Architecture of Maya Caves
Ulrich Wölfel
February 15, 2006
1
Introduction
Caves in the Maya area have receiced an increasing interest during the last decades. Studies conducted by ethnographers, archaeologists and geologists have shown the importance of caves to the
Maya from protoclassic times to the present. Today we not only begin to have an understanding of
cave rituals, but also start seeing patterns of architecture within caves, modifications of caves and
even the artificial construction of caves. Although not as obvious as in the cases of pyramids or
ballcourts, one can rightfully speak of forms of architecture when discussing caves. This notion will
be further worked on in this article and different types of caves will be discussed and their function
analysed.
Subject of this article will be three types of caves that can be found in the Maya area. Natural
caves are the most common and well-known type; being formed in karst terrain, there is an abundance
of examples in the Maya Lowlands, many of which have been used at one time or another by the
Maya. In addition to this, there are man-made caves – tunnels dug into hills or at the base of mesas
– found predominantly in the Maya Highlands, where the natural formation of caves does not occur.
As a last type there are a few buildings that have a cave-like appearance; particularly labyrinthine
structures will be of interest in this discussion.
Literature dealing with these different types of caves is scarce and comparisons between the types
are only very cursory and brief, see e.g. (Brady 2000). Thus the main contribution of this article will
be an introduction to all three types of caves together with examples, followed by the identification
of sets of typical features by which the different cave types can be compared. The primary focus
will be on architectural features and recovered artifacts, with an extension to iconography where
appropriate.
The question of how cave architecture can be defined will be approached by looking at different
types of caves and identifying their specific architectural features. Related to this is an analysis of
the possible function of caves in the Maya area, based on evidence that shows how caves were used.
The distinction of different types of caves naturally leads to the question if this distinction only
appears from our modern point of view or if it was also made by the ancient Maya. In particular,
the discussion of buildings with a cave connotation is closely related to questions concerning the
distinction between caves located in the wild forest and caves in the center of Maya sites, or unordered
versus ordered space.
In the following section, we will present an overview of the role that caves play in Maya mythology
and ritual. Most of the examples presented are ethnographic in nature, thus represent modern
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Maya cave use. The aim is not to provide an exhaustive discussion of such rituals, but to give an
idea of their diversity and complexity. Section 3 presents the three cave types by giving examples
and analysing their respective features. Especially for natural caves this can again only be an
incomplete survey, given the abundance of examples described in the literature. Nevertheless, the
recognised features can be seen as representative for most caves of each type. Finally, in Section 4
the different types of caves will be compared based on the features identified in the previous section,
and interpretations of their possible functions will be given.
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Caves in Maya mythology and ritual
In this section we will present an overview of Maya mythology and rituals in connection with caves.
This will be important for a general understanding of the role of caves among the Maya as well
as providing the background for the recent discussions among scholars concerning the proposed
function and symbolism of caves for the ancient Maya. Note, that due to the ubiquity of natural
caves in the Maya Lowlands, all examples cited in this section refer to this type of caves.
For many years, the salient association made with caves has been the underworld. According
to Mac Leod and Puleston (1979), caves in Maya belief are closely related to the underworld, a
place that the sun crosses during the night, to reappear in the morning. This underworld is also
the destination of the dead, with nine levels that have to be travelled on a journey full of dangers
and continuous challenges by the lords of the underworld. One of the main sources cited by Mac
Leod and Puleston (1979) is the Popol Vuh, in which the underworld theme is so prominently
featured. Paintings in the cave of Naj Tunich, Guatemala, show the so-called hero-twins, Hunahpu
and Xbalanque in scenes that recall their journey through the underworld, described in the Popol
Vuh. As Stone writes, “The Hero Twins’ adventures may have been recounted in the cave as part
of rites addressed to them” (Stone 1995: 154). While this connection with the underworld certainly
plays a significant role in understanding the meaning of caves, in order to get a broader picture
there are other associations to be aware of.
One of these deals with the close relationship of the Maya with the earth and their worship of
earth gods or earth lords. (Brady 2003: 87) even goes as far as rejecting some of the underworld
associations elaborated by Mac Leod and Puleston (1979) as misinterpretations of what actually
are associations with the earth. He mentions among others the Tzuultaq’a of the Q’eqchi’, who
represents an earth lord. Based on ethnographic observations among the Tzeltal and Tzotzil, Stone
(1995: 39–40) links caves with riches and rich earth gods that appear in form of ladinos. Vogt and
Stuart (2005) report for the Tzotzil that the earth owner, Yahval Balamil, is pictured as a ”large,
fat Ladino” (Vogt and Stuart 2005: 164) who not only has huge amounts of money and a farm in
his underground dwelling, but also “owns all water holes and controls the lightning and the clouds”
(ibid.), which the Tzotzil believe to emerge from caves. Köhler (2006) emphasizes the fact that
there is no single earth god, as described by Vogt, but that every mountain has its own mountain
god; this concept likely goes back to pre-hispanic times.
