Maxime de the magnet could attract human ills as it at tracted iron. After much experimentation, he Puyseger of Busancy, had a lime tree mag applied his theories to patients and apparently came to it regularly for cures of whatever netized in his park by Mesmer. Peasants And so it was difficult, even with the had some miraculous cures by placing two ailed them. On one occasion, a 23-year-old dawning of anesthesia in the 19th century, to magnets in contact with the body. He was lauded by the Augsburg Academy in 1776 and man had been tied to the tree. The Count, generally realise the potential for surgical ad vance. Dr. John Erichsen from University College Hospital in London wrote in his textbook, TIze Science and Art of Surgery, in 1869: "The employment of anesthetics in surgery is undoubtedly one of the greatest bonuses ever conferred upon mankind. . . was made a member of the Academy of Sci in an attempt to increase the magnetic in fluence of the tree, passed his hands over ence of Electoral Bavaria.However, the medi cal profession was less convinced and withheld its recognition.He left Vienna for Paris in 1778, the body.A hypnotic trance was induced in where his animal magnetism continued to made his discovery of this state of unaware- cause controversy. He built a wooden tub Continued on Page 4 the young man.Puyseger repeated the pro cess on many other individuals before he BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY John S. Lundy Collection Made Available to Researchers b.y Lee C. FosbUlgh, MLIS, lHA, AANA Archivist The John S. Lundy (1894-1973) Anesthe Inventory ofthe John S. Lundy Collection sia Book Collection, 1847-1959, contains 69 Title: The centennial of surgical anesthesia rare anesthesia books collected by the pio / compiled by John E Fulton and Madeline E. Stanton. neer anesthesiologist, John S. Lundy, MD. Author: Clement, Frederick Walter Title: Nitrous oxide-oxygen anesthesia: McKesson-Clement viewpoint and technique Published: Philadelphia: Lea & Febiger,1945 John C.Lundy, son of the late anesthesiolo Published: New York: Schuman,1946 Edition: 2nd ed. gist, donated 65 volumes of his father's anes Notes: Book signed by JS Lundy, 1946 Added Entries: Fulton, John R; Stanton, Notes: Book signed by JS Lundy 9-4-45 thesia book collection to the American Asso ciation of Nurse Anesthetists (AANA) Ar Author: Colton, GQ Title: Anaesthesia: who made and developed Madeline E. chives on May 8, 1997.The books document subjects, such as anesthesia, anesthetics, and substance abuse.Many of the books are first editions signed by the authors to Dr.Lundy. Four of the books were donated by Dr.Lundy to the AANA Library at an earlier undeter Author: Adams,Richard Charles Title: Intravenous anesthesia Published: New York: Hoebel; 1944 Dr. Lundy's relationship with the AANA twentieth century. In the late 1940s, Dr. Lundy lobbied for Mayo nurse anesthetist, Florence A. McQuillen, CRNA, to become the first Executive Director of the AANA.It Author: Alfred Hospital.Anesthesia dept. Title: Practical anaesthesia/ foreword by EH. McMechan Published: Glebe, NSW: Australian Medi cal Publishing, 1932 Added Entries: McMechan, EH. is well known that Dr. Lundy and Ms. McQuillen published Anesthesia Abstracts, al though Dl: Lundy gave most of the credit to Ms.McQuillen,to whom he referred as "the best read person on the literature of anesthesia." Title: Local and regional anesthesia; with of local and regional anesthesia to the surgery of the eye, eat; nose and throat, and to dental practice the University of the City of N ew York " from the New York Medical Journal (October 25, Published: New York: Appleton & Lange, 1886 Author: DeFord,William Harpter Title: Lectures on general anaesthetics in dentistry Published: Pittsburgh: Lee S.Smith & Sons, 1912 Edition: 2nd ed. chapters on spinal, epidural, paravertebral and parasacral anesthesia,and on other applications Of the John C. Lundy donation, all but Medical College and Medical Department of Title: Local anaesthesia in general medicine and surgery, being the practical application of the author's recent discoveries Author: Allen, Carroll Woolsey, 1874- two books, W S Playfair, "Observations ad dressed to the students of Bellevue Hospital Author: Corning, J.Leonard Notes: Book signed by the author to JS Lundy 5-3-44 mined date. can be traced to the middle decades of the this great discovery? Published: New York: A.G.Sherwood, 1886 Published: Philadelphia: WB. Saunders, 1918 Notes: Book signed by A.c.Fawcett, 1912 Author: Dogliotti, Achille M. Title: Anesthesia: narcosis, local, regional, spinal Published: Chicago: Debom; 1939 Edition: 2nd ed. Author: Dumont, EL. 1884) and Wilder D. Bancroft, George H. Richter, "The chemistry of anesthesia " (1931) , are individually cataloged in the AANA Archives-Library data base (see the inventory listed below).Items, such as corre found in many of the books.A transcription of a radio interview, "Safe Relief From Pain Lundy, Jan.1945 During Labor," done by Dr. J.T. Gwathmey (1936), was found in Anesthesia (1914).The collection also contains a number of letters between Chester A. Beatty (UK) and Dr. Author: Bigelow, Hemy Jacob,1818-1890 Title: Surgical and anaesthesia; addresses Published: Boston: Little, Brown, 1900 pat1icipation inWorld War II (1941).All of these Author: Braun, Heinrich Title: Local anesthesia; its scientific basis and served and put into a protective box. Researchers interested in photographs of John S.Lundy, Florence A. McQuillen, Mayo practical use / Heinrich Braun; translated by Malcolm L.Harris Clinic, or the AANA and its predecessor Asso Published: Philadelphia: Lea & Febigel; 1924 Edition: 2nd ed. ciation should consult the Archives Photograph Added Entries: Harris, Malcolm L. Collection.For more information about the John S.Lundy or other collections in AANA Archives, please contact Lee C. Fosburgh, AANA Ar chives, 222 South Prospect Avenue, Park Ridge, IL 60068-4001, (847) 692-7050, x3006, or by E-Mai1 [email protected] Call for Charter Members of the Friends of the Wood Library-Museum and other papers Lundy concerning work on Clinical Anesthe sia, Asiatic Medicine and anesthesia, and U.S. materials were separated from the books, con Continued on Page 15 coverer of anesthesia Published: Chicago: American College of Dentists, 1944 Notes: Book signed by the author to JS spondence, photographs, and document were Title: HandbuCh der allgemeinen und Author: Archer, WHarry Title: Life and letters of Horace Wells, dis • Updates of W LM acquisitions and pa- pers • Discounts on WLM products • Annual Appreciation Tea at the ASA • Charter membership $40.00 Leroy D. Vandam, M.D. watercolor note cards $6.00 (Y2 price) • Send name, address, phone, fax, E-mail to: Patrick Sim, Librarian Wood Libraly-Museum Author: Burridge, W Title: Alcohol and anaesthesia Published: London: Williams & Norgate Ltd., 1934 520 N.Northwest Hwy. Park Ridge, IL 60068-2573 Make check payable to: Wood Libraly-Museum or send Visa/MC# with sig nature BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY Gone but Not Forgotten by CR. Stephen, M.D. In 1929, as the result of the industry of Dr. completed his residency training at Bellevue 2. American Board of Anesthesiology.Mem John Silas Lundy of the Mayo Clinic, with the help of Dr.Ralph Waters of Wisconsin, the Anes Hospital under Emery A. Rovenstine in 1937. Beginning in 1954 and for the rest of his life he ber, 1960; President, 1968. 3. Food and Drug Administration.Advisory thetists' 1i'avel Club was born, the first meeting being held in Rochester, New York.It flourished was a Professor at Louisiana State University and Director of the Department of Anesthesia Drugs, 1966 - . until the beginning of World War II, when travel restrictions forced its temporary abandonment. at Charity Hospital in New Orleans. To say that his contributions to the art and science of anes man, Section on Anesthesiology, 1958 -; Chair The stmy of the Travel Club and its member ship has been told in a brief monograph pub lished in 1989 by the subsequent Academy of thesia have been manifold is to grossly under man, Council on Drugs, 1968 - . estimate the accomplishments of this workaholic.Not a blade of grass grew under his 5. Distinguished Service Award, American Society of Anesthesiologists, 1949. Anesthesiology, which held its first meeting in feet. 1952 in Cleveland. Since that time many distinguished teach ers, scholars, investigators and practitioners of anesthesiology have been admitted to member ship in the Academy. It is the intent of this col Through the years 1938 to 1970, he pub lished some 400 scientific papers which together embraced every aspect of the emerging aspects of the specialty.Moreover, he authored 14 books during his career which were avidly read and umn, on a per issue basis of the Bulletin, to pro absorbed by residents and practitioners of the file members of the Academy who made signifi cant contributions to the specialty, but who are day.He had no peer in these accomplishments. Honors and awards were not long in being bestowed on this distinguished personage.A few no longer with us. John Adriani, M.D. (1907-1988) is the first of these giants in anesthesiology. Born in Bridge port, Connecticut, he attended medical school Committee on Anesthetics and Respiratory 4. American Medical Association. Chair 6. Southern Society of Anesthesiologists, Co-founder with Dr.Perry Volpitto, 1948; Presi dent, 1952. 7. Spare time interests fishing and photog raphy, WHEN? On his demise in 1988, Dl� Adriani was sur vived by his wife, Irene, a former nurse anesthe tist.Through the years Irene was a prime sup porter of John and did much to fulfil his never-ending support of the specialty.Irene was of these will be listed. a most gracious hostess to the many visitors who 1. Diplomate American Board of Anesthe sia, 1940. came to observe John's work.We salute Dr.John Adriani and his superb accomplishments. at Columbia University, graduating in 1930, and Max Samuel Sadove, M.D. - 1 9 14- 1 997 Born and brought up by his parents, Harry covery rooms and intensive care units. He also and Rebecca (Must), Max Sadove originally had continued his interest in pain management for or contributed to some 20 textbooks, including the ambition to be a pharmacist. After under chronic pain syndromes and for local and re graduate training at the Baltimore City College gional operative techniques. His interest in fluo rocarbon anesthetics led to work with Dr. Recave1Y Room - Immediate Postoperative Man agement (1956), Cardiavascular Collapse in the Operating Room (1958), Halothane (1962), and Electroencephalography jor Anesthesiologists and Surgeons (1967). that he wrote or co-authored, Dr. Sadove wrote he attended the University of Maryland School of Pharmacy where one of his professors was Krantz, who administered to Sadove the first Dr.John Krantz, who later was to have a lead ing role in his life.Then he entered the Univer Because of his interest in self-experimentation, As final tributes to his many achievements, he was a member of and President of the Walter Reed Society (1954-57). members of the Department of Anesthesiology sity of Maryland School of Medicine, obtaining his M.D. in 1939. He then had a one-year in anesthetic performed on man with Fluroxene. at Rush and former students established an en ternship at St.Agnes Hospital in Baltimore. In 1941 he enlisted in the Medical Corps of the U.S. Army and spent the next six years in the European theater in Great Britain where his In 1971 Dr. Sadove became Professor and Chairman of the Department of Anesthesiol ogy at Rush-Presbyterian-St. Luke's Medical Center (RPSLMC). He continued in this role sic and clinical research. In addition, in 1986 principal Consultant was Dr. Ralph M.Tovel!. While in the Army he developed an interest in as teacher and researcher until 1979. He con the anesthesiology department at the Univer ulty and Alumni Award, citing his role in the dowed professorship in 1984-the Max S. Sadove, M.D.Professorship in Anesthesiology to support educational initiatives as well as ba When Dl� Sadove returned to civilian life in tinued to conduct research and directed the clinical program at the Rush Pain Center, where acupuncture and other techniques were used 1946, he settled in Chicago where he spent the to help patients with chronic pain. He retired remainder of his professional life.From 1946 to 1947 he completed his residency under Dr. from the Pain Center in 1992. Dr. Sadove participated in many extracur Segall), three children, Ellen, Dr. Michael and Cassels at the V.A. Hospital in Hines, Illinois. ricular professional activities during his career. D[ Richard, and six grandchildren. He is also Dr. Sadove then joined the faculty at the University of Illinois and in 1950 was named Professor and Chairman of the Department of In 1950-51 he was President of the Chicago Society of Anesthesiologists.In 1963-64 he was ter, Mrs.Mary Bm'ban. regional nerve block techniques. Anesthesiology at the University of Illinois Abraham Lincoln School of Medicine and asso ciated hospitals. At the University of Illinois hospitals Dr. Sadove gradually introduced the concept of re- sity of Illinois gave him its Distinguished Fac training of hundreds of anesthesiologists around the world. Dl� Sadove is survived by his wife Ethel (nee survived by a brother, Aaron Sadove, and a sis President of Illinois Society of Anesthesiologists, Memorials are appreciated for anesthesia a role that he assumed again in 1968-69. This group honored him in 1970 with the Outstand research at Rush (1700 W Van Buren, Rm 250, Chicago, IL 60612) or to the Wood ing Service Award. In addition to numerous scientific papers Northwest Highway, Park Ridge, IL 60068). Library-Museum of Anesthesiology (520 N. 4 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Missed Opportunities. . of bringing to light one truth more, especially . ContilllledJrolll Page 1 as it will free them from the drudgery required to induce mesmeric insensibility to pain." And the gas. By inhalation, after he had dipped his finger in it and had suffered no ill effects, he felt many pleasurable sensations, includ ness known. Baron de Potel, a surgeon and so, apparently, Esdaile not only realized but was ing relaxation, an acuity of hearing and a one of his friends, tried the technique for prepared to admit that mesmerism was not al ways conveniently successful. desire to laugh.Later he used the inhalation painless operations. His example was fol lowed by Recamier in France and by Jules Cloquet, who performed a mastectomy on Nevertheless, during his six-year tour in India, Esdaile, according to his reports, per April 12, 1829.Somnambulism was born and formed some 7,000 operations under mesmer heralded as a new era for surgery. ism.On his return to Scotland, the local cli entele appeared to be less amenable subjects. In the same year, 1829, John Elliotson became interested in mesmerism through the of nitrous oxide to relieve the pain he suf fered when he cut his wisdom teeth. In his book, Medical ThpOlO', he wrote later-''As ni trous oxide in its extensive operation appears capable of destroying physical pain, it may be used with advantage during surgical op Attempts to achieve similar pain free surgery erations in which no great effusion of blood influence of Chenevix, who had practiced in by Strohmeyer in Vienna, Auguste Nelaton takes place." Paris and later given demonstrations in Lon in France and John Collins Warren in Bos ton all failed. much use of nitrous oxide.He and later his tended St. Thomas's Hospital. Some years One last variation in mesmerism in master, Bolase, inhaled it rather frequently later, in 1837, Dupotet, who had long used anesthesia came about later, during the 1840s. James Braid, an Edinburgh surgeon, while and afterwards tended to patients with more don. At Elliotson's invitation, the latter at mesmerism in Paris, also came to London and Unfortunately, Davy made rather too merriment than the latter felt to be appro priate. The town of Penzance began to com influenced Elliotson to adopt the technique. Elliotson was a very prominent physician in interested in mesmerism, did not ascribe to England-being the first Professor of the Newpnology 01' the Rationale ofNel'VOUS Sleep, plain of the "devilish gas." A visitor to the town, Dr. Giddy, later to become president of Practice of Medicine at the new University he described how the mesmeric phenomena the Royal Society, heard of Davy and recom of London and senior physician at the Col could be due to suggestion and substituted mended him to Beddoes at Bristol. Beddoes lege Hospital. He was instrumental in intro the term "hypnotism." invited Davy to become superintendent of his the theory of animal magnetism. In his ducing the stethoscope and was known for Nevertheless, mesmerism was a wide Pneumatic Institute at Clifton in 1799. Dr. his progressive attitude.Thus, when he pro Beddoes was one of the first to devote him moted this practice, much attention was paid spread cult, pursued by many important and far thinking individuals.Although a mislead to his opinions.His demonstrations, attended ing development in that claims were made by such notables as Charles Dickens and that were only sporadically realized, the tech Thomas Moore, were, however, attacked as nique did indicate that painless surgery could be achieved-a belief that until the middle of the 19th century was not realized. "humbug." By the end of 1838, a resolution was passed by the Council of University Col lege forbidding the further practice of mes merism.Elliotson, who continued to passion ately believe in the practice, resigned.In 1843, he started a journal, the Zoist: A Joul'Ilal of Cerebral Physiology and Mesmerism and their Application to Human ll1ellfare. The publica tion lasted for 12 years and covered such is Pneumatic Medicine It is obvious today that anesthesia may be self to making available for medical use the gases discovered by Priestley. The Institute was founded "for the treatment of disease by inhalation." A lO-bed hospital and outpatient department were attached. However, it was noted that several patients who inhaled the gases became bradycardic and giddy; many did not get better; and some charges of im proprieties regarding young ladies were achieved by the inhalation of gases or vapors. raised. The Institute fell into dispute, but not For centuries men have believed that ail before Davy's S80-page treatise, ments may be cured and pain relieved by breathing something. The question was "what "? The pioneer who discovered carbonic Re searches... concerningNitrolls Oxide, was writ ten (at that time he was 21) including draw of social problems. Many reports of numer acid, oxygen (1771) and nitrous oxide (1772) ings of his gas machine. Although brilliant and so much before his time in so many ar ous operations performed painlessly during was Joseph Priestley-a dissenting Unitar eas, Davy made one large error. a trance appeared in the ian minister who was forced to leave England for America in 1794 because of his sympa sues as mesmerism, phrenology and a host Zoist. Elliotson's "anesthetic " technique was very involved and required that the subject rest in a dark room thies for the French Revolution. He believed for about an hour while he made passes over that the inhalation of oxygen might be ben the body and breathed on the vertex of the eficial for diseases of the lungs-a sugges tion that led members of the medical profes patient's head. An ardent follower of Elliotson, James sion and others to develop "pneumatic medi Esdaile, also from Edinburgh, was