THE CULTURO -H ISTO R ICA L AND PERSO NA L
C IR C U M S T A N C E S OF SO M E 1 9 th -C E N T U R Y
MISSIONARIES TEACHING IN SOUTH AFRICA
J.L. van d e r W alt
D e p artm en t of Philosophy and H istory o f E ducation
Potchefstroom U niversity for C H E
PO TCH EFSTRO O M
A bst rac t
Broadly speaking, two approaches to missionary education in South Africa can be distinguished: a
facts and figures approach featuring mainly the historical facts, statistics and other data concerning
this period in education, and a rather more critical approach intended to prove the point that
m issionary education was instrum ental in alienating the blacks from their traditional cultural
heritage and in employing black labour in the class-dominated capitalist society o f South Africa. A
third approach is follow ed in this article: the period o f missionary' education is approached by way
o f an analysis o f the prevailing Zeitgeist in South Africa, Europe and elsewhere early in (he 19th
century and o f the concom itant philosophical and theological trends al Ute time. The personal
m otives and circumstances o f the missionaries are also scrutinized. By following this approach a
fuller and more illuminating view o f missionary’ education in the 19th-century is assured, a view
which can fruitfully be applied in conjunction with the other two approaches.
1.
IN T R O D U C T IO N
T h e e d u c a tio n a l c o n trib u tio n o f th e m issio n aries in S outh A frica is to a g re a te r or
lesse r d e g re e usu ally d e sc rib e d in o n e o r b o th o f th e follo w in g w ays. E ith e r it is
described in term s o f the historical d ata, co ncentrating on the grow th in the num bers of
converts, pupils, schools, tea ch e r training (institutions), financial m atters, and so forth
(cf. B ehr & M acM illan, 1971; B ehr, 1978; C oetzee, 1963; H orrell, 1961; H o rrell, 1963;
H o rre ll, 1968; H o rre ll, 1970; Pells, 1954; M a lh erb e , 1925; M cK erron, 1934; L oram ,
1917); o r it is p o rtra y e d in te rm s o f critical re m a rk s c o n ce rn in g th e c o n trib u tio n of
m issionary e d u c a tio n tow ards b o lsterin g th e a p a rth e id system o f e d u ca tio n in South
A frica. Follow ing the latter approach, it is p ointed o u t that m issionary education was a
fo rm o f s e p a ra te e d u c a tio n , divorcing the in d ig en o u s p e o p le s from th e ir tra d itio n a l
cu ltu re and values, p re p arin g them as th e la b o u r force o f the p re p o n d e ra n t capitalist
e conom ical system o f th e w hites by forcing upon th em all kinds o f m anual w ork and
technical training (cf. N w andula, 1988).
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Nineteenth-century missionaries teaching in South A frica
T he validity of these two views of m issionary education is not contested, although both
o f th em m ay be re g ard e d as not p o rtray in g th e full p ictu re o f m issionary education.
T he historical facts and figures as well as criticism are not always presented against the
b ack g ro u n d o f the b ro a d e r h isto ric a l c o n tex t o f th e e ra o f m issionary e d u c a tio n in
South A frica (ca. 1800 - 1953). Seldom does one for instance find that the m issionary
w ork in S outhern A frica is p o rtray e d against the background o f the philosophical and
th eo lo g ica l d e v e lo p m e n ts in G r e a t B rita in and E u ro p e as w ell as th e co n co m ita n t
d em ographical and a n th ro p o lo g ica l dev elo p m en ts in S o u th ern A frica (i.e. the G re a t
T re k and the D ifaqane). All o f these p h e n o m e n a are actually described in ed ucation
publicatio n s, but seldom in re la tio n sh ip w ith o n e a n o th e r as historical p ro c esses of
cause and effect.
T he second way of portraying m issionary education, viz. the critical view, also does not
do full justice to this p erio d in the e ducational history of South A frica, since it m akes
use of historical d ata and circum stance to prove a point which can only be reg ard ed as
valid in an altogether different social and political context (cf. C harlie N w andula, 1988
a n d Steyn, 1990). A lth o u g h it m ay be fa c tu a lly tru e (in te rm s o f th e m e th o d of
historical analysis coined by M arx and E ngels) to sta te th a t the m issionaries through
their educational work c o n trib u ted to the presen t c apitalist-labour class distinctions in
p re se n t day S outh A frican e co n o m ica l and social s tru c tu re s, such a view d o e s not
portray the historical situation in its entirety. It uses history to prove a point, a practice
which the historian frequently e ncounters and should recognize. In this article a n o th er
a n g le w ill b e fo llo w ed in o r d e r to s u p p le m e n t th e d e s c rip tio n o f th e h isto ry of
m issio n ary e d u c a tio n th u s fa r a v a ila b le in th e p re v io u sly m e n tio n e d a p p ro a c h e s.