Closely related to the earth lords are rain deities. The Yucatec rain god Chac was said to be an
inhabitant of caves, just as the corresponding Tzotzil rain or water gods, who were responsible for
rain, water, thunder and protected the milpas Köhler (2006).
Another important aspect is the concept of caves as mythical places of origin. As Brady states,
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“a number of recent discoveries suggest that many caves were thought to represent the cave of
origin” (Brady 2003: 88), as has for example been reported for the Ch’ol (Vogt and Stuart 2005:
175). The worship of ancestors is also connected with mountains and caves, however, the report
of ancestor worship by the Tzotzil by (Vogt and Stuart 2005: 164) probably goes back to colonial
times Köhler (2006).
We close this section with a brief look at some ritual uses of caves. An important ritual conducted
in caves is the collection of zuhuy ha – “virgin water” (Thompson 1959: 125). Large ceramic vessels
are placed under water drips and in fact can still be found in many caves at these places, often
overgrown by speleothem formations, creating bizarre views (Stone 1995: 18). Such uncontaminated
water was carried from caves to settlements and used in ceremonies. Up to the present day, zuhuy
ha is of importance, for example in the yucatec ch’a chaac rain ceremony (Thompson 1959: 125).
Because of their placement at the border between the surface world and the underworld, caves
play a significant role in transformation rituals. One element of such rites of passage is the uniformity
of the participants, indicating their liminal state; this can, for instance, be seen in the drawing of
figures at Naj Tunich with their uniform clothing, indicating the suspension of social hierarchy
during the ritual (Stone 1995: 135), and their wild and expressive postures, often in connection
with either genital bloodletting or masturbation (Stone 1995: 136–140). Stone notes: “Certainly,
the cave represents a true liminal space, a setting for rites of passage revealed as frozen moments
of action in the paintings of Naj Tunich. The cave as a liminal, timeless place is a function of its
rupture with normative experience.” (Stone 1995: 240). Period endings were an event that caused
such liminal states and called for rituals. At such events, human sacrifice was among the rituals
performed, as has been described in the archaeological record for some sites (see discussion of burials
futher down).
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Types of Caves in the Maya Area
We discuss in this section three types of caves that can be found throughout the Maya area, namely
natural caves, man-made caves and buildings that might represent caves. In the following, for each
type a set of typical features is presented and examples are given.
3.1
Natural Caves
Before we discuss natural caves in the context of their usage by the ancient Maya, we need to look at
a definition of the term “cave” and get some information about how and in which geological context
natural caves are formed. Brady and Veni (1992: 149) define caves as “Humanly accessible natural
cavities in the earth”. The formation of natural caves generally takes place in karst terrain, which is
defined by Brady and Veni (1992: 149) as “Areas where water dissolves the rock to form sinkholes
and caves”. Natural caves often appear in geological strata that consist of limestone, dolomite,
gypsum and halite. In this paper we restrict the discussion to “normal” karst caves and will not
discuss cenotes.
Natural caves can be found in all parts of the Maya Lowlands, for which Bonor Villarejo (1989)
gives a list of more than 230 caves. In some areas, such as the Maya Mountains in Belize, natural
caves are ubiquitous. For a restricted area in the northern Vaca Plateau, Belize, Reeder et al.
(1998) mention some 200 caves discovered, many of which contain traces of ancient Maya usage. It
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is because of this abundance of examples and data in the literature, that in this paragraph only some
examples can be cited. Nevertheless, the following discussion should cover most of the commonly
found features of natural caves.
3.1.1
General features
Having defined natural caves and their geological origin, we now turn to some general features
found in natural caves of the Maya area. Because of the abundance of natural caves, we cannot give
complete descriptions for any of these, but rather mention features together with some examples.
In terms of size, natural caves in the Maya area range from very small ones to large systems
that are formed by a labyrinth of tunnels and huge rooms, such as Naj Tunich with its more than
three kilometres of tunnels or the Chiquibul cave system, the largest in Central America, with
fifty kilometres in length, passages having thirty to fourty metres in width and containing rooms
measuring 150 × 350 metres. Stone notes, “In ancient Mesoamerica, caves were the most impressive
enclosed spaces, in terms of size and complexity, experienced by the vast majority of people, since
mesoamerican architecture was not overly concerned with the creation of large interior spaces with
public access.” (Stone 2005: 249)
Different parts of caves were used for different rituals; public rituals were held in large rooms,
often located near the entrance of a cave, while more private rituals were conducted in the darker
areas of caves, located further into the tunnels (Prufer 2005: 186–187). At Naj Tunich, in one of the
least accessible parts deep down in the cave system, a chamber with some impressive speleothems
and a stone altar was found. Such a location leads to interpretations as the most sacred place of
the cave, possibly considered the place of creation (Brady 2003: 89–90).