another cine." This treatment fad promoted the in halation of not only oxygen but also hydro strong believer in mesmerism as a n anesthetic.While i n charge o f the Native Hos pital at Hooghly, India, Esdaile reported 73 painless surgical operations in January, 1846, with the aid of mesmerism. When the gen and nitrogen as a cure for asthma, tuber culosis, paralysis, scurvy, hysteria and can cer, among other diseases. One American Zoist physician, Lantham Mitchell, used nitrous reported on the successful use of ether 10 oxide in animals. As they all died, he assumed it was a very poisonous gas and believed that months later, Esdaile used the agent also in Calcutta.He wrote, "By cautious and gradu ated doses and with a knowledge of the best it was the contagion for the spread of epidem antidotes, I think it is extremely probable that ics.As a prominent figure and doctor, his re ports were accepted without disagreement this power will soon become a safe means of and for years no one dared to inhale nitrous procuring insensibility for the most formi oxide. However, in 179S Humphrey Davy, dable surgical operations even.All mesmer then aged 17 and apprenticed to John ists . . .will rejoice at having been the means Bingham Bolase, a surgeon in Penzance, tried Of respira ble gases . . .one only has the power of uniformly support life; atmospheric air. Some such as nitro gen and hydrogen, effect no positive change in the venous blood.Animals immersed in these gases die of a dis ease produced by privation of atmo spheric air. Oxygen. . . finally destroys life. Had he devised a means to supply impris oned animals with oxygen and remove car bon dioxide, his findings would have been more extensive. Instead post mOltem find ings on all animals showed a pattern which led Davy to the conclusion that the lungs of animals destroyed by nitrous oxide are the same as those destroyed by oxygen.Although he had confirmed the findings of Lavoisier that inspired air contained more oxygen and less carbon dioxide than expired air, he did not adapt this fact to his work and thus de- BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY layed the implementation of a critical part of John Snow's text on chloroform published indeed caused an almost instant on and off the anesthetic puzzle for decades. Another English physician, Henry Hill in 1858 is devoted to the complications of its administration. Nitrous oxide, although considered inert, anesthetic. However, the incidence of intra was the cause of many deaths. The dentist with the agent were abandoned. Colten had reestablished the popularity of the gas for dental extractions in the 1860s. Acupuncture Anesthesia Hickman, was very concerned about the pain of surgery. Born near Ludlow in 1800, he trained in medicine in Edinburgh before re turning to practice in his home town.In 1824, he went to Shifnal, the birthplace of Beddoes, where he may have learned of the pneumatic researches of the latter. Hickman conducted operative ventricular tachycardia and fibril lation was extremely high, and further trials His method consisted of breathing the gas After the establishment of the People's until unconsciousness supervened and then RepUblic of China in 1949, traditional Chi nese medicine, which had fallen into disre ferent gases to animals confined under glass removing the mouth piece and quickly ex tracting the teeth. When others tried to ex tend the inhalation and push for longer peri domes. When they become unconscious (pre ods of unconsciousness, sudden death was not the first half of the 20th centUlY, received new sumably from asphyxia) he operated on them in what was apparently a pain-free state. uncommon-especially in healthy individu attention. als. In 1868, Edmond Andrews, the Chicago surgeon, advised the use of oxygen with ni whether acupuncture, long used to treat pain, many experiments on administration of dif Hickman tried repeatedly to get permission pute by the second half of the nineteenth cen tury and which was officially banned during Some Chinese physicians considered to try his experiments on humans, but nei ther Davy nor his assistant Faraday, would bring up the matter to a committee of the trous oxide, but little attention was paid to could prevent pain.A technique of "acupunc his suggestion. By 1924 Gwathmey advised ture anesthesia" was developed.The first re against the use of nitrous oxide altogether and Royal Society. Hickman later petitioned in 1939 Dr.C.B. Courville published an en tire book related to the untoward effects of ported use of acupuncture instead of anesthe sia took place in China in 1958.The opera Charles X of France to bring his proposals to the Royal Academy of Medicine. At a meeting of the Academy on Decem ber 28, 1828, the leaders of French medicine declared that "Operate under laughing nitrous oxide-mainly those of anoxia. Paul Bert tried to solve the problem of nitrous oxide anesthesia (i.e., to allow the gas to induce anesthesia in something other than a hypoxic mixture). During the 1880s he con tion was a dental extraction. The technique was used sporadically from 1958 to 1968. Then with the Cultural Revolution and suc cession of Chairman Mao in 1966, reports indicated successful use of acupuncture gas. . . it would be nothing but a crime to expose a human being to such needless per structed a special tank, large enough to in spite this impressive figure, Dr.John Bonica ils." Only Baron Dominque Larrey, army sur clude the operating table with patient and estimated the total number of cases per geon to Napoleon, voted against the others, staff, in which he could increase the atmo spheric pressure.The idea sounded feasible but formed under acupuncture anesthesia to be noting that he "would be willing for Mr. Hickman to administer laughing gas to me did not work. Apart from being cumbersome and see what would happen." 29.Thus the early 19th centUlY medical au and very expensive, those inside were subject to the "bends" on decompression. By the middle of the 20th century, ether and cycloproprane were widely used. How generated a great deal of interest and specu thorities of both the United Kingdom and ever, they were both explosive. The electro lation in the West.Several studies were un France may be held liable for delaying dis cautery had been introduced to coagulate vessels. The danger to patients and practi state-more reliably induced than by hypno tioners was not inconsiderable. sis-was appealing to many patients and Defeated Hickman returned to Shifnal. He died prematurely on April 5, 1830, age covery of surgical anesthesia and advancing surgery for some 20 years. anesthesia in over a half-million patients.De less than 1%. In 197 1, New York Times reporters James Reston and Seymor and Audrey ToppinlS vis ited China and witnessed surgelY performed under acupuncture anesthesia. Their stories dertaken as the idea of a drug-free anesthetic Rather, other techniques to relieve opera Woodbridge in the United States gave an tive pain were described. In 1846, Dr. J.F. Malgaigne of the Faculte de Medicine in explosion rate of 2-4 per 100,000 anesthetics. failed attempts, it was apparent that acupunc Pinson, in 1930, stated that about 100 cases of burns due to ether fires or explosions oc ture was ineffective for surgical purposes, Paris, wrote a Manual of Operative SurgelY. A chapter on means to diminish pain includes the use of narcotics, mesmerism, cutting the physicians. By the early 1980s, after many certainly in Western Countries. curred annually in Great Britain. However, Anesthesia continues to develop in fits and the incidence was undoubtedly much higher as, unless a patient or staff were killed or starts. Alleviation of pain and hence the abil ity to perform more and increasingly com badly burned, a report was probably not made. (Similar to under reporting.) Before plex surgical procedures has not taken a straight path. However, the safety of our drugs the use of conductive rubber materials, static electricity was considered most dangerous, es today, the reliability of our delivery and moni and render the incised area anesthetic. Inhalation Anesthesia after 1846 pecially during cyclopropane anesthesia. Ether at 4% concentration required a 45 times nerve supply to the area or excessive venesec tion.Malgaigne also relied on James Moore's experiments using a Dupuyten compressor to exert sufficient pressure to damage a nerve The introduction of inhalation anesthe sia in 1846 did not automatically make sur greater spark of energy to ignite than did cy clopropane. gery safe and reliable. Indeed the number of To provide a "non-explosive" ether, espe surgical deaths rose sharply in the 19th cen cially during neurosurgical procedures when tury for several reasons. Procedures were at surgeons demanded that spontaneous respi ratory patterns be monitored, Van Poznak and tempted on patients who would have other wise died; potent agents were given without any ability to control dosages; hypoxic mix tures were the rule; training in anesthetics was almost nonexistent; muscles were often cut hampering recovery, and the germ theory was not widely accepted. Over one-third of Artusio developed methoxyflurane.However, this inhalation agent was metabolized up to 50%, caused renal damage and was extremely long acting.These two anesthesiologists then introduced teflurane-a non-explosive cyclo propane (i.e., very rapid action). Teflurane toring systems, the level of our training gives credence to the statement: "If the patient can withstand the surgical procedure, he can do so more safely under anesthesia." Further Reading 1. The Edwin Smith Papyrus. in Breated GH (trans ed.): University of C hicago Institute Pub., Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1930. 2. Paul of Aegina. The Seven Books of Paulos Aeginata (3 volumes). Adam F (trans.): London, Sydenham Society, 1844. 3. Raper HR. Man against Pain. New York, Pren tice Hall, 1945. 4. Erichsen E. Science and Art of Surgery. Philadelphia, Henry C. Lea, 1869. Continued 011 Page 8 6 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Henry Knowles Beecher and The Redefinition of Death by Vincent J. Kopp, MD Assistant Professor of Anesthesiology and Pediatrics, Adjunct Assistant P rofessor of Social Medicine Department of Anesthesiology, School of Medicine, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N C Presented a t the Anesthesia HistOlY Association 5th Annual Spring Meeting Williamsburg, Virginia-April 3, 1997 Research for this paper 'Was supported in part by a 1995 Paul M. Wood Fello'Wship A'Ward On September 29, 1967, Henry Knowles Beecher, M.D., Dorr Professor of Research Unconscious Patient, " delivered at Mount in Anaesthesia, Harvard, sent a series of iden ture undoubtedly under preparation at the time he called his standing committee to tical letters.I quote: This letter will confirm my secretaty's telephone call to say that I am calling a meeting of the Standing Committee on Human Studies, to take place at 3:00 P.M. on Thursday, October 19, 1967, in the Ware Room of Countway Library (5th floor). Sinai Hospital on December 6, 1967-a lec gether-Beecher stated his case, quoting Brit ETHICAL PROBLEMS CREATED BY THE HOPELESSLY UNCON SCIOUS INDIVIDUAL. With this letter Dr.Beecher set in motion the events that would culminate in the re definition of death, thus altering the course of medical progress, and forever changing the way we view ourselves as human beings. Beecher's stOlY is well known. It will not be reviewed here. It is fair to ask, however: What motivated him? Those who knew Dr. Beecher character ize him as a complex man with an undying faith in science (Raymond D.Adams), a semi nal thinker (Leroy D.Vandam), with an in nate sense of ethics (Richard Wolfe), and a man who relished a good fight (Elliot V. Miller). In His Januaty 9, 1948, Lowell Lecture titled "On the Relief of Suffering Within the Hospital, " Beecher enunciated what could be considered his life-long professional creed: . . .within the hospital we have one world and its riches belong to man kind: There is no such thing as Chi nese opium or American anesthesia or British penicillin. Since Adam, suffering is universal, universal too, are measures for its relief. Beecher, January 9, 1948 Beecher's commitment to the relief of suf fering and the logical extension of his con cern for the rights of patients motivated him to advocate a redefinition of death. In the Fifth Bernard Eliasberg Memorial Lecture titled "The Right to Be Let Alone; The Right to Die: Problems Created by the Hopelessly desirable for a group at Harvard ish poet Arthur Hugh Clough's "The Latest University to come to some subtle conclusion as to a new definition of Decalogue " ( a line I suspect Beecher mis took in its irony): body and I think we have an oppor "Thou shalt not kill; but need's not strive Officiously to keep alive." The subject for discussion will be tion. I cannot tell you how strongly I agree with you that it would be most Before calling his meeting, Dr. Beecher death.This must be done by some tunity here for true leadership of a most constructive sort. . . On October 27, 1967, in reply to Beecher and copied to Ebert, Dr. Murray wrote: sought permission from then Dean of Har vard Medical School, Robert H. Ebert, M.D. Thank you for your letter of Oc tober 20, 1967, about the recent meet Quoting Dr.Beecher's letter to Dr. Ebert, ing of the Committee on Human dated September 6, 1967: Studies. The subject has been thor oughly worked over in the past sev As I am sure you are aware, the de velopments in resuscitative and sup portive therapy have led to many desperate efforts to save the dying patient. Sometimes all that is rescued is a decerebrated individual. These individuals are increasing in num ber over the land and there are a number of problems which should be faced up to. I am sure that my pre sentation will evoke a good deal of discussion which should be fruitful and useful for the School staff. . . In his reply granting Beecher permission, Dr. Ebert stated that he found the proposed topic "intriguing " and would make every ef fort to attend the meeting himself.The meet ing was held as scheduled. Although the record is not entirely clear, approximately 30 people attended, among them members of the Harvard Human Studies Committee, repre sentatives from affiliated institutions and departments from outside the medical school. Following the meeting, Beecher wrote one of the attendees, Dr.Joseph Murray, a sur geon from Peter Bent Brigham Hospital, on October 20, 1967: I write this little note to say how much I appreciated your coming to the meeting yesterday. I thought one of the few really positive products of the meeting was y o u r c o n t r i b u - eral years, and by now two areas for action are crystallized into two catego ries.First is the dying patient, and sec ond, distinct and unrelated, is the need for organs for transplantation. The first problem requires merely a definition of death. No longer is cessation of heart beat or respiration applicable, as you pointed out.Brain death is the essential requirement, and the faculty of the Harvard Medi cal School is in a suitable position to make a statement about this medi cal definition of death.This will re quire the opinions of the neurolo gists, neuro' s urgeons, anesthetists, general surgeons and physicians who deal with terminal patients. W hen to declare death is a problem to be solved whether or not organ trans plantation follows. The second question regarding organs for donation is really simple. Once the patient is dead, the legal mechanism then applies, Professor William Curran has obtained the necessary legal help in Massachu setts, and all that is now required is proper permission from either the patient or next of kin. . . In his letter dated October 30, 1967, re porting the meeting's results to Ebert, BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY Beecher regretted Ebert's absence and stated: I reported the basic material on ETHICAL PROBLEMS CREATED BY THE HOPELESSLY UNCON SCIOUS MAN in as neutral a way as possible, not because I felt neutral; on the copied to Beecher and is found in Beecher's personal papers, Ebert wrote: D r. B e e ch e r ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n re-emphasized to m e t h e necessity o f giving further consideration to the contrary, I have very strong feelings about definition of brain death. As you are well aware, many of the ethical prob the issues raised. lems associated with transplantation Beecher continued, revealing some of these strong feelings, saying: You have a copy of the letter from Dr. and other developing areas of medi cine hinge on appropriate definition. W ith its pioneering interest in organ transplantation, I believe the Joseph Murray which summarizes f a c u l ty of the H a r v a r d M e d i c a l the issues I presented nicely. Both Dr.Murray and I think the time has come for further consideration of the date this area than any other single definition of brain death.The ethi cal problems hinge on such defini tion. Failure to act could be more radical than action in this area. Ev ery major h o s pi t a l h a s p a t i e n t s stacked up waiting f o r suitable do nor kidneys. If any group is compe tent to make a statement concerning brain death as death indeed, I believe the faculty of the Harvard Medical School is better equipped to do this than any other single group. After receiving Beecher's letter, Ebert wrote to him on November 3, 1967: After reading your letter and that of Dr. Joseph Murray, I would agree that the time has come for better defi nition of brain death.I would think that a subcommittee of the Standing Com mittee on Human Studies might put to gether an appropriate statement. Ebert went on to suggest inclusion of Dr. William Curran, Visiting Professor of Health Law, and representatives from a number of fields, including "someone from the Divin ity School." On November 13, 1967, Beecher thanked Dean Ebert for requesting "a Subcommittee of the Standing Committee on Human Stud ies . . . to get together in order to make an 'appropriate statement' defining brain death." In this letter Beecher submitted a list of names including Ebert's-of individuals with whom Beecher had discussed the exploration of the issue in a committee format. In the letters that followed, the list of par ticipants was lengthened to allow broader representation from outside of Massachusetts General Hospital. By January 4, 1968, Ebert informed Beecher that he had sent letters to selected committee members, but declined to be a member himself. He appointed Beecher chairman of the committee. In his letter to Dr. Joseph Murray, which was presumably School i s better equipped t o eluci group. To this end I ask you to ac cept appointment to an ad hoc com mittee . . . The letter went on to list the suggested committee members, all of whom appear as authors of the published report with the ad dition of Drs. Potter and Schwab. On January 9, 1968, Beecher thanked Ebert for "making official the Committee to deal with the problem of brain death." Both ered by what to call the committee, Beecher wrote: ing separate telephone interviews on Febru ary 11, 1997, with Dr.Raymond Adams and Dr. Joseph Murray, two of the velY few living members of the ad hoc committee, the com mittee either "never met" but existed in the form of Beecher serving as a go-between among members (Adams' recollection); or it met three or four times with Beecher keep ing minutes and providing follow-up to com mittee members after meetings (Murray's recollection). A preliminary review of Beecher's papers indicates no