T ak en on its own, the a pproach follow ed in this article can o f course also be criticized
for one-sidedness. H ow ever, it is p re sen te d with the distinct aim o f presenting a n o th er
view o f m issionary e d u c a tio n and by doing this hopefully to gain a fu ller a n d m ore
c o m p le te view o f m issionary e d u c a tio n in S outh A frica. T h e chosen an g le has the
shortcom ing of not presenting the factual d a ta of this e ra in education in chronological
o rd e r, n o r d o e s it wish to a rg u e a p o in t. Its b asic aim is to d e sc rib e th e p e rso n a l
m o tiv e s o f so m e o f th e m is sio n a rie s a g a in st the b a c k g ro u n d o f th e Z eitg eist, th e
philosophical and theological spirit o f the period of m issionary education.
2.
T H E Z E IT G E IS T U C H E B A C K G R O U N D
M issionary ed u catio n in South A frica should firstly be ju d g ed against the background
o f th e D ifa q an e , th e ‘d ia s p o ra ’ o f th e trib e s of B a n tu -sp ea k in g p e o p le s in S o u th e rn
A frica roughly betw een 1820 and 1840. F or reasons which need not be discussed here,
the tribes began a period of m arauding, w arring, killing and dispersal unknow n in their
histo ry u p to th a t p o in t in tim e (i.e. th e b e g in n in g o f th e 19th c en tu ry )(L y e , 1972;
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J.L. van der Walt
M u ller, 1987; N u rse et al., 1985; O m e r-C o o p e r, 1975). T h is ‘d ia s p o ra ’ se rv ed two
purposes, or ra th e r had two consequences: firstly, it estranged m any p eople from their
tr a d itio n a l h o m e s a n d c u ltu re s a n d in c u lc a te d a s p irit o f w illin g ly , u n w illin g ly ,
knowingly o r unw ittingly accepting foreign cultural and religious influences. It caused
a sp irit o f cu ltu ral and trib al d isin te g ra tio n a n d a p re p a re d n e s s to ab so rb new ideas
and influences. B ecause o f this, the B an tu -sp eak in g trib e s w ere as it w ere ready to
listen to and absorb the new religious and cultural ideas expounded by th e m issionaries
who started w orking am ong them just as the D ifaqane truly got u n d e r way.
T he D ifaqane also had a second effect, viz. th at of em ptying the in terio r (th e H ighveld
n o rth o f th e O ra n g e R iv er) of in h a b ita n ts, m aking it p o ssib le fo r th e B o ers o f the
G re a t T rek out o f the C ape C olony to e n te r into this relatively u n in h ab ited a re a and
settling a t random in areas form erly belonging to the B antu tribes. T h e jo in t im pact of
all these E u ro p ea n s (B oers and m issionaries) was culturally and religiously devastating
for th e B antu trib e s and individuals w ho fell victim to th ese influences. T h e B oers
w ere p ractically all C h ristian s, and to g e th e r w ith the e ffo rts o f th e m issio n aries the
Bantu p eople w ere C hristianized by them . B ecause o f the d isruption o f th eir trad itio n ­
al way o f life and econom y through the D ifaqane the blacks w ere virtually forced into
labour in the em ploym ent o f the whites, a state o f affairs reinforced by the m issionaries
w ho c o n c e n tra te d on tra in in g th e ir c o n v e rts a n d o th e r b lack s a ro u n d th e m ission
statio n s for p u rp o ses of labour in the service o f w hites. T h e m issionaries’ p u rp o se in
d oing this was to im prove the life-style a n d sta n d a rd o f living o f the blacks (M offat.
1969:104; M offat, 1842:284; C hirgw in, 1927:26,60; Philip, 1838:xxx-xxxi; le tte r w ritten
by m is sio n a ry T .G . M e ssen , 1820; A n w eisu n g , 1837:27,36,39; M is s io n s o rd n u n g ,
1936:27).