Just as there are differences in size, there are also differences in access. Some caves can simply be
walked in, while others offer only very small entrances, forcing visitors to crawl in. The caves that
are most difficult to access have their entrances at the ceiling of large rooms, so special equipment
is needed for vertical caving. But not only the entrance into a cave can be difficult – in order to
access all parts of a cave, rock formations have to be climbed, narrow passages slipped through and
dangerous descents be achieved. In some cases, additional man-made obstructions such as walls or
stone blocks further restrict access to caves (Thompson 1959: 122).
An important observation concerns the alignment of caves with surface sites. Brady (1997)
showed for the site of Dos Pilas that some surface structures, the El Duende pyramid in particular,
were placed coinciding with the course of a natural cave, resulting in parts of the tunnels to be placed
directly under the structures. Other examples from the Maya area of structures oriented along caves
include the Osario at Chichén Itzá and several structures at Mayapán that are built over cenotes;
the best-known example from central Mexico is the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan. Brady
suggests that the inclusion of natural features, such as hills or caves into architecture integrates and
extends the sacred landscape, while also serving as legitimation of settlement locations (Brady 1997:
614), a pattern that we will take up again in the discussion of man-made caves.
A last aspect that should be discussed here is cave art, which encompasses rock carvings and
wall paintings. Thompson notes that “cave art is not common in the Maya area” (Thompson 1959:
128) and mentions as an example the cave of Loltun in the Puuc region, where a wall on the entrance
contains a large carving of what appears to be a warrior. In the same cave there are some more,
minor carvings and some handprints made visible by a precursor of air-brush techniques. When
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speaking of cave paintings, Naj Tunich is by far the most important and well-known site, having the
largest known corpus of hieroglyphic writing and painted iconography in a cave in the Maya area
(Stone 1995).
3.1.2
Architectural features
In this subsection we discuss features found in caves that are considered architecture in that they
are seen as human enhancements of or additions to the caves. Their placement has been carefully
selected and they are not meant to be portable, such as artifacts.
Architectural features in natural caves often include altars and platforms, which were needed
during the ceremonies. These can range from very basic assemblies made from some plain rocks, to
more elaborate constructions with building materials brought in from outside the cave. Actun Toh
in the Yalahau region, northern Quintana Roo, contains what appears to be some kind of pyramidal
structure or terraced platform, together with other features such as a small altar and some stairs
that lead down to a pool (Rissolo 2005).
As already noted, there are examples in which access to a cave is restricted by man-made
features such as walls. A different function of such walls has been the sealing of caves, which was
performed during the desacration of the cave, be it either to mark the end of use or during events
of war, as described by Brady and Colas (2005). Examples include Naj Tunich, where a stack of
cut speleothems once blocked the entrance to the tunnel system (Brady and Colas 2005), Balam Na
cave 4, where the entrance to the cave and access to a burial located on an alcove were once blocked
by stone walls (Garza et al. 2002: 17) and Dos Pilas, where the Cueva de Sangre was completely
filled with rock pieces and the longest tunnel of the Cueva del Rı́o El Duende was apparently filled
with clay. An interesting example comes from the Northern Vaca Plateau, Belize, where Pottery
Hill Cave is located, which has been sealed by a wall made of pottery fragments (Pierre R. Colas,
personal communication).
Drip-water formations such as stalagtites, stalagmites and flowstones are often combined under
the common term speleothems. As a natural feature, speleothems are ubiquitous in natural caves
with water drips. Their often bizarre shapes make their viewers’ imagination associate different
objects with them, for instance ceiba trees (Mac Leod and Puleston 1979: 74–75).1 In order to
amplify this association and to direct it towards some desired image, speleothems were sometimes
modified. Forms of Modified Speleothem Sculpture were found at Actun Halal and Actun Chapat,
two caves on the Northern Vaca Plateau, Belize (Griffith and Jack 2005). The modifications include
the breaking, drilling and carving of speleothems to give them the appearance of (monstrous) faces.
Speleothem modification and breakage seems to have occurred throughout the Maya world, with
examples coming from as far as the Yalahau region in northern Quintana Roo (Rissolo 2005: 358).
Use of speleothems was not restricted to such modifications which left them in situ, but included
use of speleothems as stelae in caves2 , as has been reported for Actun Chechem Ha (Awe et al. 2005:
233–237). However, the material used for such“cave stelae” was not restricted to speleothems. In
addition to the stalagtite, a freestanding limestone stela has been recovered at Actun Chechem
1
Note, that this perception is common cross-culturally. Tourist guides always have some story ready for visitors of
caves with strangely shaped speleothems.