clear contra dictory or corroborative evidence of either committee member's recollections. Clearly, much attention was focused on the committee's work. Unspecified outside influences were being exerted on the com mittee to shape its direction and timetable. In a letter to Dean Ebert on March 28, 1968, Beecher wrote: I am being pressed on several sides to speed along the action of the ad hoc Committee on Brain Death. These pressures are helpful, and I have taken all into consideration, but I think it would be nothing short of disastrous for us to rush consider ations simply because other groups I am not sure what the title of the may be plowing the same field. The group should be. I suggest the fol lowing: the ad hoc Committee to delicate and could be so easily mis Study the Problems of the Hopelessly Unconscious Patient. I am reluctant to use a more flamboyant title . . . In the same letter Beecher expressed re gret that "no theologian appears on the Com mittee. You had once spoken of the need for this and I heartily agreed." Dean Ebert took Beecher's concern to heart.On February 2,1968, Ebert wrote to Dr.Curran stating that the: . . .ad hoc committee on brain death seems to have become quite popular. In the past several weeks I have had many direct, and indirect, requests from faculty members who would like to join the committee.I think to avoid a real stampede we had best not add any more faculty to it. . . He stated, however, that Beecher's sugges tion about adding someone from the Divin ity School was "a good idea". Ebert invited Professor Ralph Potter of the Divinity School to join the ad hoc committee in a separate let ter also dated February 2, 1968. The text and list of members in Ebert's letter to Potter was otherwise identical to the letters sent to other committee members. The ij.ame of Robert Schwab, however, was handwritten into the list on the copy of the letter found in Dr. Beecher's personal papers. According to information provided dur- matters under consideration are so understood, I think we shall have to move like the Supreme Court, with all deliberate speed-but not faster! By April 26, 1968, an early draft of the committee's recommendations was circulated to members. Extensive revisions were made. Drafts located among Dr. Beecher's papers at The Countway LibralY are dated April 26, 1968; June 3, 1968, and June 13, 1968. In his cover letter dated June 13, 1968, to "the Mem bers of the ad hoc Committee to Examine the Definition of Brain Death", Beecher referred to this draft, entitled ''A Definition of Irreversible Coma," as "the fifth draft of our report." Beecher's tone is resolute: Here is the fifth draft of our report. Everybody has had several opportu nities to see the materials as it has developed. It seems to me that no future changes can be accepted un less some major oversight is present. Dr.Adams' copy of the June 13 draft is among Beecher's papers.A handwritten note to Dr. Beecher at the bottom of the cover let ter which accompanied Dr. Adams' correc tions reads: Dear Henry This s e e m s a l r i g h t as it n o w Continued o n Next Page BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Beecher. dure. Nevertheless, the total impact definition. Beecher actively advocated for its stands. I object to using the need of of the whole statement has been weakened. Would it not be better to use on a number of legal and social fronts as well.Tracking events after the report's pub lication is a subject for another time. . . COlltillued from Page 7 donor organs as a valid argument for state the problem, and indicate that redefining cerebral death. This is obsolete criteria for the definition of It is important to note, howevel; that the another problem though one which death can lead to controversy in ob issue of brain death is not settled in everyone's taining organs for transplantation? mind. Robert D.Truog's recent article in the Hastings Center Report, January-February, 1997 ( Hastings Center Report 27: 1, 29-37, is influenced by our definition. I have tried to present unreceptivity and unresponsivity as the leading clinical cri terion-with respir arrest & areflxia. On June 25, 1968 Beecher submitted the committee's report to Dean Ebert, calling it the "sixth draft. " Addressing the issue of promulgating the report, Beecher wrote: From our corridor conversation last week I assume that I may send this on for publication. I have discussed the matter with John Talbott and he has seen a earlier draft of the mate rial. He says that he would like to have it and publish it in three weeks in the "Journal of the American Medical Association. " Dean Ebert responded to Beecher on July 1,1968.He thanked the ad hoc committee and commended it saying: It is an excellent report and may well be an historic document for the pre cise definition of death. By all means, have it published. Ebert went on, however, to raise one spe cific issue-th e linkage between the committee's definition and a statement about the need for donor organs for transplanta tion.Quoting Ebert's letter: I have only one issue to raise, but I think it of some importance.I would urge the re-wording of the item 2 on page 1. At present it reads as follows: 'An issue of secondary but by no means minor importance is that with increased experience and knowledge and development in transplantation, there is grea t need for the tissues and organs of, among others, the patient whose cerebrum has been hopelessly destroyed in order to restore those who are salvageable.' The connota tion of this statement is unfortunate, for it suggests that you wish to rede fine death in order to make viable organs more readily available to per sons requiring transplants. Immedi ately the reader thinks how this prin ciple might be abused.Later, on page 8, this suspicion is allayed by the suggestion that the physician pro nouncing death should not be in volved in the transplantation proce- Dean Ebert concluded his letter granting Beecher permission to re-word this statement as he saw fit, but to expand it so as to prevent misinterpretation. Aware of the import of Beecher's work, he wrote, "Since this docu ment is likely to be widely quoted in the future, I should like to send a copy to President Pusey. As soon as I have heard from you about item 2, I will send him a copy of the document. " On July 3, 1968, Beecher wrote Ebert ac knowledging the requested changes, sending along two copies of the seventh and final draft, one for Dean Ebert and one for Presi dent Pusey.On July 15, 1968 Ebert, acknowl edged receipt of the report and his satisfac tion with Beecher's changes.Ebert stated that he had sent one copy to Mr.Pusey " . . . for his information." On August 5, 1968, ''A Definition of Irre versible Coma: Report of the Ad Hoc Com mittee of the Harvard Medical School to Ex amine the Definition of Brain Death," was published as a Special Communication in JAMA, Vol.205, No.6. It had no lead author. The title page footnote reads: 1997) is an example. He asks the question in his title: "Is It Time to Abandon Brain Death? " In brief, he answers the question, "Yes." Truog and others are troubled by in consistencies in how brain death is diagnosed and clinically applied. ln arguing for its aban donment he advocates that its discontinua tion be coupled with the creation of new forms of legalized medical killing. Predicated on the principle of nonmaleficence toward the brain dead patient and on the principle of respect for freely given consent by the potential or gan donor patient, Truog makes a case that would abandon brain death in favor of car diorespiratory death. In doing so, any ques tions about what true death is are avoided. It then becomes the new category of legalized medical killing that will challenge the ethics of present and future generations of physicians. If only Beecher were around to give us his thoughts on the subject, I'm sure he would have a few words to say and I'm sure they would be provocative. The Ad Hoc Committee includes Henry K. Beecher, MD, chairman; R a y mo n d D. A d a m s , M D ; A. Clifford Barger, M D ; W illiam J. Curran, LLM, SMHyg; Derek D e nn y - B r o w n , M D ; D a n a L . Farnsworth, M D ; Jordi Fo lch-Pi, MD; Everett I.Mendelsohn, PhD; John P. Merrill, MD; Joseph Murray, MD; Ralph Potter, ThD; Robert Schwab,MD; and William Sweet, MD. Reprint requests to Massachu setts General Hospital, Boston 02114 (Dr.Henry K. Beecher). The content of this report is well known and will not be reviewed here. Perhaps the most curious characteristic of the report is its single reference: Pius XII: The Prolonga tion of Life, TIle Pope Speaks 4:393-398 ( No. 4), 1958. The article references the papal statement,concluding that "It is the church's view that a time comes when resuscitative efforts should stop and death be unopposed." No other comment of a religious or social nature was made. After the report was published, there was debate about brain death as death indeed became robust and widespread. Within the year the American Heart Association's ad hoc Committee on Ethics accepted the Harvard Missed Opportunities. . . Contilluedfrom Page 5 5. C artwright FF. The English Pioneers of Ane sthesia (Beddoes, D avy, Hickm an) . J o hn Wright and Sons, Bristol, 1 952. 6. D avy H. Researches, Chemical and Philo sophical chi efly concerning Nitrous Oxide or dephlogisticated nitrous air and its respiration. London, printed for J Johnson by Biggs and Cottle, Brstol, 1 800. Printed in Great Britain in Facsimile by Butterworth & Co., 1972. 7. Snow J. On chloroform and other Anesthet ics. John Churchill, London, 1 858. 8 . Robinson V. Victory over Pain. Henry Schuman, New York, 1 946. 9 . Ful o p - M i l l e r R . Triumph over Pain. Bobbs-Merrill Co., Indianapolis, 1938. 1 0. Keys TE. The History of Surgical Anesthe sia. Henry Schuman, New York, 1945. 1 1 . Bert P. Sur la possibilite d'obtenir, a l'aide du protexyde d'azole, une mis-ensibilite de long duree et sur l'innocuite de cet anesthesique. Compt. Rend. Acad. d. sc. 87:728-730, 1 8 7 8 . 12. Courville CB. Untoward Effects of Nitrous Oxide Anesthesia. Pacific Press Pub. Assoc., Moun tain View, California, 1 939. 13. Keating V. Anesthetic Accidents. The Year Book Publishers, One. Chicago, 1956. 1 4. Robbins EH. Cyclopropane Anesthesia. The Williams & Wilkins Co., Baltimore, 1940. 1 5. Acupuncture Anesthesia Monograph, pre sented by Roerig from the fil m "Acupuncture Anesthesia, " produced by the Shanghai Film Stu dio, The People's Republic of China. 16. Frost E, Hsu CY, Sadowsky D . Acupunc ture therapy, comparative values in acute and chronic pain. NY State J Med 76(5):695-7, 1976. BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY 9 Anesthetic Lessons from Gettysburg and the Civil War by Gmy E. Shanks, J.D., M.D., Penn State University, Department of Anesthesiology The Milton S. Hershey Medical Centel; Hershey, Pennsylvania EntlY for Anesthesia HistOlY Association Residents' Essay Contest, 1996 The Battle of Gettysburg in Southern Penn engagements. Participating in the war was an sylvania is remembered as one of the bloodiest battles in history. Immediate deaths from the estimated 2,800,000 Union troops and 750,000 battle and subsequent casualties from battle self occurred from July 1-3, 1863, although the injuries tested the medical knowledge of treat treatment of casualties continued for months ment consisted of ether or chloroform, opium, morphine, Dover's powdet; quinine, syrups, ing physicians in the pre-antibiotic era.The use of anesthetics was in its infancy at the time of after the battle. William Thomas Green Morton, a pioneer proven so valuable in the medical and surgical the Civil Wm; with the first administration of militaty physician and anesthetist, had previ an ether anesthetic having occurred only 15 ously shown the value of anesthesia in the treat years earlier at the Massachusetts General Hos ment of wounded at the Battle of Fredericksburg pital (October 16, 1846).Throughout the wm; a great deal of knowledge and experience on the use of anesthetics and their role in promoting Confederate troops.The battle of Gettysburg it on December 13, 1862.3 While there is no evi dence that Morton was involved at Gettysburg, it is likely that lessons he previously learned were the surgical care of the wounded was acquired. passed on and employed at the .battle.Morton's This experience likely hastened the civilian use of anesthetics for surgical procedures in the most intimate involvement as a militaty physi postwar years.Considering the limited knowl at the Battle of the Wilderness in May, 1864. In his work during the Battle of the Wilderness, it edge of anesthetics and the lackof patient moni toring other than observation and pulse, the cian was best documented during his presence is estimated that he delivered in the range of safety record of the Civil War surgeon and anes 2,000 ether anesthetics to wounded soldiers. It thetist is even more impressive. Experience was also noteworthy that Dr.Morton wrote that gained by the administration of anesthetics in he "prepared patients for the knife, producing the Civil War may have helped hasten the ac perfect anesthesia in an average time of 3 min ceptance of anesthetics as an essential part of utes."3 quality surgical care. The nature of the fighting and the weapons used, with the resultant injuries, made challeng As we celebrate the sesquicentennial year of anesthesia, we recall how the Civil War provided ing work for the physicians.Early battles in the an early opportunity to test anesthesia in the war exposed glaring deficiencies in the Union's treatment of a variety of war wounds. Prior to medical preparedness.Shortages of ambulances, the Civil Wat; there was limited knowledge of supplies and trained physicians became appar anesthetics in the treatment of the wounded. ent early in the war during the Peninsular Cam Ether had been used for surgical procedures since 1846 and chloroform since 1947, but sig paign in Virginia. By the time the Armies en nificant experience with either agent was lim medical director of the Army of the Potomac, ited to a few physicians.I•2 The Army had used had refined the triage, field hospital and ambu ether in Vera Cruz in 1847, but discontinued the use as too dangerous.2 The British Army had lance system.At Gettysburg,Dr.Letterman com gaged at Gettysburg, Dr. Jonathan Letterman, manded 650 medical officers, 1000 ambulances favorable results with chloroform during the Crimean wm; however the British Surgeon Gen eral believed it to be dangerous in serious cases.2 and approximately 3,000 ambulance drivers and Despite this military knowledge on the use and had been battle tested and had assumed a stan benefit of anesthetics, routine use of anesthet dard plan for the care and treatment of the ics in this countly was still met with controversy among surgeons at the initiation of the Civil responsibility only for wounds to soldiers in their War, as some believed anesthetics would worsen shock, increase hemorrhage, and delay wound healing.2 stretchermen.2 By Gettysburg, the Union medical system wounded.The idea of a regimental surgeon with regiment had been abandoned, and medical care was provided by a divisional field hospital sys tem.4 A normal infantry division's hospital staff This paper focuses on the experience gained with anesthetic use in the Civil Wm; with em phasis on the Battle of Gettysburg and the Union included the surgeon in charge, one assistant-surgeon designated as recorder and one assistant-surgeon to provide food and shelter. forces.The focus on the Union Army is prima Three medical officers were assigned to perform rily due to more readily available information, as many Confederate records have perished.The and other ancillaty staff.I,4-5 Dr. Letterman had relevant period is from April 12, 186l, through May 26,1865. In this period, there were approxi "operating surgeons" only those he considered mately 10,000 battles, skirmishes and smaller as capable. To each operating surgeon, he as- surgical operations, besides stewards and nurses improved the system greatly by designating as signed two assistants and an anesthetist.2 Be sides operating instruments, standard equip wine and whiskeys. This arrangement had care of the wounded that, in September of l 864, the Medical Director of the Army of the Potomac set out written duties of the medical team.6 Spe cific duties included recording the names of the wounded, the type of injUly and cause, the treat ment of injuries and possible surgical care.If surgery was required, the operating surgeon was to judge the "practicability of administering an esthetics, and if their use is found necessary should superintend the administration."6 At least initially, many of the anesthetics were ad ministered by hospital stewards, with much of the initial learning via trial-and-error.1 The battle at Gettysburg was, in some ways, a chance meeting. General Lee had been ad vancing his Army of Northern Virginia into Pennsylvania.Major General George G.Meade had only been given command of the Army of the Potomac on June 28, 1863, three days be fore the minor skirmishes of the battle started. At this time, the Army of Northern Virginia had already taken Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and Gen eral Ewell's corps was preparing to attack Har risburg when he was summoned back to Gettysburg on June 29. Speculation persisted that General Lee wished to conquer Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, as it provided a potential source of military supplies, would allow for interrup tion of the crucial East-West rail supply lines, and provide a psychological edge for the Con federate forces.This marked the Northernmost penetration of the Confederate forces.The fear was that, if the Confederate forces continued, they could then move Southeast toward Phila delphia, Baltimore and perhaps Washington, D.C. The Battle at Gettysburg involved approxi mately 85-88,000 Union forces and 70-75,000 Confederate forces.During the battle it is esti mated that there were 3,155 Union deaths and 3,903 Confederate deaths. Adding in the sig nificant additional losses from mortal wounds and missing soldiers gives one total losses of 23,049 Union soldiers and 28,063 Confederate soldiers from this one battle.To place the casu alties in perspective, total casualties in the Civil War were estimated at 94,000 Confederate and 110,070 Union soldiers killed or mortally Continued 011 Next Page 10 BULLETIN O F ANESTHESIA HISTORY Gettysburg. . . Continued /rom Page 9 wounded in battle. An additional 249,458 Union and 150,000 Confederate soldiers were felt to have died of subsequent disease following inju ries. At least one significant Union leader under junction with surgely. Of this number, 6,784 noted adverse events, but were less common with (76.2%) involved chloroform. Ether was the chloroform than with an ether anesthetic. The primary agent in 1 ,305 (14.7%) and a mixture of ether and chloroform was used in 8 1 1 cases (9.1 %). Despite lack of monitoring as we know it, only 43 deaths of the 8,900 cases were re records also show that anesthetic overdoses where treated via the "Marshall Hall Ever Ready Method of Artificial Breathing. " This consisted of placing the apneic patient in the prone posi tion and rolling him side to side 1 6 times per General Daniel E. Sicldes, Commander of the ported. In deaths per thousand, the rate was 5.4 for chloroform vs. 3.0 for ether, yet chloroform was the preferred agent, especially by surgeons U.S. Third Corps at Gettysburg, was wounded in the field hospitals. In cases of combined ether/ in the leg during battle