T h e jo in t im p a c t o f th e m is sio n a rie s’ e n d e a v o u rs a n d th e B o e rs’ in flu e n c e o n th e
blacks w as p ro bably n o t fo resee a b le a t th e tim e (D ickson, 1974:221; R oss, 1986:36):
th e blacks w e re not only divorced from th e ir trad itio n a l religion, cu ltu re and life-style
through th e D ifaq an e, but they w ere also forced willy-nilly into th e E u ro p ea n culture,
relig io n a n d life-style b e ca u se o f th e proxim ity o f th e m issionary a n d th e d o m in a n t
B oer influence. T h e m ain aim o f th e m issionaries in th eir contact w ith the blacks was
to c h ris tia n iz e th e m a n d to sp re a d th e G o sp e l o f J e su s C h rist a m o n g th e h e a th e n
(Steyn, 1990:54). T h e m ain a im o f th e B oers was p ro b ab ly n o t so lofty a n d sublim e:
they w ere farm ers finding them selves in possession o f large tracts o f land on w hich to
farm , and they req u ired the services o f labourers. T h e roam ing blacks fitted nicely into
this niche, also providing in a need o f the blacks them selves: a place in which to settle
p e rm a n e n tly a n d sa fely w ith a c o n s ta n t in c o m e in te rm s o f m o n ey a n d in n a tu ra
(D a v id so n , 1969:229; K ruger, 1958:17-8; T h o m p so n , 1960:114-5; L o ram , 1917:17 e t
seq.; B e h r& M acM illan, 1971:388).
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Nineteenth-century missionaries teaching in South A frica
T h e Zeitgeist p re v a ilin g in S o u th e rn A fric a th e re f o re fa v o u re d th e e ffo rts o f the
m issio n aries, a n d explains the d e g re e o f success w hich the m issionaries a tta in e d in
c h ristia n iz in g a n d ‘civ ilizing’ th e b lacks (E llis, 1844:12-3). H o w ev er, th e Zeitgeist
(R o te n s tre ic h , 1973:535) in S o u th e rn A frica w as c o u n te r-b a la n c e d at the tim e by
Zeitgeistliche developm ents in G re a t B ritain and E urope.
T h e F re n c h R e v o lu tio n w as b a se d on th e lib e ra l slo g an o f fre e d o m , e q u a lity and
fratern ity . T h e spirit of the re v o lu tio n sp re a d e d spontaneously all over E u ro p e, but
was expressly furthered through the conquests of N apoleon B onaparte (L ovett, 1899:4;
E llis, 1844:1-2; A lth a u s e n , 1965:10; G ru n d le r, 1923:7). W ars fo r fre e d o m from
N a p o le o n ’s F re n c h in c o u n trie s like G e rm a n y in sp ired a p a trio tic sp irit w hich c o ­
in cid e d w ith th e E rw eckungsbew egung in th a t c o u n try (R ic h te r, 1924:1; L eh m an n ,
1974:8-9). (This is in contrast with Pietism a century earlier, which was non-patriotic to
a degree.) T he Erweckungsbewegung (A lthausen, 1965:155), from which m any G erm an
m issionaries to Southern A frica cam e, was enhanced and stren g th en ed bv the spirit of
p a trio tism (M enzel, 1978:11-12; R ich te r, 1924:1). T h e sam e how ever, could not be
said for the influence of the evangelical L utheran C hurch in G erm any: because of the
A u fk lá ru n g (se e follow ing se c tio n o f this a rtic le ) this ch u rch lap sed in to d o g m atic
orthodoxy, and all form s o f affective (em otional) religious experience w ere avoided or
d e rid e d . T his m eant th a t the Erweckungsbewegung could expect no su p p o rt from the
orthodox church.