2
At the surface site of Yaxchilan, one stela was found that was carved out of a speleothem (Tate 1992: 132),
indicating that the material itself had some sacredness.
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Ha, while at Actun Tunichil Muknal and Laberinto de las Tarántulas stelae made of slate were
found supported by broken stalagtite and stalagmite pieces (Awe et al. 2005: 224–233). At Naj
Tunich, an altar-like structure was found, consisting of a pile of rocks, topped by a vertical rock on
which two rims of ceramic vessels were placed. Verticality has been associated with sacredness and
supernaturality (Stone 1995: 135), which might explain this recurring pattern.
Another feature encountered in caves are benches or tables. Brady (2003) distinguishes between
bancos, low benches which are made in one piece, and simple bush tables, supported by ‘Y’-shaped
legs on which sticks are placed to create the table-top. Evidence of the latter type might be seen in
the post holes found by Mac Leod and Puleston (1979: 72) and similar holes found at Naj Tunich
(Brady 2003: 84–86). Prufer (2005: 210–211) reports the discovery of a carved wooden bench
measuring about 2m × 0.35m in a cave in the Muklebal Tzul Valley, Southern Maya Mountains,
Belize. The function of such benches is described as seats for rulers or other powerful individuals
and altars on which offerings could be placed. In fact, a wooden idol was found standing on a bench,
surrounded by offerings, making the connection between the use as seat and altar (Prufer 2005: 211).
When used as altars, the four corners and the center of benches and tables are associated with the
cardinal directions plus the axis mundi (Brady 2003: 87).
3.1.3
Artifacts
Having looked at architectural features, we now take a look at artifacts found in caves. The different
types of artifacts can give some additional hints at possible functions of architectural features and
caves in general. We start with a discussion of ceramics, which is probably the most common and
abundant artifact class in caves. These range from simple, unslipped vessels of different sizes to
polychrome tripod plates. Although intact ceramics are being found, there is an abundance of
sherds or vessels that show holes on the bottom side. Such ‘kill-holes’ have been reported in the
literature (Reents-Budet 1994: 198), where they are connected to rituals, especially annual renewal
ceremonies (Thompson 1959: 125).
Caves in the southern Maya Mountains, Belize, are reported to contain, alongside ceramic sherds,
“complete, though empty and often inverted, jars” (Prufer 2005: 210). It is also stated that “bowls
or large jars [were] used for burning incense” and can be found mainly in “dark-zone” areas of
caves, to which only ritual specialists had access. Thompson (1959) also reports several functions
of ceramic vessels in caves, such as collecting zuhuy ha (Thompson 1959: 125)(Stone 1995: 18) and
containing offerings of food, blood and copal incense (Thompson 1959: 126). Tripod plates recovered
from caves were probably used together with stingray spines and obsidian blades in auto-sacrificial
rituals. In the same context metates and sometimes manos were found (Mac Leod and Puleston
1979: 72), hinting at ceremonies for the maize gods.
This wide variety of artifacts shows that cave use was not restricted to a single type of ritual.
To the contrary: a multitude of activities took place, including auto-sacrifice, pottery-smashing at
annual renewal ceremonies, the collection of virgin water for use in ceremonies outside of caves and
ceremonies in which offerings were given, probably to rain deities (Mac Leod and Puleston 1979:
72).
One more aspect of cave use has not yet been discussed. Many caves contain, often in some less
accessible parts, bones that either represent human sacrifices or burials (Thompson 1959: 127). At
Naj Tunich, a decapitation has been recorded in a painting, accompanied by a glyphic inscription
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that probably represents the date 9.17.0.0.0, connecting it with a k’atun ending ceremony. In
addition, human skeletons have been recovered from Naj Tunich, which seem to have been sacrificed
(Stone 1995: 142).
3.2
Man-Made Caves
Brady and Veni (1992: 149) call “caves that are formed by processes unrelated to bedrock solution”
pseudo-karst caves. From a geological point of view, caves that are man-made should rather be
labeled as “tunnels” or “mines” (Brady and Veni 1992: 149). However, from the Maya viewpoint,
there seems to be no distinction between natural and man-made caves in their spiritual importance,
so for a functional analysis of these features, we may rightly talk about “caves”. Furthermore, as
we will see later, some of the known man-made caves were actually extensions or enlargements of
natural or pseudo-karst caves.
In 1989 James Brady published the first article that recognised man-made caves as a previously
undiscovered architectural form (Brady 1989). Two more articles (Brady 1991; Brady and Veni 1992)
followed this initial discussion, containing discussions of man-made caves in the Maya highlands. A
recent article by Brady (2004) continues the earlier set of articles, extending the set of known manmade caves in the Maya highlands and providing new indications that the construction of man-made
caves also extended into the southern Maya lowlands.
First, some known examples of man-made caves will be presented with a special focus on their
size, form, location and the artifacts that they contain. This is followed by a discussion that results
in a set of features that characterises man-made caves.