onJuly 2nd. Several wit chloroform anesthetics, a death rate of2.4 deaths Ether was associated with unique risks, one of which was its use for evening surgery in the nesses have given accounts of his surgery.Most per thousand was noted. went surgery with an anesthetic at Gettysburg. accounts show that he received chloroform for According to records reviewed in minute, applying pressure to the back with each pass through the prone position.1 presence of candles, lanterns and torches. Ether was also a vasodilator, perhaps with a greater this surgery, but the exact location of the opera The Medi cal al/d Surgical HistOlY of the Rebellion, chloro tion remains in some dispute.5 At least one ac form was valued by field surgeons for its rapid induction was notably slower with ether due to count by Joseph H. Hopkins, Chaplain of the 7lst New York Infantry, indicated that he ad ity and speed of onset, qualities that made it its higher volubility in fat, it remained the pre ferred agent by some for its greater safety mar ministered the chloroform anesthetic to Gen eral Sicldes.5 If correct, this would confirm a belief of many, namely, that administration of anesthetics is part of a higher calling. The weapons used in the Civil War provided ample opportunity for surgeons to ply their trade. The minie ball, a soft .58 caliber bullet uniquely suited for mass surgelY following a battle. The average time to insensibility was chance for worsening hemorrhage.2 Although gin when time and location permitted.Thus its listed as nine minutes vs. sixteen minutes for an ether anesthetic.Its use was common by sur geons of both armies, but adequate supplies of use was primarily in the general, rather than field hospitals. It was favored for the ability to the agent were more difficult to obtain in the South. Faced with scarce quantity of the valu a greater degree of muscle relaxation than seen maintain a lighter plane of anesthetic depth and with chloroform.2 Specific case records concerning presumed fired from a rifled musket, would deform and able agent, Southern surgeon J,J. Chisolm de veloped a chloroform inhaler for use in the field. tumble on impact. For the period, the minie ball This consisted of a metal cylinder with a wire to had a high velocity of 950 feet per second, and elevate a cloth or a sponge and two tubes to place in the patient's nostrils.A few drops of chloro An illustrative case concerning death from chlo produced a shattering and splintering effect on long bones? Bullets such as the minie ball caused form could be placed on a folded cotton cloth or the largest percentage of injuries; of the 144,000 sponge and the mixture inhaled through the patient's nostrils.l.6 sidering the circumstances during which the death must have occurred. cases where the type of missile could be ascer The means of administration of chloroform anesthetic complications and possible causes were reproduced in the HistOlY of the Rebellion. roform shows surprising attention to detail con CASE 1 236 involved Private G. Budlinger, 76th Ohio, age 30, admitted into the hospital of tained, the minie ball caused 108,000 wounds. Cannon balls, conversely, only caused 359 rec were varied. Most references suggest that ad the 1st division, Fifteenth Corps with a shot ognized wounds.2 ministration was by dripping the agent onto a hand.The case report continues as follows: The injuries were extremely varied, but in juries to extremities allowed the practice of amputations to become relatively commonplace. Anesthesia was routinely supplied, and was likely the rule, not the exception, in these cases. A wounded soldier undergoing surgely with cone-shaped cloth held over the patient's nose and mouth. Other methods included the use of a cow's horn stuffed with cotton.5 As previously mentioned, some Confederate physicians used the "Chisolm inhaler " to minimize waste.1 The risk of the former methods was that it allowed out some form of anesthesia was most often due the chloroform to directly contact the patient's to exhaustion of supplies.Beyond intraopera often provided by opium administration, either skin, which was associated with tissue burns. It was recognized by some that the chief danger in the use ofchloroform may have been from ad by dusting into the wound or by pill form.To ministration of a hypoxic mixture.Another pos ward the end of the war, administration of mor phine by hypodermic injection was being prac sible complication of chloroform was that it is unstable in light, forming phosgene which was ticed by some. later used as a poison gas in World War I. It is The Civil War did provide some early ex amples of surgical record keeping, includingthe possible that some of the mortality with chloro form may have been due to inadvertent admin administration of different anesthetics.For the istration of phosgene. 1 It is now well known that record of the Union army, these histories were any administration of chloroform may cause liver damage. Delayed liver failure may have tive anesthesia, postoperative pain control was summarized in the multi-volume work, The Medical al/d Surgical HistOlY ofthe Wur ofthe Re bellion.6 Accurate records of the medical activi ties of the Confederacy were not well preserved, so the best example of the practice during the war comes from Union records, but it is safe to assume that the practice of medicine was simi lar for the Confederate forces. The exact number of anesthetics adminis tered is estimated to be in the vicinity of 80,000. Of this number, more in-depth records exist for 8,900 cases of anesthetic administration in con- been another unrecognized complication of chloroform administration.Besides using chlo roform as an anesthetic, it appears that some surgeons used the drug as a reversal agent, splashing it on the scrotum to help speed awak He was placed upon operation table and about a drachm of chloroform sprinkled upon four folds of patent lint applied to face, space being given for the free admission of air. After breath ing it for a few moments quietly with out any apparent effect, more chloro form was added and reapplied by a nurse in attendance (the surgeon hav ing stepped aside for a moment), when, after six or seven respirations, the pa tient drew up his legs and arms con vulsively, and heavy stertorous breath ing came on. Chloroform removed immediately, and a few moments given him to resume his regular breathing, but the difficulty increased; frothy exu dation from mouth not caused by ex cess of saliva; respiration became more and more incomplete, pulse small and imperceptible, veins of neck and face prominently distended; heart action ceased before respiration had entirely stopped. Friction to extremities, cold ening.s The most common adverse event from chlo water dashed in face, jugular vein roform administration was noted to be "pros tration, " which occurred in 13.3% of the cases, relief.The surgeons of the hospital re slightly greater than that noted with ether ( 1 1 .1 %). Vomiting and excitement were also opened, artificial respiration, without ported, as the result of an autopsy, that 'being unable to discover any other BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY abnormal condition, and in the ab sence of further evidence, it may be proper to conclude that this is a case of apoplexy induced by chloroform.'6 While most records indiCate that the administration of some form of anesthesia was the norm for surgelY, it is also known that it was not uncommon for a soldier to refuse anesthesia and consciously endure the pain of amputation.The case of Private Richard Phillips of the 44th New York illustrates a case where refusal of anesthetic was beneficial.The soldier was wounded at Little Round Top and was being prepared for the am putation of his arm.When asked if he wished to receive chloroform, he answered "not till I knew how bad it was." The surgeon took the knife and cut the ball, which was just under the skin, I I Letter to the Editor Editor: Two more important factors remain to be Dr.Bias should be congratulated for his pointed out in the historical perspective of efforts to write an essay on the early history of epidural anesthesia,! a kind of romantic 1943 wrote of his experiences with an inflat "Extradural Anesthesia'" E. de Souzal2 in era full of amazing achievements by adven turous pioneers.At the risk that his collec able balloon attached to the hub of the epi tion of data may be turned into factual his tory, I would like to point out some other before McIntoshll described a similar device. events that were either omitted or mistakenly De Souza. Last, but by no means least, we dural needle; this was reported seven years Nevertheless, little credit has been given to quoted.In reviewing the chronology, it seems need to clarify the first introduction of a flex that these events are mostly limited to publi cations in the English language. Such a re ible catheter into the lumbar epidural space. view of historical events of any technique used Though Adam, Lundy and Seldon!4 inserted a ureteral catheter into the caudal hiatus, it widely throughout the world needs to include was in fact Miguel Martinez-Curbelo in La a more global perusal of the literature.I can only add events occurring in Latin America Habana, Cuba, who first inserted it into the There is a similar case of a confederate soldier refusing chloroform for a limb amputation stat and Europe with which I am familiar, and do invited by Lundy to the Mayo Clinic, where ing, "Cut off the leg Doc, but leave off the chlo not pretend that this is by any means the last he demonstrated the technique resulting in word. Although Sicard and Forestier2 should be considered the pioneers in demonstrating the his paper published inAllesthesia and Analge sia in 1949,15 This addendum is presented with the radiographic access to the extradural space purpose of complementing Dr.BIas' review; using lipiodol as a contrast media, it was re ally Janzen3 from Germany in 1926 who first described and measured the negative pres cism.May this work serve as stimuli for oth and decided that no amputation was necessaly. roform; if you can stand it, I can."s The lessons regarding the use of anesthet ics for such brutal surgely likely helped speed the general acceptance of the role of anesthe sia for surgelY as the wartime surgeons re turned home.By war's end, it was generally acknowledged that ether was the safer agent, and the dangers of anesthetic administration in the face of shock or "prostration" were rec ognized.Additionally, the importance of ob servation of the patient, with particular at tention to pulse, respiration and color was recognized as part of the safe practice of an esthetic administration.! By the war's comple tion, many surgeons had come to believe that the use of anesthetics had decreased the patient's potential anguish and hence, con tributed to a lower than expected mortality rate.2 While some would contend that the growth of the speciality of anesthesia was slowed due to the lack of skilled medical per sonnel administering anesthetics, the lessons and experience were invaluable in showing the safety and necessity of anesthetics for fu sure in the lumbar epidural space.Two years later Heldt and MaloneyJ discovered Janzen's work, proposing that the vacuum effect was due to the difference in growth development of the dural sac and the vertebral column.In 1932, Dogliotti'sS first report on the technique of "loss of resistance " was in the Italian lan guage.After 25 years of a successful career as Professor of Surgery, having written over 300 articles and 2 books, Alberto Gutierrez6 be came i ntrigued with the techniques of metameric anesthesia as described by Pages: 7 Being concerned that Dogliotti's method had some hazards, he devised a method that de pended on the negative pressure in the epi dural space, the "hanging drop " method, as published in 1932.6 Later, he proceeded to measure the negative pressure by attempting ture surgical care. a reversible withdrawal approach, first find ing the subarachnoid space, then withdraw Bibliography ing it to the peridural space, found when CSF 1 . Margreiter JL, Jr. Anesthesia in the Civil War. ClflTI 6 (May 1967), pp 22-25. 2. Adams GW Doctors ill Blue-17ze Medical HistDlY of the Union Army in the Civil Ifi/r. Dayton, OH: hlorningside House, Inc., 1985. 3. Albin MS. William Thomas Green Morton as a military anesthetist during the Civil War. Bulletin of Anesthesia HistolY 14(1) Ganuary 1996). 4. Jones G\V, Wartime surgery. ClflTI 2 (May 1963), pp 7-9 and 22-25. 5. Coco GA.A Strange and Blighted Land. Gettysblllg: 17ze Ajie17llath ofa Battle. Thomas PubliCations, 1995. 6. United States. TIle Medical and Surgical HistolY of the Wilr of the Rebellion, 1861-1865. Part III, Volume II, Surgical History. 7. Kuz JE, Bengtson BP. Orthopaedic Injuries of the Civil l%r. Kennesaw lvlountain Press, 1996. 8. Cole TE. Civil War reenactors revere, learn from the past. JAMA 275(15):1 146-1148. ceased to flow.s Moreovel; he measured the distance from skin to the epidural space in 2000 patients, having found a range from 3 to 10 cm, but in 80% of them it was shorter than 5.8 cm.9 He also founded the Revista Argentina de Anestesiay Analgesia in 1939, serv ing as its first editor for five years. W hile BonniotlO in 1934 confirmed the presence of negative pi'essure in the lumbar epidural space, he also described a "clik " ("sifflement") occurring at the perforation of the ligament flavum. In 1936 Zorraquinll proposed the combination of fluid and air in the syringe to better "feel " the changes in tis sue consistency as the needle advanced. lumbar spine in 1946.Two years later, he was in no way should it be interpreted as a criti ers to find important events on the earlier period of epidural anesthesia; after all his tory is always in the making. J. A ntonio Aldrete, MD, MS iVledical Directol; TIle Neuro and Spine Institute at Walton Regional Hospital DeFuniak Springs, Florida References 1 . Bias ML: The early history of epidural an esthesia. Bull Allesth Hist 1 5 (3) :5-6, 1997. 2. Sicard JA, Forestier J: Radiographic method for exploration of the extradural space. Rev Neural, 28 : 1 264, 1921 . 3 . J anzen E: D er nega tive vors h l a g b e i lumbalpunktion. Deutsch Z Nel'VenileiI 94:280, 1926. 4. Heldt, Maloney JC: Negative pressure in the epidural space. 1 75:37 1-372, 1 928. 5. D o g l i o t t i AM: Un nuovo m e todo do anestesia tronculare la rachianestesia peridurale segmentaria. Arch Ital ChiI' 38:797-800, 1932. 6. Gutierrez A: Anestesia metamerica peridu ral. Rev Cir de Buenos Aires 12: 1-3, 1932. 7. Pages F: Anestesia metamerica. Rev de San Militar 1 1 :35 1-358, 1921 . 8. Gutierrez A: Valor de la aspiracion liquid a en el espacio peridural en la anestesia peridural. Rev Cirugia 12:225-230, 1 933. 9. Gutierrez A: Anestesia extradural. Rev Cir de Buenos Aires 19:52-58, 1 939. 1 0. Bonniot A: Note sur l a presion epidurale negative. Bull Soc Nat ChiI' 60: 1 24, 1934. 1 1 . Zorraquin C : Ane s thesia meta merique peridural. Presse Med 44:783, 1936. 12. De Souza E: Puncao extradural. Tecnica de un novo sinal. Rev Bras Circ 12: 120, 1943. 1 3 . McIntosh RR: Extradural space indicator. Anaesthesia 5:98, 1 950. 14. Adams RC, Lundy IS, Seldon TH: Continu ous c a u d a l anesthesia or analg e s i a . JAMA 122: 1 52-1 58, 1943. 15. Martinez-Curbelo M: Continous peridural segmental anesthesia by means of a ureteral cath eter. Allestit Allalg 28:1-4, 1 949. 12 BULLETIN O F ANESTHESIA HISTORY The Evolution of the Anesthesia Machine by Carlos M. Nunez, M.D. Jackson Memorial Hospital, Department of Anesthesiology, Central Building, Room 301, 1611 N. W. 12th Avenue, Miami, FL 33136 Entry for Anesthesia Hist01Y Association Residents' Essay Contest, 1 996 On October 16, 1846, medical science, and the world, learned that the pain caused by surgical operations had been conquered. Mankind now possessed a potion so pow erful, that a soul entranced by its fumes paid no mind to the horror that was sur gery in that age. That first demonstration taught another, more subtle lesson to those who would pursue this newly created medi cal art: to harness the properties of this potent liquor, to deliberately poison a person's breath and to alter the conscious ness of that living being would require a clever instrument of some precision. From that day forward, anesthetists have em ployed a variety of devices to deliver the gases and vapors of anesthesia to their pa tients. The modern anesthesia machine is a collection of components whose inven tion and refinement parallel the history of anesthesia practice and whose lineage can be traced back to that October morning in Boston one hundred and fifty years ago. The demonstration was set to begin this morning, bu t William Thomas Green Morton was in danger of being late. He was working feverishly on an instrument with which to administer the secret compound, so that he could claim as his own the break through that had eluded medicine for cen turies. He remembered vividly the failed attempt by his one-time partnel� Horace Wells, to make public a similar discovery, and vowed not to suffer the same humilia tion. As the time grew near, he continued to assemble what was to become the first working anesthesia inhaler in history. The appointed hour had come and passed, and now IS minutes late, Dr. Morton arrived in the operating theater j ust in time to stop the surgeon from cutting skin. It was the last-minute work on the inhaler that made him late, but it was that same inhaler that helped him announce to the world that a new era of medical practice had begun. Morton's ether inhaler was a two-necked glass globe that was stuffed with a few small sponges soaked with ether. It was a simple draw-over vaporizer, with a short non rebreathing mouthpiece, and an inlet for fresh atmospheric gas flow. This basic de sign was widely copied and modified, as the a cc ounts of his amazing discovery spread across the globe. William Morton not only introduced the concept of surgi- cal anesthesia, but also created the prede cessor of all anesthesia "machines" to fol low. The j ourney from this modest begin ning to the state-of-the-art computerized anesthesia workstations of today was com pleted in three stages, the first of which was the era of inhalers. Anesthesia Devices from 1842-1876: The Simple Inhalers Within two months of Morton's demon stration, ether anesthesia was being used in Great Britain and various inhalers had been devised to administer the drug. The first operation was a tooth extraction on December 1 9, 1846, followed by a leg am putation two days later. Although the anes thesia was given by two different anesthe tists, using different inhalers, the devices had similarities to each other as well as to Morton's invention. Both the "Hooper" in haler used in the tooth extraction and the modified "Nooth's" apparatus used for the amputation were glass draw-over vaporiz ers, employing sponges as wicks for the ether. Before ether anesthesia was even one year old, chloroform was introduced as an other inhalational anesthetic, and an even simpler type of inhaler was now being used. Some anesthetists worked to minimize the equipment requirements of anesthesia, us ing lint, cotton, sponges and handkerchiefs onto which ether or chloroform liquid was poured, to deliver anesthetic vapors. In 1862, the first wire frame mask was intro duced by Thomas Skinner, a Liverpool ob stetrician, to keep the cold cloth away from the patient's face. This "open drop" method of anesthesia was popular well into this cen tury, but did not detract from the continu ing pursuit of more