At the sam e tim e E nglish evangelicals felt the urge to p e rfo rm good deeds, and this
urge was re in fo rc ed by the p h ila n th ro p is t and ro m an ticist m o v em e n t (E llis, 1844:5)
and W e sle y an ism /M e th o d ism (R oss, 1986:10, 33). B ecause of the co-incidence and
c onfluence of all these influ en ces and m ovem ents, m any asso ciatio n s spontaneously
cam e in to existence w ith th e ex p ress p u rp o se o f serving th e fellow -m an (L eh m an n ,
1974:7-9). T he g reat expeditions by explorers like captain C ook and o th ers brought to
light the fact th at th ere w ere m any o th e r p eople on e arth w ho u p to th a t p o in t in tim e
had not had the o p p o rtu n ity o f h e arin g th e red eem in g G ospel o f Je su s C hrist (Ellis,
1844:5). T he p h ilanthropic urge and the religious fervour of m any E u ro p ea n s found a
direct o u tle t in the p h ila n th ro p ic associations m en tio n ed above, and in the sp o n ta n e ­
ous creation of m issionary societies late in the 18th and early 19th cen tu ries (L ehm ann,
1974:9).
In this way the Zeitgeistliche dev elo p m en ts in E ngland and E u ro p e m eshed with those
in S outhern A frica. In th e sam e way also the philosophical a n d theological d e v elo p ­
m ents in E urope m eshed with the Zeitgeist, as will be show n in the follow ing section.
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3.
T H E P H IL O S O P H IC A L A N D T H E O L O G IC A L B A C K G R O U N D O F M I S S i a
N A R Y E D U C A T IO N IN S O U T H A F R IC A
A s w as a llu d e d to in th e p re v io u s se c tio n , c e rta in p h ilo s o p h ic a l a n d th e o lo g ic a l
developm ents in B ritain and E u ro p e served to explain the nature o f m issionary e d u ca t­
ion in South A frica in the 18th and 19th centuries. C oncom itant with the Zeitgeistliche
facts o f the exp lo ratio n s of se a -fa re rs a n d -discoverers since th e 15th c entury and the
re aliz a tio n th a t th ere w ere m any h e ath en still to be converted to C hristianity, was the
advent o f R en aissan ce-H u m an ism and eventually also o f the P ro te stan t R eform ation,
one of the direct consequences of the hum anistic discovery o f the dignity o f the hum an
being (R oss, 1986:33). Strangely enough, the churches o f the R eform ation did not pay
the necessary a tte n tio n to the m a tte r of m issionary w ork, possibly b e ca u se o f intraecclesiastical p re -o c c u p atio n with d ogm atic q u estio n s. In h u m an istic circles, on the
o th e r h a n d , ra tio n a lism g a in e d h e gem ony in p h ilo so p h ic a l th in k in g (E llis, 1844:5;
E n k la a r, 1988:12; B o n e sc h a n sk e r, 1987:14,23,31; R ic h te r, 1924:1,4,28: A lth au sen ,
1965:2,8,13; A non., 1823; L eh m an n , 1974:10,11; G ru n d le r, 1923:7; Z ie g ler, 1857:5),
and this tendency was reinforced by the develo p m en t o f a m echanical w orld view (L a
M ettrie, W olff and o th ers) due to discoveries in the a re a o f natu ral science (W eborg,
1986:187 et seq.). R a tio n a lism g ained its z en ith in th e philosophical view s o f W olff,
S pinoza, L eib n itz, L ocke and especially in D e sc a rte s’ w orld view a n d an th ro p o lo g y
(Cogito, ergo sum )(W eborg, 1986:188-9; A lthausen, 1965:8).
In th e o lo g ic a l c irc le s th e re a c tio n to ra tio n a lis m w as tw o -fo ld : o n th e o n e hand
th eo lo g ian s re a c te d to this philosophy in w hich hum an re aso n ru led su p re m e as the
only a n d c e n tra l p rin cip le by re ite ra tin g th e v a lu e o f h u m an dignity a n d especially
d e m a n d in g acknow ledgem ent for the affective and conative asp ects o f being hum an.