Mixco Viejo. The site of Mixco Viejo, located on a small mesa, contains three man made caves –
Cueva de la Lola, Cueva del Murcielago and Cueva de la Campana. All artifacts have been removed
from these caves in the 1950 and Brady and Veni (1992) state that no report has been produced on
these artifacts. However, they mention ceramics that could be dated to the 13th to 16th century
AD. Geological analyses (Brady and Veni 1992) reveal that the amount of modification ranges from
completely man-made (Cueva de la Lola), to some major excavations in order to facilitate access
(Cueva del Murcielago), to very few modifications (Cueva de la Campana). The amount of work
necessary for the enlargement of the caves was very small, as they all followed existing pseudo-karst
cavities that were easy to work on because of the soft stone (pumice, phyllite [green-stone]). All
caves are still in use, with the latter being the most frequently used in modern times.
Utatlán. At the site of Utatlán, three man-made caves have been discovered, of which only caves 1
and 2 have been researched by Brady (1989, 1991), while the third cave was buried by the earthquake
in 1976. The caves have been dug into the mesa on which the site is located. Cave 1 is the longest
(see Table 1) of the three caves, with the main tunnel measuring 68m. Together with its six sidepassages and two niches it sums up to 127.5m. Remains of ceremonial burning of Copal were found,
which Stone compares to hearths used as stations in ritual circuits at Naj Tunich (Stone 1995: 127).
Brady (1989, 1991) tries to interpret the number of side-passages and niches as having some
mythological significance. When counting only the side-passages and the end of the main tunnel, he
sees a relation to the vucub pec, the seven caves of the Quiché origin myth, whereas the number nine,
which he arrives at when also counting the niches, might represent the nine levels of the underworld.
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It is also interesting to note that the course of the cave might be related to structures above the
ground, the main tunnel terminating under the main plaza, one of the side passages nearing the
pyramid of Tojil.
La Lagunita. The cave at La Lagunita is a 22m tunnel stretching from the base of a pyramid
to the main plaza, ending in a chamber measuring 6.7m × 5.5m × 1.7m. This chamber contains
a cache of 300 ceramic vessels. A dating places this cave between 360 and 400 AD (Brady 1989;
Brady and Veni 1992).
Esquipulas. Along the Rio Chacalapa, near Esquipulas two caves can be found that are not
associated with an archaeological site. The shorter (see Table 1), Cueva de las Minas 2, is a straight
tunnel that contains basic altars built from stones. Cueva de las Minas 1, the longer cave, is built in
form of a cross and contains stone altars at the sides of the entrance and the cross-junction (Brady
1989; Brady and Veni 1992).
Zaculeu. Brady (2004) mentions three man-made caves at Zaculeu, two of which were destroyed
by a bulldozer. The third cave is a short (8–10m long) straight tunnel. No findings of artifacts are
reported.
Llano Largo. At Llano Largo, near Guatemala City, two man-made caves were discovered (Brady
2004). The first tunnel is 30m long with a sharp turn after about 20m, which makes it ’L’-shaped.
In the second cave a bifurcation appears at about 6–7m into the tunnel, with both passages running
for another 5m. There is also water dripping from the ceiling of this cave that is reported to still be
collected by locals. At the entrance there is another short tunnel that might have been part of the
same cave system, when the roof covered some 6–7 additional meters at the entrance.
Brady (2004) briefly mentions some more examples of such caves, all of which having similar
features as the ones previously discussed, such as soot from copal incense on the walls or curving
tunnels. So far, all caves discussed are located in the Maya highlands in non-karstic terrain.
Topoxté. An interesting case are two man-made caves which have been discovered in the Maya
lowlands, on the island of Topoxté in the Petén (Wurster 1992: 296–298). The first, called Chultun
7B-1, is a 12-chambered subterranean system in which many artifacts, human crania and other
skeletal parts, and one burial, all dating to the Protoclassic, can be found (Wurster 2000: 6667,70). Among the artifacts were broken ceramics, particularly bowls and (tripod-) plates, which in
connection with the burials and traces of fire near one wall, make a ritual function likely (Wurster
1992: 298). Chultun 6B-1 consists of seven chambers and was probably used for ritual purposes
during the Protoclassic. Associated with this cave was an early classic burial containing rich offerings
which was separated from the chultun by a wall (Wurster 2000: 128). The location of these two
chultuns is closely associated with Building A-1, the first being in front of it, the second directly
below it. Given the assumed ritual function of these chultuns, one can rightfully speak of them as
examples of man-made caves, as Brady (2004: 9) does. However, the general assumption of a ritual
function for chultuns in the southern Maya lowlands, which Brady (2004: 10) discusses, should still
be considered unconfirmed as long as no profound study in this direction has been conducted.
