the document - European Commission

Standard Eurobarometer 85
Spring 2016
Report
Europeans' views on the
priorities of the European Union
Fieldwork
May 2016
Survey requested and co-ordinated by the European Commission,
Directorate-General for Communication
This document does not represent the point of view of the European Commission.
The interpretations and opinions contained in it are solely those of the authors.
Standard Eurobarometer 85 – Wave EB85.2 – TNS opinion & social
Standard Eurobarometer 85
Report
Europeans' views on the
priorities of the European Union
Fieldwork: May 2016
Survey conducted by TNS opinion & social at the request of the European Commission,
Directorate-General for Communication
Survey coordinated by the European Commission, Directorate-General for Communication
(DG COMM "strategy, corporate communication actions and Eurobarometer" Unit)
Project number
Project title
2016.7419
Standard Eurobarometer 85
"Europeans' views on the priorities of the European
Union"
Language version
Catalogue number
ISBN
EN
NA-06-16-269-EN-N
978-92-79-63618-9
doi:10.2775/731576
© European Union, 2016
http://ec.europa.eu/COMMFrontOffice/PublicOpinion
The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
Spring 2016
Report
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
2
I.
SUPPORT FOR EUROPEAN POLICIES
4
II.
OPINIONS ON THE EU’S EUROPE 2020 TARGETS
28
III.
THE DIRECTION TAKEN BY THE EU TO COMBAT THE CRISIS
38
IV.
THE PRIORITIES FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY UNION
44
V.
MIGRATION AND FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT WITHIN THE EU
47
1
Europeans, immigration and freedom of movement within the EU
47
2
The free movement of citizens in the EU
57
ANNEXES
Technical specifications
1
The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
Spring 2016
Report
INTRODUCTION
This Standard Eurobarometer 85 survey was conducted between 21 and 31 May 20161 in 34
countries or territories: the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU), the five candidate
countries (the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, Montenegro, Serbia and
Albania) and the Turkish Cypriot community in the part of the country which is not controlled
by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus.
This volume of the Standard Eurobarometer survey of spring 2016 (EB85) analyses European
citizens’ views regarding the European Union’s policies, focusing on the priorities set by the
European Commission2, a theme which was addressed through the following topics:

Support for European policies: are Europeans in favour of greater integration of the 28
Member States’ policies? In particular in economic, monetary and commercial areas; but
also in terms of foreign policy, defense and security;

Opinions on the Europe 2020 strategy: are the objectives pursued by the European
Commission since 2010 as part of of the Europe 2020 strategy (whether socio-economic,
environmental or education and research targets) too ambitious, about right or too
modest?

The direction taken by the EU to combat the crisis: do Europeans feel that the
objectives set out by the European Union will help it to emerge from the crisis and face
new global challenges?

The priorities for a European energy union: what priorities would Europeans like to
see for a common energy policy in the EU Member States?