In this form o f reaction they w ere able to revert to 18th-century Pietism for m oral and
m aterial su p p o rt (H a lle , F rancke, S p en er a n d the M oravian B ro th ers sect o f G ra f von
Z in z en d o rf)(D ic k so n , 1974:18; W alters, 1884:23-4; E llis, 1844:3; E n k la a r, 1988:50-1;
D ah , 1983:7-8, 25; M enzel, 1978:12; B oneschansker, 1987:14). T h e o th e r reactio n to
ra tio n a lism in th eo lo g ica l c irc le s w as eq u ally in te re s tin g . In e v a n g e list c irc le s (in
G e rm a n y e s p e c ia lly in th e L u th e r a n C h u rc h , a n d a ls o in th e N e th e r la n d s ) th e
rationalist spirit was not rejected as in the case ju st described. O n the contrary, a form
o f e c c le s ia s tic a l r a tio n a lis tic o rth o d o x y d e v e lo p e d , c o n c e n tr a tin g o n d o g m a tic
q uestions and e n d eavouring to p e n e tra te to the answ ers in th e spirit o f the A ufklarung
(ratio n alism ). A kind o f secondary reactio n follow ed this orthodoxy in ecclesiastical
circles: a new revivalist m o v em e n t cam e in to ex isten ce (cf. M eth o d ism in E ngland,
a n d th e E rw eckungsbew egung o n th e C o n tin e n t), a lso h a rk in g b a ck to P ietism , and
c la im in g a ck n o w le d g e m e n t fo r th e a ffe c tiv e a sp e c ts a f th e h u m a n b e in g (M e n ze l,
1978:11; B oneschansker, 1987:14,23,25; 31-2; R ichter, 1924:1,4; A lthausen, 1965:1-2).
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Nineteenth-century missionaries teaching in South A frica
B oth these reactio n s w ere c h ara cte riz ed by religious fervour and the re aliz a tio n th at
w hat C hristians had received in grace through the redeem ing work of Jesus C hrist had
to be co m m u n icated to a n d sh a re d w ith the h e a th e n in th e p arts of the w orld which
had up to th e n b e en d isco v ered . It sh o u ld be kept in m ind th at the 18th and 19th
c e n tu rie s w ere c h a ra c te riz e d by th e c o n stru c tio n o f co lo n ial e m p ires by E u ro p e a n
pow ers, a n d th a t th e situ a tio n w as th e re fo re well su ited for m issionary w ork in the
colonies (cf. M offat, 1842:506-7; P hilip, 1838:viii; especially Ross, 1986:33.36; C urti,
1967:490).
All these developm ents in philosophical and theological term s also coincided with the
d e v e lo p m e n t o f th e social a n d th e o lo g ic a l p h e n o m e n o n o f p h ila n th ro p is m (E llis,
1844:2; L o v ett, 1899:3; M a rtin , s.a.:5 4 ; D a h , 1983:11; P h ilip , 1938:xxxiv; M enzel,
1978:11; C u rti, 1967:486 e t seq.; N u ttal, 1978:231; L eh m an n , 1974; 12) in especially
evangelical circles (W allis, 1976:x; Ross, 1986:3,4,9,10,34,35,37; E th erin g to n , 1978:4,5;
Lang, 1941:9; C urti, 1967:491; N uttal, 1978:231). P hilanthropism dem an d ed th at social
justice be done to all p e o p le (s), and in this respect the ‘p o o r h e a th e n ’ (an expression
frequently used at the tim e) cam e into specific consideration.
A study o f the m issionary e d u c a tio n p e rio d in S outh A frica reveals a c o n flu e n ce of
d evelopm ents in philosophical and theological circles w hich form s the background for
a p r o p e r u n d e rsta n d in g o f this e ra . It is again st this b a ckground th a t the p erso n al
m otives of the m issionaries should be assessed, and it is also against this background
that the period of m issionary education in South A frica has to be evaluated today.
4.
T H E P E R S O N A L C IR C U M S T A N C E S A N D M O T IV E S O F M IS S IO N A R IE S
IN S O U T H A F R IC A
A stu d y o f th e (a u to - )b io g ra p h ie s o f th e m is sio n a rie s in th e la te 18th a n d 19th
c e n tu rie s re v e a ls th a t th ey m ostly c am e fro m th e la b o u r cla ss (cf. R o ss, 1986:2
regarding D r. Philip), and th a t m ost o f them did not qualify for theological training to
b e co m e re g u la r p re a c h e rs a n d p a sto rs in th e ir own c o m m u n itie s (W allis, 1976:xi).