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cave
Cueva de la Lola
Cueva del Murcielago
Cueva de la Campana
Cueva de las Minas 1
Cueva de las Minas 2
La Lagunita
Utatlán Cave 1
form
Utatlán Cave 2
Utatlán Cave 3
Zaculeu Cave 3
Llano Largo Cave 1
Llano Largo Cave 2
Topoxté Chultun 7B-1
cruciform
straight
straight
straight with side
passages
slightly curving
straight
straight
L-shaped
bifurcated
12 chambers
Topoxté Chultun 6B-1
7 chambers
length × width × height
8.7m × 6.1m × 1.6m
14.3m × 1.6m × 1.5m
9m × 1.7m × 1.4m
42m × 1.6m × 1.4m
11.9m × 1.4m × 1.1–1.4m
22m × 5.5m × 1.7m
68m × 1m × 2–4m
62.2m × 0.7–1.3m × 1.5–2.5m
ca. 62m long
8–10m × 1.75m × 1.75m
30m × 1m × 1.5m
11–12m × 1.25m × 2m
artifacts/notes
ceramics
ceramics
ceramics
stone altars
stone altars
ceramic vessels
water dripping
burial, skeletal remains, ceramics
burial
Table 1: Data for man-made caves
There are some important conclusions to draw from this examination of man-made caves. In
terms of form, we often find straight tunnels, with some examples of curving or forking. It looks as if
it was not important to create large rooms as often found in natural caves, but rather to create long
dark passages. This is confirmed by Brady who concludes from the undulation of the tunnels under
the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan that they were deliberately built this way to create dark
zones (Brady 2004: 3). The location of such caves in relation to surface structures also makes them
play an important role in giving newly built sites some ritual legitimisation. As with the example of
Utatlán cave 1, the need for a replication of the cave of origin might have led to the building of such
caves. Brady reports another example of seven man-made caves from Acatzingo Viejo in Puebla,
Mexico (Brady 2004: 8).
3.3
Buildings as Caves
In the following section we will discuss buildings within Maya centers that appear to have some
cave-like features. Although there are many examples of buildings with some cave connotation,
such as the entrances to buildings in shape of monster maws in the Rio Bec region, the focus in
this paper will be on labyrinthine structures. As in the previous section, first some examples will
be given, then some common features will be discussed.
Oxkintok. It is interesting to note that our first example of a cave-like building was actually called
“Cave of Maxcanú” when Stephens visited it, and he reports that “it was not a natural cave, [...] it
was hecha á mano, or made by hand”. The Indians called it “Satun Sat”, which means labyrinth or
“place in which one may be lost”, which Stephens confirms when he enters the building (Stephens
1963: 123–124). This designation as a “cave” might in part originate from the impression that the
9
building was subterraneous, when in fact, Stephens discovered it to be build on the surface into
what in time became to be a mound (Stephens 1963: 127).
During excavations in the 1980s at Oxkintok (Rivera Dorado 1986) the Satunsat was cleared of
all rubble, which brought to light that it is a building consisting of three stories which are connected
by staircases. There exists only one proper entrance door (Rivera Dorado 1987: 24), the entrances
used by previous explorers being merely holes in the walls. During the first season of excavations,
the northern chamber on the second floor was found to have been sealed in ancient times with
large stones, earth, ceramic sherds, obsidian objects and the remains of some individuals (Rivera
Dorado 1987: 27), probably during a ritual connected with the abandonment of the building. The
second field season revealed a tomb in one section on the first floor, together with jade ornaments
and figures, spondylus plaques, ceramic vessels and an urn containing the cremated remains of an
individual on the second floor (Rivera Dorado and Ferrándiz Martı́n 1989: 69–70).
The existence of a tomb on the first floor together with the guarding function of a labyrinth
might lead to the interpretation of the Satunsat as a mausoleum, making the buried individual
an important person of high status (Rivera Dorado and Ferrándiz Martı́n 1989: 72–73). Another
interpretation of the Satunsat is that the three floors might stand for the tripartite cosmos of
the Maya, with the first floor representing the underworld, which is supported by this floor being
partially excavated into the rock and the recovered ceramics being of the type found in caves (Rivera
Dorado 1987: 29). According to local myth, “the first human beings who founded and inhabited
Oxkintok, came from inside the earth on a secret path called Satunsat”, after which the building
was named (Rivera Dorado 1987: 29). This provides a link from the Satunsat to the concept of a
“cave of origin”. A further indication for such an interpretation could be that the third floor does
not contain any dead end passages and has two doors leading to an external staircase at the back
of the building, thus making this a more open and therefore “celestial” space (Rivera Dorado and
Ferrándiz Martı́n 1989: 75).
Yaxchilan. Estructura 19, also known as El Laberinto, is probably the most remarkable building
at Yaxchilan, in fact, it has been said to be unique in the whole Maya area (Garcı́a Moll 2003: 139).