Immigration and free movement within the EU: how do Europeans feel about the
immigration of people from other EU Member States? Or from countries outside the EU?
And do they support the free movement of citizens throughout the EU?
The full Standard Eurobarometer report (EB85) consists of several volumes. The first volume
presents the state of public opinion regarding the European Union. Three other volumes
present Europeans’ views on other subjects: the European Union’s priorities; economic issues
in the European Union; and European citizenship. This volume focuses on the European Union’s
priorities.
1
2
Please consult the technical specifications to see the exact dates of interviews in each country.
http://ec.europa.eu/priorities/index_en
2
The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
Spring 2016
Report
The methodology used is that of the Standard Eurobarometer surveys of the DirectorateGeneral for Communication ("Strategy, Corporate Communication Actions and
Eurobarometer" Unit)3. The same methodology was applied in all countries and territories that
were surveyed. A technical note describing how the institutes within the TNS opinion & social
network conduct interviews is included in the report’s annexes. This note also specifies the
confidence intervals4, which enable us to assess the accuracy of a survey’s results in accordance
with the size of the sample in relation to the total size of the population studied.
Note: the abbreviations used in this report correspond to:
Belgium
BE
Lithuania
LT
Bulgaria
BG
Luxembourg
LU
Czech Republic
CZ
Hungary
HU
Denmark
DK
Malta
MT
Germany
DE
The Netherlands
NL
Estonia
EE
Austria
AT
Ireland
IE
Poland
PL
Greece
EL
Portugal
PT
Spain
ES
Romania
RO
France
FR
Slovenia
SI
Croatia
HR
Slovakia
SK
Italy
IT
Finland
FI
Republic of Cyprus
CY *
Sweden
SE
Latvia
LV
United Kingdom
UK
Turkish Cypriot Community
CY(tcc)
Albania
AL
Turkey
TR
Montenegro
ME
Serbia
RS
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)
MK **
European Union – weighted average for the 28 Member States
EU28
BE, FR, IT, LU, DE, AT, ES, PT, IE, NL, FI, EL, EE, SI, CY, MT, SK, LV, LT
Euro area
BG, CZ, DK, HR, HU, PL, RO, SE, UK
Non-euro area
* Cyprus as a whole is one of the 28 European Union Member States. However, the "acquis
communautaire" has been suspended in the part of the country that is not controlled by the government
of the Republic of Cyprus. For practical reasons, only the interviews carried out in the part of the country
controlled by the government of the Republic of Cyprus are included in the "CY" category and in the
EU28 average.
** Provisional abbreviation which in no way prejudges the definitive name of this country, which will be
agreed once the current negotiations at the United Nations have been completed.
We wish to thank all the people interviewed throughout Europe who took the time to take part
in this survey.
Without their active participation, this survey would not have been possible.
http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/index_en.htm
The results tables are annexed. It should be noted that the total of the percentages indicated in the tables in this report may
exceed 100% when the respondents were able to choose several answers to a question.
3
4
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Report
I. SUPPORT FOR EUROPEAN POLICIES
74% of Europeans say they are in favour of a "common defence and security policy
among EU Member States"
Respondents were asked to say whether they are for or against seven European policies5,
six of which are backed by over half of Europeans. "Further enlargement of the EU to include
other countries in future years" was the exception.
In more detail, at least seven in ten respondents support "a common defence and security
policy among EU Member States" and "a common energy policy among EU Member
States". Over six in ten say they are in favour of "a common foreign policy of the 28 Member
States of the EU". Over half of them also approve of "a digital single market within the EU",
"a European economic and monetary union with one single currency, the euro", and a
"free trade and investment agreement between the EU and the USA". Only "further
enlargement of the EU to include other countries in future years" receives minority
support, fewer than four in ten Europeans approving of this policy.
5
QD17.1-2-3-4-5-6-7-8-9. What is your opinion on each of the following statements? Please tell me for each statement, whether
you are for it or against it. A European economic and monetary union with one single currency, the euro; A common foreign policy
of the 28 Member States of the EU; Further enlargement of the EU to include other countries in future years; A common defence
and security policy among EU Member States; A free trade and investment agreement between the EU and the USA; A common
European policy on migration; A common energy policy among EU Member States; A digital single market within the EU; The free
movement of EU citizens who can live, work, study and do business anywhere in the EU. The items referring to a common migration
and freedom of movement policy are analysed in chapter 5 of this volume.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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A common defence and security policy among EU Member States
"A common defence and security policy among EU Member States" is supported by nearly
three-quarters of respondents (74%, +2 percentage points since autumn 2015). Only 19% of
Europeans (-1) oppose a common defence and security policy, while 7% (-1) express no
opinion. In this spring 2016 Standard Eurobarometer survey, support for this policy is on the
rise again after two consecutive declines.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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In the 28 Member States, over half of respondents are in favour of "a common defence and
security policy among EU Member States". However, support varies greatly between countries:
it stands at least 80% in eight Member States, namely Lithuania (89%), Latvia (85%),
Luxembourg and Belgium (both 84%), Germany (82%), Spain and Cyprus (both 81%) and
France (80%). However, it does not exceed 60% in Sweden (55%), the United Kingdom (58%)
and Austria and Finland (60% in both countries).
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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In terms of evolutions since autumn 2015, the proportion of respondents in favour of a
"common defence and security policy among EU Member States" is up in 18 Member States,
most strikingly in Ireland (69%, +12 percentage points). However, it has declined in seven
countries: Finland, the United Kingdom, Estonia, Slovakia, Malta, Romania and Austria, and is
unchanged in Poland, Italy and Sweden.
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The priorities of the European Union
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A common energy policy among EU Member States
70% of respondents are in favour of a "common energy policy among EU Member States"
(unchanged since autumn 2015), while 20% (=) oppose a common energy policy and 10% (=)
"don't know".
A majority of respondents support a "common energy policy among EU Member States" in all
28 Member States. However, there are substantial differences between countries, with the most
support in Luxembourg (84%), Germany (82%), Belgium (81%) and Lithuania (80%), and the
least in the United Kingdom (54%), the Czech Republic (56%) and Austria (59%).
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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In terms of evolutions, the proportion of respondents in favour of "a common energy policy
among EU Member States" has risen in 17 Member States since autumn 2015, especially in
Luxembourg (84%, +7 percentage points). It has fallen in ten other countries, Malta in particular
(77%, -7), and is unchanged in Spain.
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The priorities of the European Union
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A common foreign policy of the 28 Member States of the EU
Nearly two-thirds of Europeans support "a common foreign policy of the 28 Member States
of the EU" (64%, +1 percentage point since autumn 2015). Conversely, over a quarter oppose
a common foreign policy (26%, unchanged), and 10% (-1) express no opinion.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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In 26 Member States, "a common foreign policy of the 28 Member States of the EU" is
supported by a majority of respondents. In these countries, approval is most widespread in
Lithuania (81%), Germany (77%) and Spain (75%), and least so in the United Kingdom (46%
"for" versus 40% "against"), Finland (50%), Malta (51%) and the Czech Republic (52%). A
common EU foreign policy is rejected by a majority in two countries: Sweden (56% "against"
versus 39% "for"), where this was already the case in previous Eurobarometer Standard surveys,
and Denmark (46% versus 45%), where opposition has become the predominant view in this
spring 2016 survey.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Since autumn 2015, support for "a common foreign policy of the 28 Member States of the EU"
has increased in 13 Member States, with the sharpest rise in Ireland (69%, +12 percentage
points). Conversely, it has declined in 11 countries, especially in Greece (68%, -7) and remains
unchanged in Germany, Croatia, Bulgaria and Hungary.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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A European economic and monetary union with one single currency, the euro
Over half of respondents are favour of "a European economic and monetary union with one
single currency, the euro" (55%, -1 percentage point since autumn 2015), while 38% (+1) are
opposed to the single currency, and 7% (unchanged) “don’t know”. This is the second
consecutive time that support for an economic and monetary union has fallen slightly.
The support index, representing the difference between the proportions of respondents who
are "for" and "against" the single currency, stands at +17, below that measured in spring (+21)
and autumn 2015 (+19), but still well above the lowest index ever recorded (+9, in spring 2013).
European economic and monetary union receives differing degrees of support in euro area
and non-euro area countries. In countries within the euro area, over two-thirds of respondents
are in favour of the euro (68%, unchanged), while 26% (=) are against it.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Report
In the 19 Member States in the euro area, majorities support the single currency in proportions
that vary between 82% in Luxembourg and 53% in Cyprus.
However, outside the euro area, over six in ten respondents are now opposed to economic and
monetary union (61%, +3 percentage points), while under a third are in favour (31%, -1).
In three of the nine Member States outside the euro area, a majority of respondents are in
favour of the single currency: Romania (57%), Croatia (54%) and Hungary (51%). However, they
oppose it in the remaining six countries: the United Kingdom (76% "against"), the Czech
Republic (75%), Sweden (71%), Denmark (65%), Poland (55%) and Bulgaria (46% "against"
versus 42% "for").
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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In terms of evolutions since autumn 2015, support for a "European economic and monetary
union with one single currency, the euro" has gaining ground in 17 Member States, led by
Austria (69%, +7 percentage points). Support has declined in nine countries, most notably in
Greece (62%, -8) and remains stable in Slovakia and Germany.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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A socio-demographical analysis shows that:

A majority of respondents are in favour of economic and monetary union in almost all
socio-demographic categories. Support reaches its highest levels among Europeans who
say they belong to the upper-middle class (75% "for") and middle class (64%), students
(67%), those in the 15-24 age group (62%), those who studied until age 20 or later (62%)
and managers (61%);