M any also e xperienced financial problem s, and train in g to be a m issionary se e m e d a
G od-sent o pportunity for m any a young m an feeling the drive to p reach the G ospel to
the heathen. M ost o f these m en felt the urge deep w ithin them selves to be sent to the
h e a th e n fo r th is p u rp o s e (cf. D ic k so n , 1974:18; P e tric k , 1919:22 e t se q .; P h ilip ,
1838:xxxii-xxxiii; M offat, 1969:15), a n u n d e r s ta n d a b le p h e n o m e n o n w hen view ed
against the Zeitgeistliche, philosophical and theological backdrop of the 18th and 19th
c e n tu rie s . A c c o rd in g to d o c u m e n ts fro m th e s e c e n tu r ie s (cf. fo r e x a m p le th e
A nw eisung, 1837; A nw eisung, 1859; M issionsordnung, 1936; Priifungsordnung (p a rt of
the M issionsordnung, 1936); G rundordnung, 1956; S tatutes o f the B erlin M ission, 1824;
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J.L. van der Walt
A n o n ., 1855 - a d o c u m e n t o f th e D u tc h M issio n a ry S o c ie ty ) th e tra in in g o f th e
prospective m issionaries was fairly rigorous and dem anding, and th e p a te rn alistic tone
c h ara c te ristic o f th e c om m unications by the m issionary so cieties to th e ir prospective
m issionaries can b e ascribed to the fact th at the societies paid for th e ir training. T he
p rospective m issionary could expect no fixed and q u a ra n te e d salary from his m ission­
ary society, a n d m issio n aries w ere e n jo in e d to d e v elo p th e ir sta tio n s in to a sta te of
(sem i-)independence from the societies them selves (which w ere them selves d ep en d e n t
on th e g enerosity o f th e public) (L ovett, 1899:574; A nw eisung, 1837:35,36; M issionsordnung, 1936:26-27). T his explains why m issionaries had to re so rt to native lab o u r at
the sta tio n s, a n d had to c o n c e n tra te on train in g th e c o n v erted h e a th e n in technical
subjects a n d th e vario u s trad e s. T hey su pposed th a t in th is way they could p ro c u re
fin an c ia l in d e p e n d e n c e for th em se lv es a n d th e sta tio n , a n d e n su re a b e tte r living
sta n d a rd fo r th e ir converts in the em ploym ent o f w hites in th e vicinity o f th e sta tio n
(M offat, 1969:104,108; Chirgwin, 1927:26, 60). Also, the m issionaries could expect no
pension on retirem ent.
D esp ite all these difficult w orking conditions, m any m issionaries re p o rte d for training
and service in the m ission field. T h eir (auto-)biographies, annual re p o rts and personal
c o rresp o n d en ce reveal that m ost of them w ere fired w ith the urge to d o good to o th er
p eo p le a n d to convey the G ospel to the h e ath en . T h ese docum ents reveal a depth of
feeling which cannot be easily described, and a g reat deal o f soul-searching (cf. Petrick,
1919:23-25). T he la tte r is o f the utm ost im portance since it reveals - in m any cases in
so m any w ords - th at the p ro sp e ctiv e m issionary w as aw are o f th e fact th a t u lte rio r
m otives (a p a rt from the calling by G o d to p re a c h th e G o sp el to th e h e a th e n ) m ight
well play a role in the decision to becom e a m issionary, and this was to be avoided a t
all costs. A fam ous exam ple was th a t o f R o b e rt M offat w ho even decided to forfeit
m arriag e w ith M ary Sm ith (w hose p h ila n th ro p ic and religious influence o n him was
u nden iab le) in o rd e r to becom e a m issionary in S outhern A frica (D ickson, 1974).
In th e m issionary field itself things ten d e d to tu rn o u t a bit d ifferently th an in som e
c a s e s ro m a n tic a lly e n v is a g e d (E th e rin g to n , 1978:4 e t s e q .). T h e d a ily life o f a
m issionary and his fam ily m ore o ften th an not w as m o n o to n o u sly d re a ry a n d u n in ­
spiring. T h e blacks in S outhern A frica w ere not all to be c onverted to C hristianity in
one generation, as the A m erican M issionary B oard found to th eir dism ay (E therington,
1978:24). T h e m issionary, especially w hen initially establishing a station, was preacher,
p a sto r, c a te c h ist, (se c u la r) te a c h e r, n u rse , m ed ical d o c to r, g a rd e n e r, in s tru c to r in
practical subjects and trad es like building, carpentry, gardening, w agon-m aking and so
forth - all at the sam e tim e (cf. M offat’s letter to the L ondon M issionary Society dated