The building consists of an upper part, which is 19m wide and 10m deep and an irregularly shaped
lower part, which are connected by two interior staircases. In front of the building, two small altars
with inscriptions have been found (Maler 1986: 92). The inside of the building consists of corbeled
arch corridors with niches containing stone benches. There are 9 benches in the upper part and 6
benches in the lower part of the building (Garcı́a Moll 2003: 144–146). At the front of the building
there are four entrance and three door-sized niches creating the effect of seven doors (Tate 1992:
183). This might be a symbol of the seven caves of origin, although other explanations are equally
likely, such as figures standing in the niches. Parts of the interior chambers have been dug into the
hill, as noted by Tate (1992: 185).
Yaxuna. Structures 6E-120 and 6E-53 at Yaxuna form a pair of peculiar constructions. At first
glance, both look like solid round platforms, however, their interior contains a labyrinth of corridors,
with stairs leading up to the platform surface (Freidel and Suhler 1999: Figs 11.3, 11.5). These are
the only examples of this type of structure discovered until now. In their discussion of the possible
function these platforms had, Freidel and Suhler (1999) mention an account of a Q’eqchi’ ritual,
10
which involved the Hero Twins defeating the lords of the underworld by means of a trapdoor in the
performance platform. They also compare the Yaxuna structures with Temple 11 at Copán, a rectangular platform with rooms below and two staircases leading to the roof and House E at Palenque,
with its trap-door staircase leading down into the subterranean labyrinth. Another example from
Yaxuna, Structure 6F-3, located on the northern Acropolis, is a pyramidal base platform topped
by a smaller pyramid. Inside the base passages forming a labyrinth were discovered with stairs
leading up to the base platform (Freidel and Suhler 1999: 264–267, Figs 11.10, 11.11). Given these
examples, they assume that “subsurface corridors with sanctuary spaces, and trapdoor staircases,
functioned to allow impersonators of the gods to perform the journey out of the place of death
in the earth up into the place of rebirth in the sky” (Freidel and Suhler 1999: 259). Events on
which rituals of this kind might have been performed include the accession of kings to the throne.
Evidence for this hypothesis was found in Structure 6E-53 at Yaxuna in the form of a cached vessel
which contained an axe and a mirror, both made of jade, which are symbols of gods related to
Maya kingship (Suhler et al. 1998: 258–259, Fig. 4). The associations of labyrinth buildings with
cosmology also connect the Yaxuna structures with the Satunsat from Oxkintok. Buildings that
reconstruct the path from the underworld to the sky may represent liminal spaces, a theme already
encountered in our discussion of natural caves.
Other labyrinthine structures can be found at Toniná, as mentioned by Freidel and Suhler (1999:
263) and Brady (2000: 302, Fig. 476) and at Palenque, in the already mentioned subterraneos, which
can be entered from House E (Freidel and Suhler 1999: 259–260).
building
Oxkintok – Satunsat
Yaxchilan – Estructura 19
Yaxuna – Structure 6E-53
Yaxuna – Structure 6E-120
architectural features
single entrance
benches, stairs, altars (outside)
round structure, stairs
round structure, stairs
artifacts/notes
sealed room, ceramics, burials
cached jade axe and mirror
Table 2: Data for cave-like labyrinthine buildings
Although in this paper we concentrate on labyrinthine buildings, we briefly mention other forms
of architecture associated with buildings that are proposed to have been associated with caves.
Entrances of some buildings, particularly in the Rı́o Bec, Chenes and Puuc area, are framed by
sculptures representing “monster” or dragon mouths. There are indications of cave symbolism
connected to these, as Benson describes: “One goes into the cosmologically defined world when one
enters the doorway; coming out through the god mouth, one re-enacts the ancient emergence from
the primordial cave, from the earth.” (Benson 1985: 185) Prominent examples outside of this region
are Temple 22 at Copán with its monster-mouth entrance and the Temple of the Inscriptions at
Palenque with the sarcophagus of Pacal deep in its interior, which has been described as “womblike”
with underworld iconography (Benson 1985: 185).
4
Discussion
Having presented three types of caves in the Maya area together with their respective features, a
comparison between the different types will be made, based on the presentation of the previous
11
section.
Among natural caves, we can distinguish between two subtypes, based on their location. The
first can be found in the jungle, often in remote places, reachable only after some long walk through
the bush. The location is important, as Stone writes, “physical remoteness sanctifies space” (Stone
1995: 17), a statement that is also consistent with the concept of zuhuy (virginity). Only in places
that are far from civilisation, where no desanctification has occurred, can pure water and other
sacred objects, such as speleothems be found. The distance from the sheltered life in settlements is
intensified by the nature of the cave, because “no type of environment [...] breaks so strongly with
customary experience as the cave” (Stone 1995: 16) with its strange fauna (bats, spiders) (Stone
1995: 16) and the complete absence of any flora. Such places are truly predetermined for liminal
rites in which transformations are experienced, where social structures cease to exist and time runs
differently.