However, only a minority support the single currency among Europeans who usually have
difficulty paying their bills (43% "for" versus 49% "against") and who describe themselves
working class (43% versus 49%).
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The priorities of the European Union
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Standard Eurobarometer 85
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The following tables show the results by socio-demographic criteria for the European Union as
a whole (EU28 average), for the six largest EU countries and for countries that benefit or have
benefited from European Union aid to tackle the financial and economic crisis.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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A digital single market within the EU
56% of Europeans are in favour of a "digital single market within the EU" (+3 percentage
points since autumn 2015), while 22% are opposed to a single digital market (unchanged) and
an identical proportion (22%, -3) expressed no opinion.
There is majority support for a "digital single market within the EU" in the 28 Member States.
It is particularly high in the Baltic countries (72% in Lithuania, 71% in Estonia and 69% in Latvia),
Slovenia (72%) and Croatia (70%). Relative majorities support a digital single market in two
countries: the United Kingdom (40% "for" versus 34% "against"), though only a minority did so
prior to this survey, and in Bulgaria (47% versus 20%, with 33% who "don't know").
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Since autumn 2015, the proportion of respondents in favour of a single digital market has risen
in 22 Member States, most notably in Ireland (68%, +12 percentage points). It has declined
slightly in Portugal, Greece, Germany and Poland and remains unchanged in both Slovakia and
Hungary.
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The priorities of the European Union
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A free trade and investment agreement between the EU and the USA
An absolute majority of Europeans support "a free trade and investment agreement
between the EU and the USA" (51%, -2 percentage points since autumn 2015). Over a third
of respondents are now opposed to the free trade agreement (34%, +2), while 15%
(unchanged) express no opinion.
As was the case in autumn 2015, a majority of respondents support "a free trade and
investment agreement between the EU and the USA" in 24 Member States led by Lithuania
(77%) and Ireland (70%). The narrowest majorities are found in Croatia (47% "for" versus 41%
"against"), Slovakia (47% versus 39%) and Italy (49% versus 31%). In four Member States,
majorities continue to oppose such an agreement: Austria (70% "against" versus 20% "for"),
Germany (59% versus 26%), Slovenia (52% versus 37%) and Luxembourg (50% versus 36%).
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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In 18 Member States, the proportion of respondents in favour of a free trade and investment
agreement has fallen since autumn 2015, most notably in Spain (55%, -8 percentage points)
and Croatia (47%, -8). At the same time, support has risen in seven countries, including Sweden
(68%, +8) and remains unchanged in Bulgaria, the Netherlands and France.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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A socio-demographical analysis shows that:

All socio-demographic categories are overwhelmingly in favour of establishing a "free
trade and investment agreement between the EU and the USA". Support is strongest
among Europeans in the 15-24 age group (61%), students (61%) and people who say
they belong to the upper class (60%); the ratio of opinion is narrower among Europeans
who left school at age 15 or earlier (42% "for" versus 35% "against");

However, majorities oppose the free trade agreement among people who think that
globalisation is not an opportunity (52% "against" versus 37% "for"), who have a negative
impression of the European Union (49% versus 38%) and who are pessimistic about the
EU's future (46% versus 39%).
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Report
The following tables show the results by socio-demographic criteria for the European Union as
a whole (EU28 average), for the six largest EU countries and for countries that benefit or have
benefited from European Union aid to tackle the financial and economic crisis.
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Further enlargement of the EU to include other countries in future years
"Further enlargement of the EU to include other countries in future years" is the only one
of the seven European policies tested to receive support from only a minority of respondents
(37%, -1 percentage point since autumn 2015). In contrast, over half of Europeans oppose
future enlargement (52%, +1); 11% (unchanged) express no opinion on this subject.
A difference is found between countries in the euro area and those outside the euro area on
this issue. Respondents in euro area countries are largely opposed to the enlargement of the
EU (57% "against", unchanged), whereas in countries outside the euro area, a majority are in
favour of enlargement, although the ratio of opinion has narrowed (46% "for", -1 percentage
point, versus 42% "against", +3).
Majorities oppose "further enlargement of the EU to include other countries in future years" in
17 Member States, led by Germany (71%), Austria (69%) and Luxembourg (67%). In the
remaining 11 countries, a majority of respondents say they are in favour of enlargement, mosat
strikingly in Romania (65%), and Lithuania and Croatia (both 64%).
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Since autumn 2015, support for "further enlargement of the EU to include other countries in
future years" has increased in 13 Member States. However, it has declined in 11 countries, most
notably in Greece (39% "for", -9 percentage points, versus 56% "against", +11). There is no
change in Slovenia, Denmark, the Czech Republic and the Netherlands.
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Standard Eurobarometer 85
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II. OPINIONS OF THE EU’S EUROPE 2020 TARGETS
A majority of Europeans continue to see the nine EU targets that form part of the
Europe 2020 strategy as realistic
Respondents were asked to assess the realism of nine targets set by the European Union
as part of its Europe 2020 strategy, launched in 20106. To do this, they indicated whether
each objective seemed to be "about right", "too ambitious" or "too modest"7.
The nine targets tested seem realistic to a majority of Europeans, as has been the case since
this question was first asked in the Standard Eurobarometer of spring 2010 (EB73). In detail,
analysis of results at the European Union level indicates that:

The objective that "three-quarters of men and women between 20 and 64 years of
age should have a job" is considered realistic by 55% of respondents (-2 percentage
points since autumn 2015);

"Increasing energy efficiency in the EU by 20% by 2020" seems "about right" to 54%
of Europeans (-2);

53% (-1) share this view when it comes to "increasing the share of renewable energy
in the EU by 20% by 2020";

"The share of funds invested in research and development should reach 3% of the
wealth produced in the EU each year" is seen as a realistic goal by 51% of respondents
(unchanged);

Half of Europeans (50%, =) believe the objective that "the number of young people
leaving school with no qualifications should fall to 10%" by 2020 is "about right";

"Reducing EU greenhouse gas emissions by at least 20% by 2020 compared to
1990" is perceived as realistic by 49% of respondents (-1), while 25% (=) believe it is "too
ambitious" and 15% "too modest";

"Bringing industry's contribution to the economy to 20% of GDP by 2020" seems
realistic to 48% of Europeans (-1), while 19% say it is "too ambitious" and 8% "too
modest";