30 Jan . 1828; Dickson, 1974:102).
In p e rfo rm in g all th e se fu n ctio n s a n d d u tie s, the m issionary a cknow ledged the key
Koers 57(1) 1992:75-85
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Nineteenth-century missionaries teaching in South A frica
fu n c tio n o f e d u c a tio n : th e h e a th e n had to b e in s tru c te d in th e te a c h in g s o f the
S c rip tu re s and th e ways o f th e L ord; they had to be ta u g h t to re ad , to w rite a n d to
calculate, with the prim ary aim o f enabling them to read th e Bible and o th er religious
lite ra tu re for them selves; the converts, who ten d ed to flock to the stations and to stay
in the vicinity, had to be e ducated in hygiene and a m oral way o f life reconcilable with
th e te a c h in g s o f th e B ib le ; th e c o n v e rts a lso h a d to b e tr a in e d in th e tr a d e s of
gardening, clothes-m aking and building in o rd e r to im prove th e ir personal stan d ard of
living in th eir traditional residential a rea s in the neighbourhood o f the m ission station,
and also in o th e r trad es in d em an d by the w hite com m unity in the vicinity (carpentry,
m aso n ry , b lac k sm ith in g , w a g o n -m ak in g , e tc .). A lso, know ingly o r w illy-nilly, the
c o n v erts w ere in flu e n ce d to a c c e p t th e ways, custom s, m a n n e rs a n d m o rals o f the
W e ste rn e rs, o f w hom th e m issio n ary w as the e p ito m e (D ick so n , 1974:91; W alters,
1884:3,9; M offat, 1842:22; W allis, 1976: xi; L ovett, 1899:585; Shaw, 1839:7; Philip,
1838:vii; P hilip in a le tte r d a te d 18 Ju n e 1838; R oss, 1986:36; C u rti, 1967:490 - 492;
W angem ann, 1868:29; N eander, 1823:3; A non., 1823:17).
In this way the m issionaries served, through th eir educative efforts and in conjunction
w ith th e c irc u m s ta n c e s in w hich th e b lac k s fo u n d th e m se lv e s a t th e tim e , as th e
instrum ents by m eans o f which the la tte r w ere not only co n v erted to C h ristianity but
a lso c o n v erted to th e W este rn c u ltu re a n d life style, a n d also c o n v erted to being a
fa c to r (esp ecially as a la b o u r fo rce ) in th e w hite d o m in a te d c a p ita lis t eco n o m y o f
S outhern A frica of the 19th century. T h e extraordinary e ducational significance of the
m issionaries in South A frica is also to be found in the fact th a t the m issionaries w ere
for a long tim e, up to 1909 and even to 1953, the sole su p p liers o f e d u c a tio n to the
blacks (sta te aid to e d u c a tio n for blacks being m ainly ch an n e le d th ro u g h m issionary
edu catio n ). M issionary e d u ca tio n also set the p a tte rn for the ‘colonial ed u catio n e ra ’
in black e d u c a tio n (i.e. the p e rio d 1910- 1953, b efo re th e tak e-o v er of e d u c a tio n for
blacks by central governm ent).
5.
C O N C L U S IO N
W h en view ing m issionary e d u c a tio n in S o u th A frica from the v a n ta g e p o in t o f the
prevailing Zeitgeist in the 18th and 19th centuries, o f the philosophical, theological and
so c ial d e v e lo p m e n ts o f th a t p e rio d , a n d fro m th e v ie w p o in t o f th e m is s io n a rie s ’
p e rso n a l m o tiv es a n d c o n d itio n s, o n e g ain s a n u n d e rs ta n d in g o f this e ra in South
A frican e d u ca tio n a l history w hich can hardly be acquired only through one or both of
th e tw o o th e r a p p ro a c h e s d e s c rib e d in th e ‘I n tro d u c tio n ’ to th is a rtic le : viz. the
analysis of the cold facts and figures of m issionary e ducation, and the use o f historical
facts to prove a p o in t w hich only has validity w ith th e a d v an tag e o f hind-sight. T he
ap p ro ac h follow ed in this article, in conjunction w ith the ad v an tag es o f the o th e r two
82
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J.L. van der Walt
approaches, could serve to supply a m ore com plete and b alanced view and evaluation
of m issionary education in South Africa.
6.
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