advanced, safe and pre cise inhalers. John Snow, the first British physician to devote his practice exclusively to anesthe sia, developed one of the most advanced early inhalers. His ether apparatus of 1847 incorporated features, such as temperature compensation and a wide bore breathing circuit, that are still in use today. Another anesthesia pioneer from England, Joseph Thomas Clover, devised several noteworthy inhalers for b o th chloroform a nd ether. Clover's chloroform inhaler was the first to allow an accurately measured amount of anesthetic to be delivered. This clever in haler was actually two separate devices; a warmed vaporizer and bellows was used to create a four percent mixture of chloroform in air, which was then passed into a large bladder with a connected breathing hose for administration to the patient. Countless other anesthesia inhalers, masks, insufflators and contraptions were developed during this period, and they all shared several important and defining qualities. They were designed to be used with a single anesthetic agent mixed in at mospheric air. The concentration of the anesthetic delivered was determined by the physical characteristics of the device, and could not be altered with reliability or pre cision. Finally, these early tools required very little user input for operation, need ing only to be filled and held. It was truly an era of simple inhalers, one that would only span 30 or so years in the life of this new and growing specialty. Anesthesia Devices from 1876-1911: The Complex Inhalers Eventually the clinical realities of an esthesia practice became the driving force behind inhaler design. Anesthetists needed more flexibility in their newer instruments, such as the ability to adjust the inspired concentrations of anesthetic, or the capac ity to deliver more than one agent. The inhaler was now more than a curious gad get used to get fumes into someone's lungs; it was evolving into a complex scientific instrument reflecting the forefront of bio medical engineering at the turn of the cen tury. This new period in anesthesia equip ment design was ushered in by many of the same tinkerers responsible for creating some of the earliest inhalers. An example of this evolution can be found in Joseph Clover's nitrous oxide/air/ether apparatus, constructed in 1 876. Clover, now less en thusiastic about the use of chloroform as an anesthetic agent, described a method for sequential induction using nitrous oxide and ethel� and built a machine to facilitate this technique. For the first time the anes thetist could switch between two different anesthetic agents, or bypass them alto- BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY gether, and therefore have 1ll0re control over induction, maintenance and emer gence from anesthesia. This elaborate in haler incorporated valves, a reservoir bag, and a portable source of nitrous oxide features more in common with today's an esthesia machines than with Morton's glass globe. One year later, in 1877, Joseph Clover again introduced another breakthrough in inhaler design; his portable regulating ether inhaler. This ingenious device was the first to allow control over the amount of anesthetic inspired by the patient. It was not accurate enough to deliver specific con centrations of ether, but its four settings made it easier to vary the anesthetic depth by diverting more or less of the patient's respiration through the vaporizing cham ber. This inhaler was very popular, and as such was widely used, copied and modified for use in anesthesia practice. One of the more common modifications of Clover's portable regulating ether in haler was to add a selector valve and a res ervoir bag that could be filled with nitrous oxide. The resulting device was the most versatile anesthetic apparatus to date, with the capacity to deliver nitrous oxide, ether, or room air, and the ability to control the relative amount of ether in the inhaled mixture. In 1901 a modification of this in haler was introduced by FW. Hewitt to overcome some of the problems associated with Clover's original design. The most important change was an increase in the diameter of the central breathing tube, to lessen breathing resistance, with the hopes of decreasing the incidence of cyanosis. Hewitt also fitted this inhaler with a stop cock of his own design, that allowed the anesthetist to switch between nitrous ox ide and ether. Although chloroform was falling out of favor as the twentieth century was begin ning, some die-hard "chloroformists" were still looking for ways to make its adminis tration safer. Probably the last device cre ated solely for the administration of chlo roform was the Vernon-Harcourt chloro form inhaler. First described in 1903 by A.G. Vernon-Harcourt, this apparatus was constructed with many advanced features, such as temperature compensation and an air bypass, and would limit inspired chlo roform concentration to less than two per cent. This inhaler was an excellent example of the evolving complexity of anesthesia apparatus, and like the other complex in halers of this era, was designed to give the operator more control over the administra tion of anesthesia. Anesthesia Devices from 1912-Present: The Gas Machines After the turn of the century, anesthe sia equipment evolution advanced quickly, as the knowledge base of anesthesiology, surgery, physiology and engineering ex panded under the influence of industrial ization and two world wars. The next phase in the evolution of the anesthesia machine was inspired by experiments on respiratory physiology. FJ. Cotton, a Boston surgeon, and an anesthetist, W.M . Boothby, also from Boston, developed a gas-oxygen ap paratus in 1912, based on similar instru ments used in animal studies of gas ex change. Their device allowed oxygen and/ or nitrous oxide to pass through an ether vaporizer, acting as a carrier for the agent, then flow through a small rubber reservoir bag and proceed to the patient. Although not immediately apparent, the differences be tween this instrument and some of the com plex inhalers previously described, define this last stage in the evolution of anesthesia equipment-this was a true "gas machine". What made this device different was that the flow of a carrier gas, not the respi ratory flow of the patient, created the an esthetic mixture to be delivered. The ether vaporizer was no more sophisticated than Morton's first inhaler, the valves and tub ing for the gases were nothing new or revo lutionary, and the use of a reservoir bag was definitely an old idea, but the way the ma chine operated made this device a model for a new generation of anesthetic appara tus. In fact, it was this very device that in spired Gwathmey to design his nitrous ox ide and oxygen apparatus, which in turn inspired Boyle to create his own instru ment. In November of1917, the basic struc ture of the modern anesthesia machine had been assembled, and was commonly known as "Boyle's machine". B oy l e ' s m a chine was e s s e n t i a lly a Gwathmey apparatus fitted for B ritish standard oxygen and nitrous oxide cylin ders. The earliest versions had water-sight or bubblethrough flowmeters and simple drawover vaporizers for ether and/or chlo roform. The fresh gas flow from the cylin ders would pass through the vaporizers on the way to a reservoir bag, and then exit to the breathing circuit. The flow of gas and the relative concentration of volatile agent could be controlled with various valves and levers, giving a great deal of control over a nesthetic delivery. Although modified countless times, usually to accommodate more advanced components, Boyle's amaz ing machine still lives in the heart of most anesthesia machines made today. 13 Between 1917 and the present day, what has changed the most in anesthesia equip ment is the complexity and safety features of the various components that make up a "gas machine". The flowmeters are still there, between the gas source and the va porizers, however they are now more so p h i s t i c a ted and a c c u r a t e than a ny water-sight or dry bobbin relative of the past. Vaporizers still accept fresh gas flow to c arry vola tile agent molecules to a patient's lungs, but they too have under gone so many changes. What used to be nothing more than a glass bottle is now an extremely accurate, temperature compen sating instrument with a proud ancestry of Oxfords and copper kettles. The reservoir bag is still there, now an integral part of a breathing circuit that includes mechanical ventilators and carbon dioxide absorption. Probably the only thing that Boyle or Gwathmey might find strange is the stunning array of computerized monitoring that is now packaged with every new anesthesia machine. Each day that anesthetists step into the operating room to deliver a general anes thetic, they are aided by one of the most sophisticated medical machines ever de vised. This silent partner speaks volumes of history, and is a physical link to the glo rious past of this great medical specialty. Every component of this device represents the vision of someone who worked to make anesthesia safe and practical-every part of this machine tells a story that goes back in time one and one-half centuries. William Morton probably did not understand how important those extra 15 minutes were, but as you look over your shoulder at the great gas machine that helps you keep your pa tient alive and free from suffering, maybe you will understand. . . The Bulletin ofAnesthesia HistOlY is pub lished four times a year as a joint effort of the Anesthesia History Association and the Wood-Library Museum of Anesthesi ology. C.R. Stephen, M.D., Editor Doris K. Cope, M.D., Associate Editor Donald Caton, M.D., Associate Editol' Debra Lipscomb, Editorial Staff Editorial, Reprint, and Circulation mat ters should be addressed to the Editor, 1 5 8 0 1 Harris Ridge Court, Chesterfield, MO 630 1 7 U.S.A. Manuscripts may be submitted un disk using Word for Windows or other text pro gram. Please save files in RICH TEXT FORMAT (.rtf) and submit a printout in addition to the disk. All illustrations/pho tos must be submitted as hard copy, not electronically. 14 B U LLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY Fifth Annual Spring Meeting, 1 997 Anesthesia History Association Held in Colonial Williamsburg, VA, under the joint Chair manship of Dr. Douglas Bacon and A.I. Wright, MLS, the Fifth Annual Spring Meeting of the AHA was judged by the attend ees as a distinct success. There follow a number of photographs which depict scenes from the Reception held at that time. The photographs are courtesy of Rebecca and Jason Wright. BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY Lundy. . 15 . Continued /rom Page 2 lokalen Anaesthesia fur Arzte und Studierende Published: Berlin: Urban & Schwarzenberg, 1903 Language in German Author: Flagg, John Foster Brewster, 18041 872 Title: Ether and chloroform; their employ ment in surgery, dentistry, midwifelY, therapeu tics, etc. Published: Philadelphia: Lindsay and Blankiston, 1851 Author: Flagg, Paluel Joseph Title: The art of anaesthesia Published: Philadelphia: J.E. Lippincott Co., 1928 Edition: 4th ed. Author: Goldman, Victor Title: Aids to anaesthesia Published: London: Bailliere, Tindall & Cox, 1941 Notes: Card within the book (separated from the book) is signed by the author Author: Guedel, Arthur E. Title: Inhalation anesthesia: a fundamental guide Published: New York: Macmillan, 1937 Notes: The book is signed by the author to JS Lundy, 1937 Author: Gwathmey, James Tayloe Title: Anesthesia Published: New York: Macmillan, 1924 Edition: 2nd ed. Notes: Book signed by the author to JS Lundy 6-26-24 Author: Hadfield, Charles F. Title: Practical anaesthetics for the student and general practitioner Published: New York: William Wood, 1931 Edition: 2nd ed. Author: Hellman, Alfred M. Title: Amnesia and analgesia in parturition (twilight sleep) Published: New York: P.B. Hoeber, 1915 Author: Hertzler, Arthur Emanuel, 1 8701946 Title: Surgical operations with local anesthe sia Published: New York: Surgery Publishing, 1912 Author: Hertzlel; Arthur Emanuel, 1 8701 946 Title: The technic oflocal anesthesia Continued on Page 23 16 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY Humphtz1Y Davy's Small Circle of Bristol Friends : Part 3 by A.J, Wright* (Middle EastJ Anesth 13(3):233-2 78, 1 995) In 1799 the Edgeworth family returned to Bristol. Maria Edgeworth, author of such nov els as Castle Rackrellt alld Belinda, visited her sister Anna and brother-in-law Beddoes and left the following impression of the experiments: A young man, a Mr. Davy, at Dl: Bed does', who has applied himself much to chemistry, has made some discoveries of importance, and enthusiastically expects wonders will be performed by the use of certain gases, which inebriate in the most delightful mannel; having the oblivious effects ofLethe, and at the same time giv ing the rapturous sensations of the Nec tar of the Gods! Pleasure even to mad ness is the consequence of this draught. But faith, great faith, is I believe neces saryto produce any effect upon the drink ers, and I have seen some of the adven turous philosophers who sought in vain for satisfaction in the bag ofGaseoliS Oxyd, and found nothing but a sick stomach and a giddy head.145 Despite Maria Edgeworth's views on the ni trous oxide experiments, she remained friends with Davy until the end of his life. In 1 808 she told one of her correspondents about a strange fish her father had acquired: "I wish Henry would talk to Davy about it."146 Davy's passion for angling was well known. In 1 826 she wrote a long letter about Davy, "who has been with us since Thursday, and his visit has been delight ful; he has always been kind and constant in his friendship to us." The letter includes a descrip tion ofMaria's request to him that she be given manuscript copies of his annual speeches as President of the Royal Society. "Sir HumphlY was so velY kind to have a copy made for me of all his Discourses. I have found them fully equal to my expectations. . . "146 Many years later Southey reminisced about Maria Edgeworth in an 1 838 letter: ". . . I very well remember see ing her more than once at Clifton in 1 800, at which time her father said to me, 'Take my word for it, sil; your genius is for comedy.' "147 Coleridge left Bristol in the fall of 1798 on a trip to Germany with Wordsworth, his sister Dorothy and another companion, thus missing a meeting of Davy then. Coleridge, after sepa rating from the Wordsworths, did not return to England until July, 1 799. About that time Bristol publisher and printer Joseph Cattle, according to his own claim, introduced Coleridge and *MLS, Department of Anesthesiology Library, School of Medicine, University of Alabama at Bir mingham, 6 1 9 South 1 9th Street, Birmingham, Alabama 35233-6810, U.S.A. Davy.148 Cottle and his partner, N. Biggs, in ad dition to printing some of Beddoes' titles and the first edition ofColeridge and Wordsworth's Lyrical Ballads in 1798, had issued other works by the nitrous oxide group. These publications included a small 1 797 collection of poems by Coleridge, Lamb and Lloyd; Southey's joint poetry collection with Richard Lovell (1794) and hisJoan ofArc (1795); and twoAnnllalAnthology poetlY collections edited by Southey that in cluded a total of six poems by Davy. Davy had been writing poetlY and planning various romantic and epic tales from an early age and continued to do so after moving to Bristol,149-15o Lefebure describes Davy's poetic output as "prolific;"15! in her examination of Davy's literary work, Weisenthal identified 90 extant poems and guessed that even more re mained in Davy's manuscripts.152 Lefebure fur ther notes that "The notebooks, throughout his life, contain accounts of his visions and vision alY experiences and though a few of these carry a strong whiff ofdrug inspira tion, most of them indicate that Davy was one of those rare beings, like Blake: visionary by nature."153 That vision atY inclination never deserted him; Davy's fi nal work was Consolations ill n'GVel,. or the Last Days of a Philosopher, a series of philosophical dialogues among three men, one of them repre senting Davy,154-155 Davy himself felt the work contained "several truths which cannot be re covered if they are lost, and which I am con vinced will be extremely useful botlt to tlte moral and intellectual world."156 Sharrock and Weisenthal have noted the influence D avy apparently had over Wordsworth's revisions to the preface ofthe tltird edition of LYlical Ballads. 157-1 SS Weisenthal also describes a kind of eventual closure in Coleridge's and Davy's relationship-the simi larities between one part of Davy's final work, Consolations ill nycvel, and Coleridge's posthu mously published essay, Hints Towards the Formation of a More Comprehensive TheOlY of Life.159 Beddoes hoped for great benefits from the nitrous oxide experiments. " . . . [\X1e] should now have at our disposal an infinite series of powers," he wrote. "Man may sometime come to rule over the causes of pain and pleasure with. . . absolute dominion." But in his mem oir ofColeridge and Southey written years latel; Bristol publisher and printer Joseph Cottle has left a different description of the Pneumatic Institution events. He says he warned Davy "against his imminent perils" from the "haz ardous" experiments. Davy often breathed ni trous oxide and other gases to the point of hy- poxia. "He occasionally so excited my fears, that I half despaired of seeing him alive the next morning." Apparently for these reasons, Cottle declinedwhen Beddoes "presented me hisgreen bag. . . The Pneumatic Institution, at this time, from the laughable and diversified effects pro . duced by this new gas on different individuals, quite exorcised philosophical gravity, and convested the laboratOlY into the region of hi larity and relaxation."161 Cottle is not consid ered a reliable witness by literaty scholars, but his attitude expressed here was shared by oth ers. The Pneumatic Institution and several spe cific individuals, including Beddoes, were sati rized in a contemporalY poem, "The Pneumatic Revellers-An Ecologue." Southey's fictional speech closeswith "Ingulph the dephlogisticated floods oflife, and riot in immortal gas!"162 Also present at the Pneumatic Institution trials was Peter Mark Roget. After receiving his medical degree from the University of Edinburgh in June 1 798, nineteen-year-old Roget undertook a tour to introduce himself to various individuals who might aid his career Erasmus Darwin,James Keir and Thomas Bed does. According to his biographer, Roget re mained in Bristol until the end of the summer of 1799, working as a chemist and physiologist in Beddoes' Institution. Shortly after leaving Clifton, Roget responded with a lengthy letter to Jeremy Bentham, who through family con nections had inquired of Roget about the ni trous oxide experiments. In his Januaty 9, 1 800, letter, Roget not only described "his own expe riences in inhaling nitrous oxide but describing other experiments he had made, showing the effect (lethal) of the gas on mice and other small animals. Roget also gave Bentham explicit di rections on how to prepare the stuff, and some practical advice in the handling ofthe gas. . ."163 In 1 802 Roget made a trip to France, managing to escape the fate of Lovell Edgeworth and sev eral other Englishmen who were arrested and spent eleven years in a French prison at Verdun.lM Roget went on to a distinguished ca reer as a physician and prolific author. In 1 852, at the close of his life, he published his famous thesaurus. His