45% (=) of respondents believe that the objective that "the number of Europeans living
below the poverty line should be reduced by a quarter by 2020" is "about right",
while 29% consider it "too ambitious" and 20% "too modest";
6
http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/index_en.htm
QB1.1-2-3-4-5-6-7-8-9. Thinking about each of the following objectives to be reached by 2020 in the EU, would you say that it
is too ambitious, about right or too modest? Three-quarters of men and women between 20 and 64 years of age should have a
job; The share of funds invested in research and development should reach 3% of the wealth produced in the EU each year; To
reduce EU greenhouse gas emissions by at least 20% by 2020 compared to 1990; To increase the share of renewable energy in
the EU by 20% by 2020; To increase energy efficiency in the EU by 20% by 2020; The number of young people leaving school with
no qualifications should fall to 10%; At least 40% of the people aged 30 to 34 should have a higher education degree or diploma;
The number of Europeans living below the poverty line should be reduced by a quarter by 2020; To bring industry's contribution
to the economy to 20% of GDP by 2020.
7
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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Report
Lastly, the objective that "at least 40% of people aged 30 to 34 should have a higher
education degree or diploma" by 2020 is seen as realistic by 44% of Europeans (-1),
"too ambitious" by 39% and "too modest" by 9%.
The results for this question have changed very little since autumn 2015. The main change is
the 2-point decline in the proportion of Europeans who think the objectives that threequarters of men and women between 20 and 64 years of age should have a job by 2020,
and that energy efficiency in the EU should increase by 20% by 2020 are “about right”.
However, if we compare these results with those of spring 20108, we find a more or less clear
decline in the extent to which these eight targets are seen as realistic.
8
The series of measures since spring 2010 is valid for eight of the nine targets, as "bringing industry's contribution to the economy
to 20% of GDP by 2020" was introduced into the Eurobarometer Standard survey more recently, in autumn 2014 (EB82).
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The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
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This is particularly true of the three targets for education and research, with an 8-point
decline since spring 2010 for "at least 40% of people aged 30 to 34 should have a higher
education degree or diploma"; a 5-point fall for "the share of funds invested in research and
development should reach 3% of the wealth produced in the EU each year"; and a 3-point
decline for "the number of young people leaving school with no qualifications should fall to
10%."
The three environmental targets are also seen as less realistic than in spring 2010, with a 6point fall for "an increase of energy efficiency in the EU by 20% by 2020" and "a reduction in
EU greenhouse gas emissions by at least 20% by 2020 compared to 1990"; and a 5-point
decline for "an increase in the share of renewable energy in the EU by 20% by 2020."
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Finally, the same applies to the two socio-economic targets, which have seen an 8-point
decline in the proportion of respondents regarding them as "about right" since spring 2010,
both for "three-quarters of men and women between 20 and 64 years of age should have a
job" and "the number of Europeans living below the poverty line should be reduced by a
quarter by 2020".
A detailed analysis by country reveals that in eight Member States, the proportion of
respondents who think each of the nine targets tested are "about right" is always greater than
or equal to the EU average. Croatia, Italy, Romania, Latvia, Poland, Spain, Ireland and Lithuania
are these countries where respondents are most likely to see the targets as realistic.
In 26 Member States, a majority of respondents feel that the objective that "three-quarters
of men and women between 20 and 64 years of age should have a job" is "about right".
They are most likely to see this target as realistic in Croatia and Italy (both 64%). However,
respondents are particularly likely to view this as "too ambitious" in two countries: Cyprus (38%
"too ambitious" versus 34% "about right") and Luxembourg (44% versus 41%).
"Increasing energy efficiency in the EU by 20% by 2020" is widely regarded as “about right”
in all 28 Member States, led by Lithuania (67%), Malta (66%), Poland (64%), and Croatia and
Romania (both 62%); however, this proportion falls below 50% in Cyprus (42%), Greece (44%),
Germany and Luxembourg (both 47%), and Slovakia (49%).
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"Increasing the share of renewable energy in the EU by 20% by 2020" is also generally
seen as "about right" in the 28 Member States, with the highest scores recorded in the same
five countries as in the case of the target for energy efficiency: Malta (67%), Lithuania (64%),
Poland (63%), Croatia (62%) and Romania (61%). Respondents are least likely to agree in Cyprus
and Greece (both 43%). However, in two countries proportions significantly above the
European average of 15% say that this target is "too modest": Sweden (29%) and Austria (28%).
"The share of funds invested in research and development should reach 3% of the wealth
produced in the EU each year" is a target that seems to "about right" to a majority of
respondents in all EU Member States, led by Latvia (63%), and Denmark, Croatia and Lithuania
(all 61%). Fewer respondents see this as realistic in Cyprus (35%) and Greece (39%).
In the 28 Member States, a majority believe that "the number of young people leaving
school with no qualifications should fall to 10%" by 2020 is "about right". Respondents are
most likely to see this target as realistic in Italy (63%), Spain (61%) and Romania (60%), and
least likely to do so in Luxembourg (38%) and Germany and Hungary (both 41%). Sweden
records a rate of "too modest" responses well above the European average of 22%, although
it has fallen since autumn 2015 and is no longer the majority view (43% "about right" versus
39% "too modest", compared with 38% versus 45% in autumn 2015).
"Reducing EU greenhouse gas emissions by at least 20% by 2020 compared to 1990" is
perceived as realistic by a majority in all 28 Member States, led by Malta (61%), Lithuania (59%)
and Croatia, Italy and Poland (all 58%). Respondents are least likely to say it is “about right” in
Cyprus (39%) and in Greece and the Czech Republic (both 41%). In both Sweden (31%) and
Austria (27%), respondents regard this target as "too modest" at a rate well above the European
average of 15%.
In 24 Member States, a majority of respondents say that the idea that "the number of
Europeans living below the poverty line should be reduced by a quarter by 2020" is
"about right", with the highest scores in Romania (61%), Italy (59%), and Latvia and Poland
(both 58%), and the lowest in Germany (34%), Belgium (36%) and France (37%). However, this
target is considered "too ambitious" in two Member States: Luxembourg (45% "too ambitious"