They also served as places of pilgrimage, with long ways having been traveled to remote locations.
A small scale example of this is the cave of Ch’en P’ix on the Northern Vaca Plateau, where in a
surrounding area of 1.6 km no surface site has been found (Colas et al. 2000: 3); an example of a
major pilgrimage center is Naj Tunich, with hieroglyphic inscriptions giving indications of visitors
from sites such as Ixtutz, Ixkun, Sacul (about 40 km beeline) and even Caracol (about 60 km
beeline) (Stone 1995: 107). Such pilgrimages might have included ritual circuits through the cave
with stations marked by certain formations in the cave. At such stops in Naj Tunich, hearths were
found containing charcoal and Copal (Stone 1995: 127–128).
A second type of natural caves has been included into sites and serves to legitimise the location
of the settlement. The closeness to inhabited space – these caves are often located directly under
structures or stand in close relationship with buildings – makes this space less suited for rituals in
which purity is needed, but more so for recreating sacred landscape. This difference between forest
and town is reflected in Maya language: the terms kaax (“forest”) and cah (“town”) form an opposite
pair. Here, kaax is considered a dangerous place that lies outside the humanly inhabited, ordered
space that is denoted by cah. Good spirits, posted in the five directions, that guard settlements are
missing, and evil spirits are banned by shamans to the forest (Hanks 1990: 306–307). One extreme
example of the separation between the two spaces can be seen at Mayapan, where the cenote Sac
Uayum was said to be inhabited by a feathered serpent and out of fear excluded from the city by
means of the city wall (Brown 2005: 393–394).
One interesting thing to note is that in man-made caves we find some artifacts important for
ritual cave use, such as ceramics and altars (in Esquipulas), however, no evidence has yet been
reported that speleothems or artifacts made from speleothems were placed in man-made caves. Also
burials are absent in man-made caves.
It is very likely that man-made caves were built as substitutes for natural caves and served “basic”
ritual purposes, such as legitimisation of settlement locations and places for the veneration of deities.
The evidence for this is the prevalence in the Maya Highlands, where no natural caves appear, the
alignment with surface structures (e.g. at Utatlán) and the artifacts that were recovered. From
the absence of burials one may conclude that ancestor cults might not have played an important
role. The restricted nature of the tunnels also makes these caves unlikely candidates for large scale
pilgrimage.
In contrast to this, cave-like buildings were not made because of a lack of natural caves, as
at all known sites with such buildings, natural caves were located nearby. They also did not serve
12
legitimisation purposes for site locations, because they were part of the actual site, having been built
after the place was selected. The idea of “domesticated” caves or the architectural reproduction of
parts of the sacred landscape is much more likely and establishes these buildings as counterparts to
pyramids, which represent mountains. In her article on architecture as metaphor, Benson stresses
the notion that architecture throughout Mesoamerica was concerned with replicating mythical space.
Caves are essential to this concept, as they are enclosures, in which deities and ancestors can dwell,
thus, the replication of caves is a pan-mesoamerican phenomenon and “schematized caves are often
related to, or interchangeable with, architecture” (Benson 1985: 184).
A common theme to all types of caves seems to be the existence of dark zones, which might have
been crucial for the use by ritual specialists (Prufer 2005: 209–211). The fact that benches were
found in dark zones of natural caves seems to parallel the recovery of benches in the dark interior
of the labyrinth that is Structure 19 at Yaxchilan. The distinction between dark and light zones of
caves adds another dimension to the analysis of caves in the Maya area. Now we not only discern
caves by their construction and by their assumed function and meaning, but also find differences in
the study of one cave and its different parts.
“Contemporary and historical accounts of the role of caves in creation mythology and the afterlife
reinforce the concept that ‘nature’ is a culturally defined term. Caves were not just natural features
worshipped by the Maya – they represented principal avenues for communication with venerated
deities whose activities were believed to affect all segments of society. These features were utilized,
replicated and embedded in all aspects of Maya ceremonial life.” (Prufer 2005: 215)
We can now give a definition of what we can call cave architecture. Every transformation of a
natural cave that either serves ritual purposes, such as e.g. the erection of stelae, platforms, walls
or that makes it part of the sacred landscape or helps in the legitimisation of surface sites can be
considered cave architecture. This includes the construction of man-made caves to compensate for
the absence of natural caves and the building of “domesticated” caves in the form of labyrinthine
buildings. This definition of a cave is in perfect harmony with the whole concept of a sacred
landscape, which explains e.g. the identification of pyramids with mountains, because for the Maya
the concept of the cave is of importance and not the exact specimen.
13
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