publications include one on a principle later used in motion pictures and a respectful entty on Beddoes for the Encyclope dia Bl'itannica.165-166 Trials of the gas were being attempted out side Clifton as well. In an exchange ofletters in early Novembel; 1 799, James Watt and Joseph Black discussed the ongoing nitrous oxide ex periments. Black informed Watt that he had received Beddoes' pamphlet about the experi ments, which noted Watt's participation. "I beg BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY to be informed particularly how you prepared it and in what dose you took it etc. etc." Black wrote, "I am impatient to tly it on a Friend of mine who is in a deplorable state of Hypochondriacism. . ."167 In a letter three days later, Watt responds, "I wrote to you a few days ago mentioning some, general facts about the gaseous oxide and today received your kind let ter which I immediately answer-I never pre pared any of that gas, but took a trial of it at the Pneumatic Institution at Clifton." Watt then gives details on preparation of the gas, the method ofbreathingwith his apparatus and his own trial of the gas at Clifton.168 Finally, on November 22, Watt informs Black that prepa ration and a trial of the gas has been conducted in Birmingham. "Yesterday I was present at the preparation and trial of some of this new air, at Dr. Catwichael's. . ."Watt describes the breath ing of the gas by two unnamed men; "more per sons were willing to try but the air holder was exhausted."169 Coleridge finally breathed the gas at Clifton after his return from Germany inJuly, 1799. His account of four inspirations appears in Davy's book. Coleridge notes after his first attempt that "the only motion which I felt inclined to make, was that of laughing at those who were looking at me." After the third time and "the mouth piece was removed, I remained for a few sec onds motionless, in great extacy [sic] ." The fi nal attempt produced "more unmingled plea sure than I had ever before experienced."170 As Hoover has pointed out, Coleridge is cu riously silent on these experiences except for this account.l7l He makes veiled references to them in his letters and notebooks, but never anything explicit. Coleridge sometimes joked using im agelY of the nitrous oxide trials. "God love you, my dear Friend!" Coleridge wrote Davy in early May, 1 801, "From Tobin's account I fear that I must give up evelY sweet vision-that ofseeing you this summer. The summer after my ghost perhaps may be a Gas-."172 He claimed about his infant son Hartley that "the air. . . is to my Babe a perpetual Nitrous Oxyde. Never was more joyous creature born. . . "173 Coleridge in formed Davy July 15, 1 800, that "I see your Re searches on the nitrous oxyde regularly adver tised-Be so kind as to order one to be left for me at Longman's. . ."174 Some other identified participants at the Clifton trials are less well-known than those al ready discussed, but nonetheless an impressive group. James Mackintosh "several times breathed nitrous oxide" and had "generally plea surable feelings."175 Mackintosh was a Scottish writer, politician, lawyer and early French revo lution supporter, who by 1799 had turned Tory. A recent biographer has labelled him the "Whig Cicero."176 Coleridge never forgave him. In the fall of 1 801, Mackintosh visited the poet. "Mack intosh, (who is a large tall man) spent two days with me at Keswick," he reported to Tom Poole, "and was velY entertaining and pleasant. He is evelY inch the being, I had conceived him to be a t C ote House [Wedgwood residence in Bristol] . . . When I asked him concerning Davy-he answeredOhf-little Davy-Dr. Bed does' Eleve, you mean?-This was an exquisite trait of character. "177 Yet in May, 1 800, Coleridge had referred in a letter to "the great Dung-fly Mackintosh. . ."178 and continued to express his dislike in later years.I79 Another participant was Beddoes' wife. Anna Beddoes suffered some kind ofpulmonaty com plaint and wished to tty the gas. "This gazeous oxide was not given her as a remedy, but on the contraty she was by her husband forbid [sic] to take it. She however chose to have a will of her own and tool< it at the institution unknown to him, and aftelwards continued it for the same reason other Ladies take brandy viz, the plea sure it gave her."Iso George Burnett was a poet, friend of Cole ridge and one ofthe original Pantisocracy group. Reverend Charles Coates and Henry Wansey were English antiquarians; Wansey had also published an account of his 1794 visit to the United States.I81-182 Stephen Love Hammick and Robert Kinglake were physicians who later wrote major texts.l83-I S4 William Russell Notcutt was a local chemist. John Cave, Jc, has not been iden tified, but the Cave surname was prominent in Bristol from at least the 1770s and well into the nineteenth centmy.I85 Several women also par ticipated; Anna Beddoes has already been men tioned. Others included writer Anna Barbauld, James Watt's wife, a Miss Ryland and a Miss Morgan. Joseph Priestley's son, Watt's son Gre gOly and Coleridge's friends Thomas Poole and Tom Wedgwood also enjoyed the gas. Another self-experimenter at Clifton was James Webe Tobin, Jr., whose account is one of the longest in Davy's book and gives evidence of gas breathing as ardent if not quite as fre quent as Davy's own.I86 Tobin was the brother of playwright John Tobin, who seems to have had some influence on the early work of Wordsworth.ls7 John Tobin wrote at least four teen plays, mostly light comedies, including77ze HOlley iHoon. Davy wrote a poetic prologue for this play "in a few hours the day before the play opened" in 1 805, the year after the author's death.I8s Coleridge continued to see and corre spond with many of these people well into the nineteenth centmy. His collected letters include numerous items to and/or mentions of Wedgwood, Tobin, Bedford, Rickman, Poole, Mackintosh, Southey and of course Davy. What Davy and many of his fellow experi menters described as a result of nitrous oxide inhalation was a mental state unlike anything previously noted in Western literature, except perhaps by the Christian mystics. "I felt as if composed of finely vibrating strings," Beddoes proclaimed.I89 Tobin felt his "mind was elevated to a most sublime height."I90 On one occasion 17 Davy himself"lost all connection with external things; trains of vivid visible images rapidly passed through my mind and were connected with words. . . I existed in a world ofnewly con nected and newly modified ideas. I theorized; I imagined that I made discoveries. When I was awakened from this semi-delirious trance. . . I exclaimed to Dr. Kinglake, 'Nothing exists but thoughts!-the universe is composed' ofimpres sions, ideas, pleasures and pains!"191 By the end of May, 1 800, the nitrous oxide trials had ceased. Davy and Beddoes probably concluded nothing more could be gained; be sides, "Beddoes' hospital was rendered ridicu lous" by the notoriety.192 In March, 1801, Davy left Clifton for London and a post as chemistty lecturer at the infant Royal Institution. He briefly continued nitrous oxide demonstrations there during his increasingly popular lectures; Grosvenor Bedford and lawyer and journalist John Stoddart participated on June 20.193 Gillray's caricature, including a satanic portrait of Davy, dates from this period.60 The news of the nitrous oxide experiments soon reached America. What may be the first published account of the Pneumatic Institution work to appear in the United States was a letter Priestleywrote from Northumberland, Pennsyl vania, to Samuel Latham Mitchill, editor of the Medical RepositOlY, on JanualY 30, 1800. "Dear ' Sil;" Priestley said, "I send you an extract from a letter just received from my son in England. . . 'Mr. Watt desired me to tell my fathel; that he has completely got the better of his asthma, by breathing dephlogisticated air, and he is in much better health in evelY respect. They are admin istering dephlogisticated nitIVus ail' to two para lytic patients, one of whom is nearly cured. It excites the nervous system in a wonderful man ner. Some that take it are thrown into fits of laughtel; others into most antic gestures, affect ing them much in the same way as if they were intoxicated, and in some it produces a state of insensibility'."194 In Novembel; 1794, the trustees of the Uni versity of Pennsylvania voted to offer a chemis tty professorship to Priestley, who considered the post seriously but turned it down. James Woodhouse, a 1792 medical graduate of the university, was 'Offered and accepted the posi tion in July, 1795. In early 1802, Woodhouse left for England, where he stayed until late in the year. Immediately upon his return, "I prepared a large quantity of the nitrous oxide or dephlogisticated air. . . the air was examined and found to be extremely impure ."195 Woodhouse gave up that day, but one of his chemistty students preselved an account of the extensive nitrous oxide trials that took place throughout 1807. In a dissertation written for his medical degree, William Barton discusses and replicates Davy's research and agrees with Contilllled all Next Page IS BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Davy. . . COlllilllled }i'om Page 1 7 his conclusions.196 Barton noted that nitrous oxide trials had also been conducted by Ben jamin Silliman at Yale, J. Griscom in New York and even by .M.P. Dispan and the Society of Amateurs at Toulouse, France.!97 "This inde scribable extacy,must be whatangels feel," Barton concluded.198 Intermittent experimentation would continue in the United States and Eu rope until Horace Wells' failed Boston demon stration of 1 844.199 Davy's great work on nitrous oxide appeared in the summer of 1 800 under the imprint of London publisherJohnson, one ofthe 425 medi cal or scientific works he brought to press dur ing his lengthy career. Probably 750 copies were printed. "One technique Johnson used with some frequency was to undertake to publish a work-that is, to underwrite its expenses but have it printed in the provincial city of its au thOl; presumably saving considerable expense and making the work more promptly available in the area where it would be of greatest inter est."12 Thus, Biggs and Cottle were engaged to actually print the book in Bristol. Davy was in good company. "Virtually evelY giant ofthe sec ond half of the eighteenth century in medicine, science, religion, philosophy, political thought, education, and poetly published at least one work with Johnson."12 Although Johnson him self died in 1 809, his firm issued Davy's Ele ments ofChemistry three years later (Table 4). In addition to working on Researches, Davy had another task during the summer of 1 800. William Wordsworth wrote to Davy, whom he Table 4. had not met, on July 28, 1 800, asking the young man to proofread the manuscript for the sec ond edition oflJwicalBallads. "Youwould greatly oblige me by looking over the enclosed poems, and correcting anything you find amiss in the punctuation, a business at which I am ashamed to say I am not adept. . . In future I mean to send the MS. to Biggs and Cottle, with a request that along with the proof-sheets they may be sent to you." Wordsworth followed this appeal with detailed instructions about getting the cor rected poems "into Mr. Bigg's hands as soon as you have looked them over." Wordsworth also asked Davy to "Remember me most affection ately to Tobin," meaning James Tobin, with whom Wordsworth and Coleridge both corre sponded.2OO Coleridge had already asked Davy to take up this task. On the same day her brother's letter was written, Dorothy Wordsworth recorded in her journal, "Received a letter from Coleridge enclosing one from Mr. Davy about the Lyrical Ballads. Intensely hot. I made pies in the morning. We went into the wood and altered his poems."202 What then are we to make of these people, their relationships and their experiments? Stan dard histories of anesthesia cite these events as the beginning of man's search for surgical pain relief.199,203.205 Certainly they came tantalizingly close to that goal; Priestley, Beddoes and others had hopes that something useful would emerge from the inhalation of gases. Davy, in the clos ing pages of Researches, makes an explicit con nection between nitrous oxide, pain relief and surgely.206 Yet such reliefwas never their goal,207 The research effort at Beddoes' Pneumatic In- stitution also confirmed the earlier work of Priestley on gas inhalation by humans, and the elaborate apparatus designed for Beddoes and Davy would not be equalled until anesthesia machines appeared almost a century later. Bed does also foresaw the usefulness of both oxygen and nitrous oxide: "Between the two, we should now have at our disposal an infinite series of powers. . . "208 In an August, 1 799, letter to John May, Southey left a telling evaluation of Beddoes' work: Of Beddoes you seem to entertain an er roneous opinion. Beddoes is an experi mentalist in cases where the ordinary remedies are notoriously and fatally in efficacious. If you will read his late book on consumption, you will see his opin ion upon this subject; and the book is calculated to interest unscientific read ers and to be of use to them. The faculty dislike Beddoes, because he is more able, and more successful, and more celebrated than themselves, and because he labors to reconcile the art of healing with com mon sense, instead of all the parade of mystery with which it is usually envel oped. Beddoes is a candid man, trusting more to facts than reason. I understand him when he talks to me, and, in case of illness, should rather trust myself to his experiments than be killed off secundem artem, and in the ordinary course of prac tice. . .209 Southey's confidence in Beddoes echoes Sample of Books Published by the Firm of Joseph Johnson Aikin, John A. A Manual of Materia Medica Aikin, John A. Poems Aikin, John. View of the Character and Public Services of the Late John Howard B arbauld, Anna Letitia. Poems Barbauld, Anna Letitia. An Adress to the Opposers of the Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. 2nd ed. Beddoes, Observations on the Nature of Demonstrative Evidence Beddoes, Letter to the Right Hon. William Pitt Beddoes, Collection of Testimonies Respecting the Treatment of the Venereal Disease' B eddoes, Considerations on the Medicinal Use, and on the Production of Factitious Airs Brown, Elements of Medicine (Translated by Beddoes) D arwin, A plan for the conduct of Female Education in Boarding Schools D arwin, The Botanic Garden-Part 1. Economy of Vegetation Darwin, The Botanic Garden-Part 2. Loves of Plants Darwin, Phytologia; 01', the Philosophy of Agriculture and Gardening Darwin, The Temple of Nature, 01' The Origin of Society Darwin, Zoonomia; or, the Laws of Organic Live Davy, Elements of Chemical Philosophy Davy, Researches Edgeworth, Maria. Castle Rackrent; an Hibernian Tale Edgeworth, Richard Lovell and Maria. Practical Education Priestley, History and Present State of Electricity Priestley, Familiar Introduction to the Study of Electricity Priestley, Familial' Introduction to the Theory and Practice of Perspective Priestley, Directions for impregnating Water with Fixed Air Priestley, History and Present State of Discoveries Relating to Vision, Light and Colours Priestley, Experiments and Observations on Different Kinds of Air, Vols. 1-3 Priestley, Free Discussion of the Doctrines of Materialism and Philosophical Necessity Priestley, Experiments and Observations Relating to Various Branches of Natural Philosophy Priestley, Experiments on the Generation of Air from Water Seward, Memoirs of the Life of D r. Darwin 1785 1791 1 792 1 773 1 790 1 793 1 796 1 799, 1 800 1 795 1 795 1 797 1791 1 7 89 1 800 1 803 1 794-96 1812 1 800 1 80 1 1 798 1767, 1 769, 1 775, 1 794 1 768, 1 769 1 770, 1 780 1 772 1 772 1 773, 1 775, 1 776, 1 777, 1 7 8 1 , 1 784, 1 790 1778 1 78 1 , 1 786 1 793 1 8 04 BUllETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY from an essay appended to Davy's Researches. Written by Beddoes and titled "Proposal for the Preservation of Accidental Observations in Medicine," it forms the final pages of the book. With the nitrous oxide trials sputtering to a halt in a cloud ofridicule and inconclusiveness, Bed does makes a plea for recording clinical phe nomenon-accidents-in the hope that one day some will prove important. He wrote that such observations would " . . . if they could be brought togethel; compose a body of fact, so in structive to the philosophel; and useful to the physician, that he despairs of finding a term worthy to characterize it."zJOThus, the common sense Beddoes tried to justify what had become a public embarrassment to all involved. Yet there is another context here. Davy's labo ratory; animal and clinical works on nitrous ox ide, as accurate as they were and as important as they appear in retrospect, was imbedded in a wider matrix. Papper argues that the attention to individual pain and suffering, as exemplified by Beddoes in medicine and by Coleridge and Shelley among the Romantic poets, "made pos sible a radical improvement in the lot of ordi naty people and placed, for the first time, a val ued premium on the avoidance of pain, which in turn made anesthesia and surgical therapy a reality for human betterment."211 Coleridge was certainly a student of pain, especially his own. In a letter to Davy in early Decembel; 1800, referring to surgeon Anthony Carlisle, Coleridge asked, "Did Carlisle ever communicate to you, or has he in anyway pub lished, his facts concerningPain, which he men tioned when we were with him? It is a subject which exceeding(y interests me-I want to read something by somebody expressly on Pain, if only to give anarrangemellt to my own thoughts, though if it were well treated, I have little doubt itwould revolutionize them."zlZBy mid-centmy the revolution of surgical anesthesia would oc cur. Beddoes' vision went far beyond pneumatic medicine, which he saw as a tool of the moment to attack one of rapidly-industrializing England's worst health problems--consump tion. Beddoes' critique also went beyond the political system; he was truly a "doctor of soci ety" (as Porter labels him). Beddoes, wrote Por tel; "believed that, as then constituted, medi cine was a disgrace, reduced to quackelY, as the political establishment had been reduced to cor ruption. Doctors had prostituted their art for gain. Clearly, medicine must cease to be a racket. Above all, it had to cease to be a trade. It had to escape from the market, for medicine had a higher mission."213Beddoes' attack on the ills of his time seems surprisingly modern. His vision of change embraced politics, education, public health and medical practice-he targeted ad dictions, quackelY and oppression everywhere. His nearly decade-long project to organize a pneumatic clinic and laboratOlY for testing Priestley's gases attracted in some fashion many of the finest intellects ofhis age-the names are staggering: Watt, D arwin, Black, Kier, Wedgwood, Coleridge, D avy, Edgeworth, Southey, Roget, Mackintosh, Rickman. Beddoes also attracted subscribers to the Pneumatic In stitution from a large number of individuals. A list published in 1796 included 1 89 individuals and institutions; among them were 44 physi cians, 19 surgeons, 14 clergymen and at least 5 members of royalty and ParliamentF14 "Beddoes's project was rooted in an Enlighten ment model of public science, a model that was articulated by Priestley in conjunction with his dissemination of his own chemical discoveries. Beddoes. . . also developed his program in con junction with overt calls for social reform and for reform of the medical profession. He at tempted to place himself at the head of a net work of progressive medical practitioners who were continuing the project ofpneumatic medi cine initiated by Priestley."z15 Beddoes distrib uted Watt's apparatus to physicians and patients in hopes that it "would soon come to be ranked among the ordinalY articles of household furni ture," thus allowing patients "to take control of their own medical treatment."216 Watt and Boulton sold the devices as well. Beddoes' "style of writing, his cultivation of connections with progressive medical practitioners and among provincial elites, and his diffusion ofinstruments to render experiments widely replicable all re capitulated Priestley's methods of advancing science in his society."21 7And Beddoes' work ran aground in the political currents ofhis day, just like Priestley's. His recent biographer, Gill, has described Wordsworth's preparations to attend a Queen's Ball on April 25, 1 845: "Wordsworth hastened to Samuel Rogers for a lesson in etiquette. Apparelle in Rogers's court dress and S ir Table 5. HumphlY Davy's sword, Wordsworth presented himself to his sovereign so becomingly that the wife of the American Minister to London had to dab her eyes."ZlS Here, surely, is a striking image: the elderly poet, fresh from his lesson, wearing borrowed clothes, bearing the sword of his long-dead friend, and kneeling before his queen. The metaphorical sword wielded by Bed does, Davy and their associates in the nitrous oxide trials remains with us today in operating rooms around the world, and in the way that science and the public have interacted over the past two centuries. The publications of Priest ley, Beddoes, Davy and Watt and their willing ness to share knowledge, techniques and equip ment with numerous other individuals all con tributed to what Golinski calls "science as pub lic culture" in the late eighteenth and early nine teenth centuries. Davy's circle ofBristol friends turned out to be velY wide indeed. References 1. Davy H: Extract of a letter to Mr. Nicholson. 