versus 31% "about right") and Cyprus (44% versus 32%). In the Czech Republic, the "too
ambitious" and "about right" answers are in balance (both 39%); in Greece, respondents are
equally divided between ”too ambitious” and “too modest” (both 34%, versus 30% "about
right"). The target "at least 40% of people aged 30 to 34 should have a higher education
degree or diploma" is perceived as “about right” by a majority in 18 Member States, with the
highest rates recorded in Spain (63%), Italy (60%) and Romania (58%). Conversely, in ten
Member States, a majority of respondents found this target "too ambitious": the Netherlands
(69% "too ambitious" versus 24% "about right"), Germany (64% versus 26%), Finland (62%
versus 29%), Estonia (50% versus 33%), Austria (49% versus 35%), Luxembourg (48% versus
33%), Hungary (47% versus 40%), France (45% versus 35%), Slovenia (44% versus 41%) and
Slovakia (42% versus 41%).
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Slightly fewer respondents think the objective of "bringing industry's contribution to the
economy to 20% of GDP by 2020" is realistic than did so in autumn 20149: the proportion of
Europeans who say it is "about right" has fallen by three percentage points, from 51% to 48%.
However, since spring 2015 it has remained fairly stable, standing at 48% in spring 2015 and
spring 2016 and 49% in autumn 2015.
"Bringing industry's contribution to the economy to 20% of GDP by 2020" appears “about
right” to a majority of respondents in all 28 Member States, led by Croatia (62%), Romania
(59%) and Latvia (57%). This score is lowest in Cyprus and Luxembourg (both 34%) and France
(38%). The rate of "don't know" responses is particularly high for this question (25% in the EU):
it is at least 20% in 20 Member States, with the highest proportions found in Estonia (39%),
Malta (36%) and Luxembourg (35%).
9
A target that was introduced more recently, in the Standard Eurobarometer survey of autumn 2014 (EB82).
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III. THE DIRECTION TAKEN BY THE EUROPEAN UNION TO COMBAT THE
CRISIS
A majority of Europeans continue to believe that the EU is going in the right direction
to emerge from the crisis, but negative judgements are gaining ground
After they had evaluated nine targets pursued by the European Union as part of its Europe
2020 strategy, Europeans were asked if they think that "the EU is going in the right direction
or in the wrong direction to exit the crisis and face new global challenges"10: 45% of
respondents (unchanged since autumn 2015) answered "in the right direction". However,
more than three in ten believe that the EU is going "in the wrong direction" (31%), an increase
of five percentage points since autumn 2015. Lastly, 14% (-8 percentage points) spontaneously
say that the EU is going neither in the right nor the wrong direction, and 10% (+3) express no
opinion.
After falling by eight percentage points between spring and autumn 2015, approval of the
direction taken by the EU to emerge from the crisis has stabilised in this Standard
Eurobarometer survey. Conversely, "wrong direction" responses have risen for the third
consecutive time and have reached their second highest level (on a par with the results
recorded in autumn 2011 and spring 2012). However, this has not occured at the expense of
positive judgements, but rather at the expense of the spontaneous answer "neither the one or
the other".
The difference between the "right direction" and "wrong direction" response rates is +14 in
this spring 2016 survey, marking a return to the autumn 2013 level. It remains lower than the
highest differential ever measured (+28 in spring 2015), but equally, it is above the lowest
differential ever recorded for this index (+7 in autumn 2011).
10
QB2. Having heard about the objectives of the EU, do you think that the EU is going in the right direction or in the wrong
direction to exit the crisis and face new global challenges?
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In 24 Member States, a majority of respondents believe that the EU is going "in the right
direction". In these countries, this proportion is highest in Finland (76%), Lithuania (74%) and
Sweden (73%), and lowest in the United Kingdom (35%), Germany (42%) and Belgium (43%).
In three Member States, majorities say that the EU is going “in the wrong direction”: Greece
(58% "in the wrong direction" versus 26% "in the right direction"), Italy (42% versus 32%) and
Slovakia (42% versus 40%). Lastly, positive and negative judgements are evenly balanced in
Spain (40% in both cases).
Since autumn 2015, the "right direction" response rate has gained ground in 19 Member States,
and by at least ten percentage points in seven: Ireland (70%, +15 percentage points),
Luxembourg (49%, +14) – where it is once more the predominant view, as opposed to the
spontaneous response "neither the one or the other", which led in autumn 2015 –, Latvia (56%,
+13), Finland (76%, +13), Slovenia (50%, +12), Cyprus (50%, +10) and Austria (46%, +10).
However, the proportion of respondents for whom the EU is moving “in the right direction”
has fallen in six countries, by over ten percentage points in the United Kingdom (35%, -14) and
Belgium (43%, -10), and by rather less in Spain (40%, - 2), Greece (26%, -2), Romania (59%, -1)
and Germany (42%, -1).
In addition to the evolutions reported in Luxembourg, there have been other shifts in the
majority opinion: towards positive judgements in the Czech Republic (47% "in the right
direction" versus 37% "in the wrong direction", compared with 39% versus 39% in autumn
2015); towards negative judgements in Slovakia (40% versus 42%, compared with 36% versus
32%); and towards equilibrium in Spain (40% versus 40%, compared with 42% versus 31%).
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Since autumn 2015, the difference between positive and negative judgements (the index
referred to in the table below) has fallen by five percentage points at the European Union level.
However, it has strengthened in 16 Member States, and by at least ten points in six of them:
Luxembourg (+13), Ireland (+13), Finland (+12), Portugal (+11), Latvia (+11) and the Czech
Republic (+10). Conversely, it has declined in ten countries, most notably in Belgium (-18),
Greece (-15), Romania (-12), Poland (-12), Spain (-11) and the United Kingdom (-11). It remains
unchanged in both Germany and Estonia.
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The following tables show the results by socio-demographic criteria for the European Union as
a whole (EU28 average), for the six largest EU countries and for countries that benefit or have
benefited from European Union aid to tackle the financial and economic crisis.
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IV. THE PRIORITIES FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY UNION
Europeans say that developing renewable energy and protecting the environment are
the two priority objectives for a European energy union
As we saw in the first part of this report11, seven in ten Europeans are in favour of a "common
energy policy among EU Member States" (70%, unchanged since autumn 2015).
To find out what aims Europeans believe should take priority in a European energy union,
respondents were asked to choose up to three objectives from a list of 1112:

As in autumn 2015, "developing renewable energy" is in first place, cited by over four
in ten respondents (41%, unchanged since autumn 2015), but it is now closely followed
by "protecting the environment" (39%, +3 percentage points) which has climbed one
spot;

"Guaranteeing reasonable energy prices for consumers" completes the top three
(36%, -2), but has slipped from first to third place since the spring 2015 survey (-4);

"Fighting global warming" is the last objective to be mentioned by at least one-third
of Europeans (33%, +3). This objective has gained seven percentage points since spring
2015, the largest increase observed over a year (ahead of environmental protection, +5);

"Reducing energy consumption" is mentioned as a priority by over a quarter of
respondents (26%, +1);

"Guaranteeing a continuous supply of energy" (18%, -1), "guaranteeing the EU's
independence in the field of energy" (13%, -1), "guaranteeing reasonable energy
prices for companies" (12%, =) and "guaranteeing the competitiveness of the EU's
industry" (10%, =) are priority objectives for at least one in ten Europeans;

Tied in the last position, "pooling EU's negotiating power towards energy providers"
and "interconnecting energy infrastructure" are cited by 8% of respondents (both -1).
11
12
See part I of this volume: "Support for European policies".
QB3. In your opinion, which of the following objectives should be given top priority in a European energy union?
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Maximum three answers possible In 12 Member States, "developing renewable energy" is considered a priority by a majority
of respondents. This is the case for "protecting the environment" in six countries. In Ireland,
these two objectives are tied for first place (both 43%). "Guaranteeing reasonable energy
prices for consumers" is the first priority for a European energy union in eight Member States.
Lastly, respondents in the Netherlands consider that "fighting global warming" is the most
important priority (49%, versus 48% for "developing renewable energy").
The classification of priorities therefore differs between Member States, sometimes very
sharply: thus, "developing renewable energy" is mentioned most often in Sweden (72%) and
least in Bulgaria (18%); "protecting the environment" receives its highest score in Malta (55%)
and its lowest in Portugal and Bulgaria (both 27%); "guaranteeing reasonable energy prices for
consumers" is mentioned by 58% of respondents in Portugal, but only 15% in Sweden; and
lastly, "fighting global warming" is a priority for 57% in Sweden and 16% in Estonia.
Since autumn 2015, some significant national evolutions have occurred. "Protecting the
environment" increased its score in 18 Member States, most notably in Spain (47%, +13
percentage points); likewise, "fighting global warming" has gained ground in 23 countries,
again led by Spain (34%, +11). In contrast, "guaranteeing reasonable energy prices for
consumers" has lost ground in 20 Member States, especially in Cyprus (37%, -11).
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V. MIGRATION AND FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT WITHIN THE EU
1
Europeans, immigration and freedom of movement within
the EU
67% of respondents support a common European policy on migration
Two-thirds of Europeans support "a common European policy on migration" (67%)13.
Despite a one percentage point decline since autumn 2015, this result has nevertheless
stabilised after losing five points between spring and autumn 2015. Over a quarter of
respondents oppose this policy (26%, +2 percentage points); 7% (-1) express no opinion.
On this issue, the difference between the countries in the euro area and those outside the
euro area has widened, although a common European migration policy is backed by a majority
in both groups of countries. While support remains stable in the euro area countries (73%
"for", unchanged since autumn 2015, versus 21% "against", +1 percentage point), it continues
to erode in countries outside the euro area (54%, -3, versus 37%, +4).
13
QA17.6. What is your opinion on each of the following statements? Please tell me for each statement, whether you are for it or
against it. A common European policy on migration.
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In 26 Member States, a majority of respondents express support for a common European
migration policy (compared with 27 in autumn 2015). In these countries, support is strongest
in Luxembourg and the Netherlands (81% in both countries) and Spain (80%) and weakest in
Poland (48% "for" versus 39% "against") and Hungary (49% versus 45%). There is minority
support in two Member States: the Czech Republic (41% versus 54%) and Estonia (42% versus
44%).
Since autumn 2015, the proportion of respondents in favour of a common European migration
policy has declined in 13 Member States, especially in Hungary (49%, -6 percentage points)
and Poland (48%, -6). However, it has increased in 11 countries, most notably in France (71%,
+7), and is unchanged in Malta (75%), Austria (59%) and Finland (53%) and also in Estonia,
despite the fact that in this country support is now in the minority due to a 5-point rise in
opposition to a common migration policy (42% "for", unchanged, versus 44% "against", +5).
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For 58% of Europeans, immigration from countries outside the European Union evokes
negative feelings
When Europeans are asked to describe their feelings regarding the immigration of people from
other EU Member States, and the immigration of people from countries outside the EU14, the
results obtained at the European Union level differ depending on the type of immigration in
question.
Nearly six in ten respondents have positive feelings about the immigration of people
from other EU Member States (or intra-community immigration) (58%), up three percentage
points since autumn 2015, and seven points since spring 2015. Fewer than four in ten
respondents now have negative feelings about intra-community immigration (35%, -3
percentage points compared with autumn 2015).
However, the immigration of people from countries outside the EU evokes negative
feelings for 58% of Europeans (-1 percentage point), while only a third see such immigration
in a positive light (34%, unchanged).
14
QB4.1-2. Please tell me whether each of the following statements evokes a positive or negative feeling for you. Immigration of
people from other EU Member States; Immigration of people from outside the EU.
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As in autumn 2015, immigration from other EU Member States evokes predominantly
positive feelings in 23 Member States, led by Luxembourg (81%), Sweden (78%), Ireland and
Finland (77% in both countries). In these states, respondents are least likely to have positive
feelings about intra-community immigration in the United Kingdom (49% total "positive"
versus 45% total "negative").
However, intra-community immigration is viewed in a negative light in five countries: Cyprus
(58% total "negative" versus 39% total "positive"), Latvia (51% versus 46%), the Czech Republic
(49% versus 44%), Slovakia (49% versus 45%) and Italy (46% versus 45%).
In terms of evolutions since autumn 2015, positive feelings about intra-community
immigration have gained ground in 18 Member States, most notably in Greece (55%, +7
percentage points), where they are now predominant. Conversely, they have fallen back slightly
in nine countries, including Latvia (46%, -3), where this view is now expressed by a minority,
and have remained stable (and the minority view) in Slovakia (45%).
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A socio-demographical analysis shows that:

Immigration from other EU Member States evokes a predominantly positive feeling in
almost all socio-demographic categories, but especially among students (72%) and
Europeans who believe they belong to the upper middle class (71%);

Only people who have difficulty paying their bills most of the time tend to associate intracommunity immigration with negative feelings (45% total "positive" versus 48% total
"negative").
Immigration from countries outside the European Union is predominantly associated
with negative feelings in 24 Member States (compared with 25 in autumn 2015). In these
24 countries, negative feelings are most widespread in Latvia (86%), Slovakia (84%) and
Hungary (83%) and least common in Croatia (45% total "negative" versus 42% total "positive")
and Portugal (46% versus 45%). However, in four countries, a majority of respondents report
positive feelings about the immigration of people from countries outside the EU: Sweden (62%
total "positive" versus 36% total "negative"), Luxembourg (53% versus 40%), Ireland (53%
versus 42%) and Spain (50% versus 39%).
Since autumn 2015, negative feelings associated with immigration from countries outside the
European Union have declined in 18 Member States, most notably in Luxembourg (40%, -12
percentage points). However, they have gained ground in eight countries, especially in
Romania (64%, +10 percentage points) and Sweden (36%, +9). They remain unchanged in
Latvia (86%) and Germany (58%).
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A socio-demographical analysis shows that:

Immigration from countries outside the European Union is predominantly viewed in a
negative light in almost all socio-demographic categories, with the highest levels among
Europeans who usually have trouble paying their bills (68% total "negative") and those
who left school at age 15 or earlier (65%);

Students are the only category with a predominantly positive view of the immigration of
people from countries outside the EU (50% total "positive" versus 41% total "negative").
The Member States of the European Union can be divided into three groups, based on the
dominant feelings evoked by the immigration of people from other Member States, and from
countries outside the European Union:

The first group consists of four countries where majorities of respondents experience
positive feelings about both types of immigration, namely Sweden, Luxembourg,
Ireland and Spain;

In the second group, we find 19 Member States where respondents tend to be
positive about immigration from other EU Member States, but where they are
predominantly negative about immigration from countries outside the EU: these
are Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, Germany, Estonia, Greece, France, Croatia, Lithuania,
Hungary, Malta, the Netherlands, Austria, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Finland
and the United Kingdom;

The third and final group consists of five countries where immigration, whether from
other Member States or from countries outside the European Union, evokes
negative feelings in the majority of respondents, namely Cyprus, Latvia, the Czech
Republic, Slovakia and Italy.
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89% of Europeans think that additional measures should be taken to combat the
irregular immigration of people from countries outside the EU
Nearly nine in ten respondents believe that additional measures should be taken "to
fight irregular immigration of people from outside the EU" (89%, unchanged since autumn
2015)15. Only 7% (=) of Europeans believe that "there is no need for additional measures"; 4%
(=) say they "don't know".
In all Member States, over three-quarters of respondents believe that additional
measures should be taken. This opinion is most widespread in Greece (98%), the Czech
Republic (97%) and Malta (96%), and least widespread in Sweden (76%), France (84%), and
Slovenia and the United Kingdom (both 85%).
The demand for new measures to fight illegal immigration has weakened since autumn 2015
in 14 Member States, but only one country records a sharp drop: Slovenia (85%, -10 percentage
points). Conversely, it has risen slightly in 12 countries and remains unchanged in Slovakia
(95%) and Germany (91%).
Four in ten Europeans spontaneously say that these additional measures to fight illegal
immigration should be taken both at the EU level and at the national level (40%, +4 percentage
points since autumn 2015); over a quarter want new measures "preferably at an EU level" (27%,
-5); while less than a quarter of respondents prefer the national level (22%, +1).
QB5. In your opinion, should additional measures be taken to fight irregular immigration of people from outside the EU? The
wording of this question has changed slightly from previous surveys: we now speak of measures to "fight irregular immigration",
whereas we previously spoke of measures "to fight illegal immigration".
15
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In all 28 Member States, over half of respondents would like to see the fight against
irregular immigration enhanced at the EU level (“preferably at an EU level” or “at both levels,
EU and national”), most notably in the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Estonia (82% in the three
countries), and to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (52%), Croatia and Austria (59% in
both countries).
In more detail, the spontaneous response "yes, at both levels (EU and national)" is much more
widespread than the European average of 40% in Estonia (68%), Portugal (55%), Malta (54%),
Hungary, Cyprus and Luxembourg (53% in the three countries), Ireland (51%) and Italy (50%).
The answer "yes, preferably at an EU level" is also much more common than the European
average of 27% in Belgium (46%), the Netherlands (39%) and Denmark (38%).
A preference for action at the national level is expressed in much larger proportions than the
European average (22% for "yes, preferably at a national level") in Greece (35%), the Czech
Republic (34%), Slovakia and the United Kingdom (both 33%).
Since autumn 2015, evolutions of at least ten percentage points have taken place in three
Member States, most strikingly in the United Kingdom (33%, +18 percentage points for the
spontaneous response "yes, at both levels (EU and national)" and 19%, -12 for "yes, preferably
at an EU level", with 33%, -10 for "yes, preferably at a national level"), but also in Romania (43%,
+7, 18%, -10; 31%, +7) and Cyprus (53%, +10; 23%, -4; 15%, -5).
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The free movement of citizens in the EU
The free movement of citizens anywhere in the EU is backed by a majority of Europeans
in all Member States
Nearly eight in ten respondents are in favour of "the free movement of EU citizens who
can live, work, study and do business anywhere in the EU" (79%, +1 percentage point
compared to autumn 2015)16. Only 16% (unchanged) of Europeans say they are opposed to
free movement; 5% (-1) express no opinion.
16
QA17.9. What is your opinion on each of the following statements? Please tell me for each statement, whether you are for it or
against it. The free movement of EU citizens who can live, work, study and do business anywhere in the EU.
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In all Member States, over six in ten respondents are in favour of the free movement of
citizens in the EU, with the highest proportions in Latvia (95%), Lithuania (93%) and Estonia
(91%) and the lowest in the United Kingdom (63%), Italy (68%) and Denmark (69%).
Since autumn 2015, support for free movement has gained ground in 14 countries, most
notably in the Czech Republic (84%, +6 percentage points), but has declined in 13 countries,
particularly in Greece (83%, -5). It remains unchanged in Romania (80%).
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A socio-demographical analysis shows that "the free movement of EU citizens who can live,
work, study and do business anywhere in the EU" is supported by a very large majority of
respondents in all socio-demographic categories.
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Over two-thirds of Europeans believe that the right to live or work in the 28 Member
States – including their own country – is a good thing for EU citizens
The right of European Union citizens to work or live in any EU Member State – including the
one in which the respondent lives – is seen as a good thing by approximately seven in ten
respondents17:

73% of Europeans see "the right for EU citizens to work in every Member State of
the EU" as a good thing" (-1 percentage point since autumn 2015). Only 10% (+1)
believe that this right is "a bad thing", while 14% (unchanged) say it is "neither a good
nor a bad thing";

Over seven in ten respondents also see "the right of EU citizens to live in every
Member State of the EU" in a positive light (71%, unchanged). 11% (+1) express the
opposite opinion and 15% (-1) feel that this right is "neither a good nor a bad thing";

These proportions remain high, despite a slight fall, when the question focuses on the
country where the respondent lives: 68% (-1) of Europeans view "the right for EU
citizens to work in (OUR COUNTRY)" as "a good thing", 13% (+1) as "a bad thing"
and 16% (=) as "neither a good nor a bad thing";