1 799. 2. IVlitchill SL: Remarks on the Gasious Oxyd of Azote or of Nitrogene, etc. New York: T & J Swords, 1795. 3. lvlitchill SL: The doctrine of Septon. Medical Re posit01Y 1:183-1 86, 1797. 4. Davy H: Researches, Chemical and Philosophi cal: Chiefly Concerning Nitrous Oxide, or Dephlogisticated Nitrous Air, and Its Respiration. Lon don: J. Johnson, 1800. 5. Cartwright FF: HumplllY Davy's researches on nitrous oxide. BI J Anaesth 44:291-296, 1972. 6. Crusland M: A practical perspective on Joseph Priestley as a pneumatic chemist.Bl}Hist Sci 16:223-238, 1983. 7. Schofield RE: A Scientific Autobiography 000seph Priestley (1733-1804). Cambridge. MIT Press, 1966, p. 375. 8. Chaldecott JA: Wedgwood's ceramic wares for chemical use, production and supply from 1 779-1794. Ambi\' 28(3):184-205, November 198 1 . 9 . Schofield RE : The Lunar Society o f Birming ham: A Social Histmy of Provincial Science and Indus t1y in 18th-centmy England. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963. Nicholson'sJ Natl Phil Chem Arts 3:93, ' Continued on Next Page Pneumatic Medicine Connections Black 19 r prie tley f-------:---7)Lavoisier LI--------------------�) t �(------� Bedroes t D 'Y r t Woodfouse t Ba on y t Various N O entertainers z I t Wells 20 Davy. BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY • COlltillued from Page 1 9 10. Ritchie-Calder P: The Lunar Society ofBirming ham. ScielllAmer 246(6):108-117, 1982. I I . Priestley J: Experiments and Observations on Different Kinds of Air. 6 vols. London: J. Johnson, 1774-1786. 12. Chard LF: Bookseller to Publisher: Joseph Johnson and the English Book Trade, 1760 to 1810. 77ze Library 5th series 32:138-154, 1977. 13. Chard LF: Joseph Johnson, Father of the Book Trade. Bull NY Publ Libr 78:51-82, 1975. 14. Tyson G: Joseph Johnson, A Liberal Publisher. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1979. IS. Scheffer S: Measuring virtue, eudiometry, en lightenment and pneumatic medicine. In: Cunningham A, French R. eds. The Medical Enlightenment of the Eighteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 288. 16. Golinski JF: Utility and audience i n eighteenth-century chemistry: case studies o f William Cullen and Joseph Priestley. Br] Hist Sci 21:1-31, 1988. 17. Gascoigne R: The historical demography of the scientific community, 1450-1900. Soc Studies Science 22:545-573, 1992. 18. Scheffer, op. cit., p. 282. 19. Ibid, p. 291. 20. Priestley, op. cit., Vol. 1:228. 21. Cavallo T: A Treatise on the Nature and Proper ties of Air. London: n.p., 1781. 22. Cavallo T: An Essay on the Medicinal Proper ties of Factitious Airs. London: n.p., 1798. 23. Pearson R: A Short Account of the Nature and Properties of Different Kinds of Airs, So Far as Relates to their Medicineal Use: Intended as an introduction to the Pneumatic Method of Treating Diseases. . . Lon don: R. Baldwin, 1795. 24. Brown C: A treatise on Scrophulous Diseases, Showing the Good Effects of Factitious Airs: Illustrated with Cases and Observations. . . London: privately printed, 1798. 25. Wood L: Observations on a New and Easy Method ofCuring Disorders, by Factitious Air, Without the Use of Drugs. London, 1780. 26. Ewart J: The History of Two Cases of Ulcerated Cancer of the Mamma; One of Which has Been Cured, the Other Much Relieved, by a New Method of Apply ing Carbonic Acid Air. Bath: R. Crattwell, 1794. 27. Barzun J: Thomas Beddoes or medicine and social conscience. ]AmerMedAssoc 220:50-53, 1972. 28. Stansfield DA: Thomas Beddoes M.D. 1760-1808. Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1984. 29. Porter R: Doctor of Society: Thomas Beddoes and the Sick Trade in Late-enlightenment England. London: Routledge, 1992. 30. Stock JE: Memoirs of the Life of Thomas Bed does M.D. London: J. Murray, 1811. 31. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 239. 32. Porter R: Reforming the patient in the age of reform: Thomas Beddoes and medical practice. In: French R, Wear A, ed. British Medicine in An Age of Reform. London: Routledge, 1991, p. 41. 33. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 5. 34. Ibid., p. 76. 35. Ibid., pp. 78-79. 36. Beddoes T: A Word of Defence of the Bill of Rights against Gagging Bills. Bristol: N. Biggs, 1794. 37. Beddoes T: Where Sould Be the Harm of a Speedy Peace? Bristol: N. Biggs, 1795. 38. Beddoes T: An Essay on the Public Merits of Mr. Pitt. London: J. Johnson, 1796. 39. Beddoes T: A Letter to the Right Hon William Pitt, on the Means ofRelieving the Present Scarcity, and Preventing the Diseases that Arise from Meagre Food. London: J. Johnson, 1796. 40. Beddoes T: Alternatives Compared; or, What Shall the Rich Do to be Safe? London: J. Debrett, 1797. . 41. Levere TH: Dr. Thomas Beddoes at Oxford, radi cal politics 1788-93 and the fate of the Regius Chair in Chemistry. Amblx 28:61-69, 1981. 42. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 283. 43. Holt A: A Life ofJoseph Priestley. London: Ox- ford University Press, 1931, p. 28. 44. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 83. 45. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 88. 46. Sschofield RE: The industrial orientation of sci ence in the Lunar Society ofBirmingham.Isis48:408-415, December 1957. 47. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 39. 48. Rolt LTC: The Aeronauts: a History of Ballooning 1683-1903. New York: Walker, 1966, pp. 26-40. 49. Ibid., p. 185. 50. Ibid., pp. 79-81. 51. Sadler J. and Clayfield W: Balloon: The Only True and Authentic Account of the Voyage from Bristol, on Monday, September 24, 1810. Bristol: Mercury and Mirror, 1810. 52. Beaufoy HBH: Journal Kept by H.B.H.B. dur ing an Aerial Voyage with Mr. James Sadler, sen., from Hackney, Middlesex, to East Thorpe, Essex, Five Miles from Colchester, August 29, 1811. London: G. Woodfall, 1811. 53. Marion F: Wonderful Balloon Ascents: or, The Conquest of the Skies. New York: Scribne1; 1870, p. 187. 54. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 39-40. 55. Beddoes T: Observations on the Nature and Cure of Calculus, Sea Scurvy, Consumption, Catarrh, and Fever; Together with Conjectures Upon Several Other Subjects of Physiology and Pathology. London: J. Murray, 1793. 56. Beddoes T: A Letter to Dr. Darwin, on a New Method of Treating Pulmonary Consumption and Some other Diseases Hitherto Found Incurable. . . Bristol: Bulgin and Rosser, 1793. 57. Anon: The Golden Age, a Poetical Epistle from Erasmus D--N, M.D., to Thomas Beddoes, M.D. London: Ri\�ngton and Cooke, 1794. 58. Levere TH: Dr. Thomas Beddoes (1750-1808): Science and medicine in politics and society. Br] Hist Sci 17:187-204, 1984. 59. Kinsley J, Boulton JT, Eds: English Satiric Po etry, Dryden to Byron. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1970, p. 158. 60. Gillray J: The Works of]ames Gillray: 582 Plates and a Supplement Containing the 45 So-Called "Sup pressed plates." 1851. Rep. Bronx: Benjamin Blom, 1968, plate 520. 61. Burgess R: Humphry Davy or Friedrich Accum: a Question of Identification. Met Hist 16:290-293, July 1972. 62. Stansfield, op. cit., pp. 60-61, 79:148-149. 63. Stansfield, op. cit., pp. 104, 254-260. 64. Nott J: Of the Hotwell Waters, near Bristol. 3rd ed. Bristol: EmelY and Adams, 1803. 65. Keir J: Account of the Life and Writings ofTho mas Day, Esq. London: John Stockdale, 1791. 66. Day T: The History of Sandford and Merton. New York: C.S. Francis, 1800. 67. Stansfield, op. cit., pp. 62-65. 68. Ibid., p. 103. 69. Ibid., p. 122, 270-271. 70. Smith EF: Priestley in AmeriCa 1794-1804. Phila delphia: P. Blakiston, 1920. 71. McClelland CW: The Chemical Experiments and Theories ofJoseph Priestley, 1794-1804. Ph. D. dis sertation, Stanford University, 1962. 72. Lefebure M: Humphry Davy: philosophic alche mist. In: Gravil R, Lefebure M, eds. The Coleridge Con nection. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990, p. 87. 73. Ibid., pp. 88-89. 74. Wylie I: Coleridge and the Lunaticks. In: The Coleridge Connection. New York, St. Martin's Press, 1990, p. 28. 75. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 129. 76. Ibid., pp. 120-144. 77. Griggs EL, Ed. Collected Letters of Samuel Tay lor Coleridge. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956, 2:896. 78. Porter, Doctor of Society, op. cit., pp. 16-17. 79. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 153. 80. Rolt, op. cit., p. 80. 81. Stansfield DA, Stansfield RG: Dr. Thomas Bed does and James Watt: Prepatory Work 1794-96 for the Bristol Pneumatic Institute. Med Hist 30:276-302, 1986. 82. Cartwright FF: The association ofThomas Bed- does, M.D. with James Watt, F.R.S. Notes Records Royal Soc Lolldon 222:131-143, 1967. 83. Beddoes T, Watt J: Considerations on the Me dicinal use of Factitious Airs and on the Manner ofOb taining Them in Large Quantities. London: Joseph Johnson, 1794. 84. WattJ: Supplement to the Description of a Pneu matic Apparatus, for Preparing Factitious Airs; Contain ing a Description of a Simplified Apparatus, and of a Portable Apparatus. Birmingham: T. Pearson, 1796. 85. Robinson E, McKie D, Eds: Partners in Science: Letters ofJames Watt and Joseph Black London: Con stable, 1970, pp. 224, 228. 86. BeddoesT: Suggestions Towards Setting on Foot the Projected Establishment for Pneumatic Medicine. Bristol: Biggs and Cottle, 1797. 87. Stansfield, op. cit., p. 158. 88. \'\Iylie: op. cit., p. 35. 89. Ibid. 90. Ibid., p. 36. 91. Fullmer JZ: Davy's biographers: notes on sci entific biography. Science ISS: 285-291, 1967. 92. Hartley H: Humphry Davy. London: Thomas Nelson, 1966. 93. Lrgr utr, op. cit. 94. Knight D, Humphry Davy: Science and Power. Oxford: Blackwell, 1992. 95. Neve M: The Young Humphry Davy: or John Tonkin's Lament. In: Forgans, ed. Science and the Sons of Genius: Studies on Humphry Davy. London: Science Reviews, 1980, pp. 1-32. 96. Thorpe TE: Humphry Davy: Poet and Philoso pher. London: Cassell, 1896, pp. 24-25. 97. Ibid., pp. 26-27. 98. Beddoes T: Contributions to Medical and Physi cal knowledge from the West of England. Bristol: Biggs & Cottle, 1799. 99. Emblen DL: Peter Mark Roget: The Word and the Man. New York: Crowell, 1970, p. 39. 100. Mitchill SL: Remarks on the gaseous oxyd of azote or of nitrogen. In: Beddoes T, Watt J, eds. Consid erations on the Medicinal use of Factitious Airs. Part 5. Bristol: Bulgin and Russer, 1796, pp. 41-69. 101. DAVY H: op. cit., pp. 451-576, 485. 102. Ibid., pp. 573-576. 103. Smith WDA: William Clayfield's mercurial airholder. History of Anaesthesia Society, Great Britain. Proceedings 4:33-36, 1988. 104. Thorpe: op. cit., p. 41. lOS. Southey CC, Ed: Life and correspondence of Robert Southey. New York: Harper, 1851, p. 120. 106. Ibid., p. 112. 107. Ibid., p. 113. 108. Ibid., p. m. 109. Davy H: op. cit., pp. 528-529. 110. Ibid., p. 120. 111. Ibid., p. 118. 112. Williams 0: Life and Letters ofJohn Rickman. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1912. 113. Wrigley AK: Checking Rickman. Local Popu lation Studies (Great Britain) 17:9-15, 1976. 114. Edwards WJ: National marriage data: a re-aggregation of]ohn Rickman's marriage returns.Local Populatioll Studies (Great Britain) 17: 25-41, 1977. l iS. Davy H: op. cit., p. 526. 116. Marrs EJ, Ed: Letters of Charles and Mary Lamb. 3 vols. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975-1978, 1:244. 117. Southey, op. cit., p. 243. 118. Ibid., p. 489. 119. Ibid., p. 147. 120. Litchfield RB: Tom Wedgwood: The First Pho tographer. 1903. Rep. New York: Arno Press, 1973. 121. Wedgewood T: Experiments and observations on the production of light from different bodies by heat and attrition. Phil TimlS Royal Soc 1792, pp. 28-47. 122. Gernsheim H: The Origins of Photography. London: Thames and Hudson, 1982, p. 24. 123. Priestley J: History and Present State of Dis coveries Relating to Vision, Light, and Colours. Lon don, 1772. 124. Gernsheim, op. cit., p. 25. 125. Ibid. BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA H ISTORY Ibid., p. 27. Davy H: An account of a method of copying paintings upon glass, and of making profiles, by the agency of light upon nitrate of silver. Invented by T. Wedgwood, Esq.] Royal IlIst 1 : 170-174, 1 802. 128. Lefebure M: Samuel Taylor Coleridge: A Bondage of Opium. New York: Stein and Day, 1974, p. 61. 129. Davy H, Researches. . ., op. cit., p. 478. 130. Lefebure, Humphry Davy. . ., op. cit., p. 95. 13 1 . Griggs, op. cit., 2:933-934. 132. Porter, Doctor of Society, op. cit., p. 1l0. 133. Porter, Patient's Progress, op. cit., p. 150. 134. Courteney WF: Young Charles Lamb 1775-1802. New York: New York University Press, 1982, p. 1 3 0 . 135. Griggs, op. cit., 1:257. 126. 127. 136. Ibid., 2:670-71. 137. Ibid., 2:725. 138. Coleridge ST: Notebooks. New York: Pantheon Books, 1957, 1:1098. 139. Davy J, Ed: Collected Works of Sir Humphry Davy. London: Smith, Elder, 1 839-40, 9 vols., 1 : 1 52-153. 140. Griggs, op. cit., 2:397. 141. Ibid., 2:1028. 142. Fruman N: Coleridge, the Damaged Archan gel. New York: George Braziller, 1971, pp. 422-444. 143. Guest-Gornall R: Samuel Taylor Coleridge and the doctors. Med Hist 17:327-342, 1973. 144. Ibid. 145. Hare AJC, Ed: Letters of Maria Edgeworth. London: E. Arnold, 1894, 1:65-66. 146. Barry FV: Maria Edgeworth: Chosen Letters. Boston: Houghton Ivlifflin, 1931, pp. 152, 360-364. 147. Southey: op. cit., p. 555. 148. Cottle J: Reminiscences of Samuel Taylor Cole ridge and Robert Southey. New York: Wiley and Putnam, 1847, p. 243. 149. Pritchard A, Ed: The Poetry ofHumphlY Davy. Penzance: Penwith D.C., 1978. 150. Treneer A: The Mercurial Chemist: A Life of Sir HumphlY Davy. London: Methuen, 1963. 151. Lefebure: op. cit., p. 95. 152. Weisenthal FE: The Literary Production of Sir HumphlY DaV)� Ph.D. Dissertation, Wayne State Uni versity, 1975, pp. 157-158, 178-179, 252. 153. Lefebure, op. cit., p. 95. 1 54. Weisenthal, op. cit., pp. 1 15-138. 155. Knight DM: Scientist as sage. Stud Romanti cism 6(2):65-88, 1967. 156. Davy J: op. cit., 1:441. 157. Sharrock R: The chemist and the poet: Sir Humphry Davy and the preface to Lyrical Ballads.Notes ofthe Royal Society ofLolldoI1 17:57-76, 1962. 158. Weisenthal, op. cit., pp. 53-55. 159. Ibid., pp. 139-155. 160. Beddoes T: Notice of some Observations Made at the Medical Pneumatic Institution. Bristol: Longman and Rees, 1799, pp. 26-27. 161. Cottle, op. cit., pp. 199, 201. 162. Polwele R: Biographical Sketches in Cornwall. Truro: Nichols, Longmans, 1831, pp. 22-31. 163. Emblen, op. cit., p. 44-45. 164. Ibid., pp. 66-88. 165. Roget PM: Explanation of an optical decep tion in the appearance of the spokes of a wheel seen through vertical apertures. Phil TrailS Roy Soc 115 : 131-140, 1825. . 166. RogetPM: Beddoes. Supplement to the Fourth, FIfth, and Sixth Editions of the Encyclopedia Britannica, Edinburgh. 2:206-21 0, 1824. 167. Robinson, op. cit., p. 306. 168. Ibid., pp. 309-310. 169. Ibid., pp. 31 1-312. 1 70. Davy H: Researches. . ., op. cit., pp. 516-517. 171. Hoover SR: Coleridge, HumphlY Davy, and SOme early experiences with a consiousness-altering drug. Bull Res HI/manit 81:9-27, 1978. 172. Griggs, op. cit., 2:727. 1 73. Ibid., 1:612. 174. Ibid., 1:605. 175. Davy H, Researches . . ., op. cit., p. 534. . 176. O'LeaIY P: Sir James Mackintosh: The Whig Cicero. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1989. 177. Griggs, op. cit., 2:770-771 . 1 7 8 . Ibid., 1:588. 179. Ibid., 2:931, 1016, 1041. 180. Robinson and McKie, op. cit., pp. 310, 315. 181. Coates C: The HistOlY and Antiquities ofRead ing. London: J. Nichols, 1802. 182. Wansey H: The Journal of an Excursion to the United States of North America, in the summer of 1794. Salisbury: J. Easton, 1796. 183. Hammick SL: Practical Remarks on Amputa tions, Fractures, and Strictures of the Urethra. London: Longman, 1830. 1 84. Kinglake R: A Dissertation on Gout. London: J. Murray, 1804. 185. Smith GM: A History of the British Royal In firmary. Bristol: J. \v, Arrowsmith, 1917, pp. 125, 276-277. 186. Davy H, Researches. . ., op. cit., pp. 497-502. 187. Mantell DLB: The Dramatic Poetry and The atrical Interests of William Wordsworth, 1795-1805. Ph.D. dissertation, Emory University, 1980. 188. Fullmer JZ: Sir Humphry Davy's Published Works. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1969, p. 47. 189. Davy H: Researches. . ., op. cit., p. 544. 190. Ibid., p. 501. 191. Ibid., pp. 488-489. 192. Stansfield DA, Stansfield RG: Thomas Bed does. . ., op. cit., p. 279. 193. Jones HB: The Royal Institution: Its Founder and Its First Professors. London: Longham, 1871, p. 323. 194. Priestley J: Singular effects ofgaseous and oxyd of Septon (dephlogisticated nitrous air). MedicalReposi to/y 3:305, 1 800. 195. Smith EF: James Woodhouse: a Pioneer in Chemislly, 1770-1809. Philadelphia: Winston, 1918, pp. 200-201. 196. Barton WPC: A Dissertation on the Chymical Properties and Exhilarating Effects of Nitrous Oxide Gas; and its application to Pneuma tick Medicine. Phila delphia: Printed for the author at the Lorenzo Press, 1808. 197. Ibid., pp. 3, 5 1 . 198. Ibid., p. 57. 199. Smith WDA: Under the Influence: A HistOlY of Nitrous Oxide and Oxygen Anaesthesia. Park Ridge, Ill: Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology, 1982, pp. 29-41 . 200. Knight \'\1, Ed: Letters of the Wordsworth Fam ily from 1787 to 1855. 3 vols. New York: Haskell House, 1969, 1 : 1 l4-116, 123-124. 201. Griggs, op. cit., 1 :606. 202. Moorman M, Ed: Journals of Dorothy Wordsworth. London: Oxford University Press, 1971, p. 32. 203. Keys TE: The HistOlY of Surgical Anesthesia. 1945. Rep: Huntington, New York: Kriegel; 1978, pp. 14-17. 204. Duncan BM: The Development of Inhalation Anaesthesia. London: Oxford Unviersity Press, 1947, pp. 51-76. 205. Cartwright FF: The English Pioneers of Ana esthesia (Beddoes, Davy, and Hickman). Bristol, John Wright, 1952, pp. 49-240. 206. Davy H, Researches . . ., op. cit., p. 556. 207. Bergman NA: Humphry Davy's contribution to the introduction of anesthesia: a New Perspective. Perspect Biol iVIed 34: 534-541, 1991. 208. Beddoes T, Notice. . ., op. cit., p. 26. 209. Southey CC: op. cit., p. 1 13. 210. Davy H, Researches. . ., op. cit., p. 577. 2 1 1 . Papper EM: Pain, Suffering and Anesthesia in the Romantic Period. PhD. dissertation, University of Miami, 1990, pp. i-ii. 212. Griggs, op. cit., 1 :648. 213. Porter, Doctor of Society, op. cit., p. 189. 214. Beddoes T and \'{Tatt J, Considerations..., op. cit., pt. 3, pp. 177-178. 215. Golinski J: Science as Public Culture: Chem istry and Enlightenment in Britain, 1760-1820. Cam bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 158. 216. Ibid., p. 10. 217. Ibid., p. 166. 218. Gill S: William Wordsworth; A Life. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989, p. 412. 21 Etymology Corner by Massimo Ferrigno, M.D. This corner is dedicated to the etymology (origin) of medical terms, and it is also an ex cuse to talk about mythological and historical figures. In this issue we will talk about "opio ids". The word "opium" derives from the ancient Greek 01tOS (opos, which means juice) and in fact opium (also called tears, or lacrimae of poppy) is a sap obtained from the Papaver sOlllnijiml1ll (which in Latin means "poppywhich induces sleep"). Substances obtained from poppy plants have been used to relieve pain since ancient times in various cultures, including the Assyrian (the Bronze Age kingdom in a region that now belongs to Iraq), the Egyptian and the Greek civilizations. According to Prof. Gualtiero Bellucci,1 the technique to obtain juice by cut ting the unripe seedpod of the poppy plant was first described in the Greek world by Diagoras of Melos. Howevel; Diagoras, who lived in the 5th centmy BC and was active as a lyric poet in Athens, became famous for another reason: his atheism, even ifno trace ofatheism can be found in his surviving poems. The Greek poet Homer, in book 4, 221 of the Odyssey (probably written in the second half of the 8th centmy BC), talks of a medication called Vll1t£vt}llS (nepenthes) which means against pain and which, dissolved in wine and drunk by a sick person, could alle viate all sorts of pains. It is thought by many scholars that nepenthes was actually a substance derived from the poppy plant. In the same epic, the witch Circe (who transformed a grOlip of Odysseus' men into pigs, and who was prob ably the first feminist in history) used a potion containing wine, acid milk, white flom; honey and "a juice" (which may have been opium) to make Odysseus forget his beloved countly. Fi nally, opium may have also been used by Helen (the daughter of Zeus whose abduction caused the Trojan War) to prepare a potion "which quenches pain and strife and bring forgetful ness of every ilL" In his other epic, the Iliad, Homer used two other words which have relevance to "opioids". The first one is the verb V<XPK<Xo) (narkao, book 8, 328) which means to become torpid. The sec ondword is Kco&l<X O<odeia, book 14, 499) which means head or capsule of the poppy, and which must have inspired the French physician Pierre-Jean Robiquet (1780-1840) who isolated codeine in 1 832. A year earlier, in 1 831, the Ger man pharmacist Friederich Wilheim Serturner (1783-1821) had won the Monthyon Award from the Academy of Sciences ofParis for having iso lated morphine. The word morphine derives fromMorpheus, found in book II, 633-8 of the Metamorphoses Continued 011 Page 23 22 BUllETIN O F ANESTHESIA H ISTORY Edwin Sterling Munson - 1 933- 1 997 Edwin Munson was born on December 29, 1933, in Akron, Ohio. After attending Memphis State Univer sity he went on to medical school at the Uni versity ofTennessee, Memphis branch, receiv ing his M.D. in 1957. After an internship at the University of Iowa Hospital, he became a resident in the Department of Anesthesia in 195 8-59. He then entered military service, serving as a Lieutenant, Medical Corps, at the U.S. Na val Hospital in Newport, Rhode Island, from 1960-1962. In 1964 he was an NIH trainee in the Department of Anesthesia at the University of California, San Francisco, following which he was a Clinical Instructor and then an As sistant Professor until 1967 . In 1967 he moved to the University of California, Davis, where he was an Assistant and then Associate Pro fessor of Anesthesia until 1971. He then moved to Florida where he was Professor of Anesthesiology and Director of Research Training at the University of Florida College of Medicine from 1 971-84. Ed continued his teaching and academic career by becoming Professor and Chairman of the Department of Anesthesiology at the University of Kentucky from 1984-86. In 1986 he moved to Ohio where is was Professor and Vice-Chairman in the Medical College of Ohio in Toledo, where he served for one year. In 1988 he was appointed a Staff Anes thesiologist at the Jewish Hospital of Cincin nati and in 1992 became a Volunteer Profes sor of Clinical Anesthesiology at the Univer sity of Cincinnati College of Medicine. In 1 994, Ed and his wife, Priscilla, retired to Cochiti Lake in New Mexico. Extracurricular medical activities kept Munson busy. For a number of years he served in numerous Committees of the A.S.A. and for several years was an Associate Exam iner of the American Board of Anesthesiol ogy. He was elected to the Board of Trustees of the International Anesthesia Research Society from 1 972-78. Among other appointments, he served on the Editorial Board of the journal Anesthesia and Analgesia from 1972-78 and of the jour- nal Anesthesiology from 1980-86, and was a consultant to the World Book Encyclopedia from 1983-90. Throughout his academic career, to which he remained true to the precepts of teaching and research, Ed authored or co-authored over 92 papers which were published in peer reviewed journals. Despite his active and varied professional career, Ed found time to indulge in hobbies. As a musician, playing both trombone and piano, he was a member of numerous jazz bands throughout his life and composed over 70 songs. While living in Florida, he hosted a radio program which played "Jazz on the Quiet Side." Ed was also an accomplished bridge player, and in his later years, a major interest of Ed's was his extended family organization, the Thomas Munson Foundation, in which he served as President and Scholarship Chair man. D r. Munson is survived by his wife Priscilla, four daughters and two sons. Intravenous Ether Anesthesia. Personal Experiences by Edwin S. Munson, M.D. I read with interest the fascinating report of Drs. Goerig and Schulte am Eschl concerning the development of intravenous [diethyl] ether anesthesia. The authors concluded their remarks by saying, "During the 1930s, enthusiasm for the intravenous ether infusion technique waned." This was due, in part, to the introduc tion of the ultrashort-acting barbiturates into clinical practice. In addition, it also was the time of the rapid development of other anesthetic techniques and drugs such as cyclopropane, the muscle relaxants and later the more potent flu orinated inhalation agents. During my research training at the Univer sity of California, San Francisco, in the early 1960s, I was involved in numerous laboratOlY and clinical studies of anesthetic solubility, up take and distribution, and potency and became aware of the potential clinical use of IV ether: I would like to point out an additional and more recent reference by Eger et al.2 regarding the uptake and distribution of intravenous ether. This work reported the rate of administration of intravenous ether in 13 healthy young adult patients required to maintain a constant EEG level ofanesthesia (level 4) that had been shown by Courtin et aU and Faulconetl to represent an arterial concentration ofroughly 100 mg. per cent ethel; or a 2.3 per cent alveolar ether con centration. In the mid-1960s I had the opportunity at the University ofVirginia to administer IV ether to a dozen or so healthy adult patients who were scheduled for direct lalyngoscopy. The Chair man of the Department of ENT, the late Dr. Slaughter Fitzhugh, had made a definite deci sion to perform this procedure under general anesthesia without the use of an endotracheal tube. Since neither external ventilators nor jet ventilator systems were available, I suggested the use of IV ether. The technique consisted of preparing 3 li ters of a 5 per cent diethyl ether solution, using refrigerated Ringer's Lactate solution so as to increase the solubility of the ether. (This point is contrary to the suggestion in the historical reportl that aqueous solutions should be warmed.) Patients were premedicated with at ropine, morphine and pentobarbital. Following . induction of anesthesia with thiamylal, the IV ether solution was administered at a rapid rate and then was slowed as an adequate depth of anesthesia was obtained. The usual volume of ether solution used was between 1500 and 2500 ml. The rate ofIV ether administration has long since been forgotten. Howevel; I recall that the use of a 16 g. IV needle, an assistant to manage the fluid administration and the positioning of the IV bottle(s) at the highest point in the room were necessary factors to assure a rapid and smooth induction of ether anesthesia. The anesthetic technique also used a stan dard circle absorption system with equal parts of nitrous oxide and oxygen set at relatively low flows in order to facilitate a high degree of rebreathing. The gases were administered via a face mask. When the signs of anesthesia showed that an adequate level of anesthesia had been obtained, the face mask was removed and the surgeon inserted the laryngoscope, examined the larynx and performed the necessalY biopsy. In order to avoid eye irritation from the strong con centration of exhaled ether vapor, the surgeon wore plastic eye covers. During the procedure, the IV ether solution was continued at a rate necessary to maintain an adequate level of an esthesia. When the procedure was completed, the anesthetic solution was discontinued and the patient allowed to recover breathing rooUl � . Comillued all Next Page = BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Lundy. . . Cominlledji'olll Page 15 Published: St Louis: Mosby, 1933 Edition: 5th ed. Author: Hewitt,Frederic William Title: Anaesthetics and their administration: A text-book published: New York: Macmillan, 1912 Edition: 4th ed. Author: Jackson, Charles T. Title: A manual of etherization Published: Boston: I-E. Mansfield,1861 Notes: Book signed by the publisher JB Mansfield and JS Lundy 1942 Author: Kahle, Paul Title: Anasthaesis in the Arabic medicine Author: Labat, Gaston Published: London: HK Lewis, 1944 Mayo Author: Nosworthy, M.D. Published: Philadelphia: WB. Saunders, 1923 Notes: One copy signed by Frank Hammond sia Knusen to JS Lundy 1-46 and another book 1935 Title: The theOlY and practice of anaesthe Published: London: Hutchinson scientific, signed by RG Spurling 8-7-25 Added Entries: Mayo, William INote: Collection contains 4 vol.(1923) of the book Author: Patton, Joseph McIntyre,1860Title: Anaesthesia and anaesthetics, general and local,for practitioners and students of medi cine and dentistty Author: Lyman, Hemy M. Title: Artificial anaesthesia and anaesthetics Published: Chicago: Cleveland Press, 1911 Edition: 3rd ed. Published: New York: William Wood,1881 Notes: Book signed by CT Gale of New Author: Poe, James G. Brighton, PA on July 6,1882 Title: Modern general anesthesia: a practi cal handbook Author: Marks, Jan Description: 19 p. 2 letters Notes: Bound histOlY of anesthesia in Ara Title: Doctor PurgatOlY PaulA.Kahle,of Baroda House Kensington Pal Title: Regional analgesia Title: Regional anesthesia: its technic and clinical application / foreword by William I Published: London: 1951 bic medicine prepared by Chester A. Beatty and Published: Philadelphia: Davis, 1926 Published: New York: Citadel, 1959 Notes: Book signed by JS Lundy on 5-19-61. Pre-1959 donation Author: Probyn-Williams, Robert James Title: A practical guide to the administra tion of anaesthetics ace Gardens, London, England, for John S. Lundy in 1941.Also included are two letters between JS Lundy and CA Beatty addressing possible U.S. participation in World War II. Added Entries: Lundy, John S., 1894-1973; Beatty, Chester A. 23 Published: New York: Longmans, Green, Author: Maurel; David W Title: Narcotics and narcotic addition David WMaurer and Victor H.Vogel 1909 Edition: 2nd ed. / Published: Springfield, IL: Thomas, 1954 Author: Rapel; Howard Riley Added Entries: Vogel, Victor H. Title: Man against pain: the epic of anesthe Note: Pre-1959 donation sia Author: Kidd, Charles Title: On aether chloroform Author: Mead, Sterling Vernon 1947 Published: London: Renshaw,1858 Edition: 2nd ed. Published: St.Louis: Mosby, 1935 Published: New York: Prentice Hall Press, Title: Anesthesia in dental surgely Notes: Book signed by the author to JS Lundy on 12-22-48 Notes: Book signed by JS Lundy, 1940 Author: Molesworth, H.WL. Personal. Continued Oil Next Page Etymology. . . . Continlled /1'0111 Page 22 . Continlled ji'01ll Page 21 ail; supplemented with a few liters per minute of oxygen. the use of IV ether in any other clinical circum (an epic written by the Latin poet Ovid, 43 stances.I am pleased to have had this experi BC-AD 17).Morpheus was one of the sons of None of the patients experienced any adverse ence and to make this small contribution to the histOlY of IV ether anesthesia. effects related to the administration of ether and the surgeon was satisfied with the technique. The potential problems with IV ether anesthe sia are those related to the rapid administration of large volumes of cold intravenous fluids, namely, pulmonaty edema, central core hypo thermia and cardiac depression.Of course,elec trocautelY had to be avoided and the surgeon and operating personnel accepted the added time necessalY for induction and recovery from anesthesia. Acceptance of this technique was short-lived due to the inexperience of others to produce adequate surgical working 'conditions without having some of the complications listed above. In addi tion, the introduction of jet ventilation and apneic oxygenation techniques gradually replaced the use of IV ether.I am not aware of References 1. Goerig 1"1, Schulte am Esch J. Historical remarks regarding intravenous ether anesthesia. Bull Anesthesia HistOlY 14:1, 1996. 2. Eger El, Johnson EA, Larson Cp, Severinghaus J\'v. The uptake and distribution of intravenous ether. Anestliesiology 23:647, 1962. 3. Courtin RF, Bickford RG, Faulconer A. Classifi cation and significance of electro-encephalographic pat terns produced by nitrous oxide-ether anesthesia dur ing surgical operations. Proc Mayo Clin 25:197, 1950. 4. Faulconer A. Correlation of concentrations of ether in arterial blood with electro-encephalographic patterns occurring during ether-o),'j'gen and during ni trous oxide, o),'j'gen and ether anesthesia of human sur gical patients. Anestliesi% gy 13:361, 1952. the God of Sleep in the Greek mythology named Y nvo� (hypnos, from which the terms hypnotic and hypnosis are derived). The winged Morpheus spent his time flying around the world and inducing sleep by touching the mor tals with a poppy flower. He also induced dreams, during which he appeared as a human being. The poet Ovid also talked about the "Lethe", the infernal river where the souls of the dead people went to drink in order to forget their past.Virgil, an earlier Latin Poet (70-19 BC),had described the "Lethaea papavera ",that is, the poppies of the river Lethe and this led to the adjective "Lethaeus " to describe the effects of opium. The term "Leatheon" was also used by William Morton when he was Hying to keep the true nature of his discovery a secret. I. Bellucci G. Storia della Allestesi% gia (in Italian). Published by Piccin Editore, Padova, Italy, 1982; pp 21-26. 24 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Lundy. . . COIllilluedfi'olll Page 23 Author: Rice, Nathan P. Title: lhals ofpublic benefactor, as illustrated in the discovery of etherization Published: New York: Pudney & Russell, 1858 Notes: Book signed by John l May January, 1 898 Author: Sansom, Arthur Ernest, 1839-1907 Title: Chloroform; its action and adminis tration Published: Philadelphia: Lindsay & Blakiston, 1 866 Author: Schleich, Karl Ludwig, 1859-1922 Title: Schmerlose Operationen; oertliche Betaubung mit indifferenten Flussinkeiten Psychopysik des naturlichen und kunstlichen Schlafes Published: Berlin: Springer, 1894 Language is German Author: Schmidt, Jacob Edward Title: Narcotics: lingo and lore Published: Springfield, IL: Thomas, 1959 Note: Pre-1959 donation Author: Sherwood-Dunn, B. Title: Regional Anesthesia Published: Philadelphia: RA. Davis, 1920 Author: Smith, Arthur E. Title: Block anesthesia and allied subjects Published: St Louis: Mosby, 1920 Notes: Book signed by Sigel Roush, MD, DDS, May 20, 1922 Author: Smith, Truman, 1781-1884 Title: An examination ofthe question ofana esthesia, arising on the memorial of Charles Thomas Wells, presented to the United States Senate, second session, Thirty-second Congress, and referred to a Select committee, ofwhich the Hon. Isaac P. Walker is chairman Published: New York: Gray, 1 859 Notes: Book signed by LL Paddock Added Entries: Wells, Horace, 1815-1848 Author: Smith, Truman, 1781-1884 Title: An inquity into the origin of modern anaesthesia Published: New York Hartford, Brown & Gross, 1 867 Notes: Book signed: with respect GQ Colton. Originally published in part in the Medical and Surgical Reporter, Philadelphia, under the title: A lover of truth and justice Author: Snow, John, 1813-1858 Title: On chloroform and other anesthetics, their action and administration / John Snow; edited with a memoir ofthe author by Benjamin W Richardson Published: Chicago: Wood-Libraty Museum of Anesthesiology, 1950 Notes: Signed by JS Lundy 5-19-51 . Reprint by the Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiol ogy Author: Snow, John, 1813-1858 Title: On the inhalation of the vapour of ether: containing a statement of the result of nearly eighty operations in which ether has been employed in St George's and University Col lege hospitals Published: Boston: Boston Medical Library, 1946 Notes: Reprint of the 1847 original by the Boston Medical Library in 1947. Book is signed by JS Lundy and annotated as being used in Portugal in an exhibit at the century celebra tion of ether. Author: Taylor, Frances Long Title: Crawford W Long & the discovery of ether anesthesia / Frances Long Taylor; fore word by Francis R. Packard Published: New York Hoeber, 1928 Added Entries: Packard, Francis R. Author: Walton, Robert Petrie Title: Marihuana: America's new drug prob lem: A sociologic question with its basic expla nation dependent on biologic and medical. . . Published: Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1938 Note: Pre-1959 donation Author: Willard, De Forest Title: Artificial anaesthesia and anaesthetics Published: Detroit: G.S. Davis. 1 891 Bulletin of Anesthesia History C . Ronald Stephen, M.D., C.M., Newsletter Editor 1 5 8 0 1 Harris Ridge C ourt " Chesterfield, MO 630 1 7 U.S .A. American Society of Anesthesiologists 520 N. Northwest Hig hway Park Ridge IL 60068-2573 RECEIVED OCT -8 1J �t\ 1997
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