Finally, responses are very similar when respondents are asked about the "right for EU
citizens to live in (OUR COUNTRY)": 68% (=) say it is "a good thing", 13% (+2) "a
bad thing" and 16% (-2) as "neither a good nor a bad thing".
QB6.1-2-3-4. For each of the following statements, please tell me if you think that it is a good thing, a bad thing or neither a
good or a bad thing. The right for EU citizens to live in every Member State of the EU; The right for EU citizens to work in every
Member State of the EU; The right for EU citizens to live in (OUR COUNTRY); The right for EU citizens to work in (OUR COUNTRY).
17
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Each of the four rights is seens as "a good thing" by a majority of respondents in all 28
Member States
In all Member States, over half of respondents see "the right for EU citizens to work in every
Member State of the EU" in a positive light, most notably in Luxembourg (90%), Lithuania
(89%) and Finland (88%), less markedly in Italy (58%), the United Kingdom (59%) and Austria
(61%).
In terms of evolutions since the autumn 2015 survey, approval of this right has declined in 12
Member States, particularly in Belgium (65%, -5 percentage points), but has gained ground in
11 countries, including Hungary (83%, +5). It is unchanged in the remaining five countries
(Lithuania, Spain, Germany, Malta and Greece).
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"The right for EU citizens to live in every Member State of the EU" is also supported by an
absolute majority of respondents in the 28 Member States, led by Luxembourg (89%), Lithuania
(87%) and Spain (85%). The lowest proportions are found in the United Kingdom (53%), Italy
(56%) and Austria (63%).
Since autumn 2015, the proportion of respondents viewing this right as "a good thing" has
declined a little in 13 countries, although it has gained ground in 12 Member States, most
notably in Hungary (79%, +6 percentage points). It remains unchanged in Lithuania, France
and Malta.
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"The right for EU citizens to live in (OUR COUNTRY)" is viewed in a positive light by at least
half of respondents in all 28 Member States. Support is highest in Luxembourg (85%), and
Finland, Lithuania and Spain (84% in the three countries). It is less widespread in the United
Kingdom and Italy (50% in both countries), and Cyprus (58%).
Since autumn 2015, the proportion of respondents who say "the right for EU citizens to live in
(OUR COUNTRY)" is a good thing has fallen in 14 Member States, most notably in Sweden
(79%, -5 percentage points), but has risen in nine countries, especially in Portugal (82%, +5),
and is unchanged in Luxembourg, Spain, France, the Netherlands and Croatia.
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"The right for EU citizens to work in (OUR COUNTRY)" is most likely to be seen as "a good
thing" by respondents in Finland (86%), Luxembourg (85%), Spain and Sweden (both 84%), and
is least welcome Italy (46%, versus 19% "a bad thing" and 28% "neither a good nor a bad
thing"), Cyprus (54%), Austria (56%) and United Kingdom (57%).
Support for this right has fallen since autumn 2015 in 15 Member States while gaining ground
in nine, most notably in Hungary (69%, +5 percentage points) and Portugal (81%, +5). It
remains unchanged in Spain, Latvia, France and the United Kingdom.
In general, Europeans are more likely to support the right of European Union citizens to
work and live in all EU Member States than the right to do so specifically in their own
country. The national results confirm this trend.
In 26 Member States, the proportion of respondents approving of the right to live in all EU
countries exceeds that of respondents who believe the right to live "in (OUR COUNTRY)" is a
good thing. The differences are most significant in Cyprus (70% "in every Member State of the
EU" versus 58% "in (OUR COUNTRY)", Hungary (79% versus 69%) and Malta (73% versus 63%).
Sweden (77% versus 79%) and Finland (83% versus 84%) are the exceptions here.
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When the question is not of the right to live somewhere but the right to work somewhere, the
trend is even more pronounced: more respondents support its application "in every Member
State" than "in (OUR COUNTRY)" in all Member States. The differences are most pronounced
in Cyprus (71% versus 54%), Hungary (83% versus 69%), Malta (73% versus 60%), Bulgaria (82%
versus 70%), Italy (58% versus 46%), Latvia (86% versus 74%), Slovakia (83% versus 71%), the
Czech Republic (74% versus 63%) and Croatia (75% versus 65%). Conversely, they are least
significant in Portugal (82% versus 81%), the United Kingdom (59% versus 57%), Sweden (86%
versus 84%), Ireland (85% versus 83%) and Finland (88% versus 86%).
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A socio-demographical analysis shows that the four rights are supported by a clear majority
in all socio-demographic categories.
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specifications
TECHNICAL SPECIFICATIONS
Between the 21ST and the 31ST Mai 2016, TNS opinion & social, a consortium created between TNS
political & social, TNS UK and TNS opinion, carried out the wave 85.2 of the EUROBAROMETER
survey, on request of the EUROPEAN COMMISSION, Directorate-General for Communication,
“Strategy, Corporate Communication Actions and Eurobarometer” Unit.
The wave 85.2 is the STANDARD EUROBAROMETER 85 and covers the population of the respective
nationalities of the European Union Member States, resident in each of the 28 Member States and
aged 15 years and over.
The STANDARD EUROBAROMETER 85 survey has also been conducted in five candidate countries
(Turkey, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Albania) and in the
Turkish Cypriot Community. In these countries, the survey covers the national population of citizens
and the population of citizens of all the European Union Member States that are residents in these
countries and have a sufficient command of the national languages to answer the questionnaire.
COUNTRIES
INSTITUTES
N°
INTERVIEWS
DATES
POPULATION
15+
PROPORTION
EU28
BE
Belgium
TNS Dimarso
1,004
21/05/16
30/05/16
9,693,779
2.25%
BG
Bulgaria
TNS BBSS
1,024
21/05/16
30/05/16
6,537,535
1.52%
CZ
Czech Rep.
TNS Aisa
1,044
21/05/16
30/05/16
9,238,431
2.15%
DK
Denmark
TNS Gallup DK
1,007
21/05/16
30/05/16
4,838,729
1.13%
DE
Germany
TNS Infratest
1,592
21/05/16
30/05/16
70,160,634
16.32%
EE
Estonia
TNS Emor
1,012
21/05/16
30/05/16
1,160,064
0.27%
IE
Ireland
Behaviour and Attitudes
1,004
21/05/16
30/05/16
3,592,162
0.84%
EL
Greece
TNS ICAP
1,016
21/05/16
30/05/16
9,937,810
2.31%
ES
Spain
TNS Demoscopia
1,009
21/05/16
30/05/16
39,445,245
9.17%
FR
France
TNS Sofres
1,001
21/05/16
30/05/16
54,097,255
12.58%
HR
Croatia
HENDAL
1,030
21/05/16
30/05/16
3,796,476
0.88%
IT
Italy
TNS Italia
1,016
21/05/16
30/05/16
52,334,536
12.17%
CY
Rep. Of Cyprus
CYMAR
502
21/05/16
30/05/16
741,308
0.17%
LV
Latvia
TNS Latvia
1,003
21/05/16
30/05/16
1,707,082
0.40%
LT
Lithuania
TNS LT
1,009
21/05/16
30/05/16
2,513,384
0.58%
LU
Luxembourg
TNS ILReS
507
21/05/16
30/05/16
457,127
0.11%
HU
Hungary
TNS Hoffmann
1,041
21/05/16
30/05/16
8,781,161
2.04%
MT
Malta
MISCO
510
21/05/16
30/05/16
364,171
0.08%
NL
Netherlands
TNS NIPO
1,022
21/05/16
30/05/16
13,979,215
3.25%
AT
Austria
ipr Umfrageforschung
1,026
21/05/16
30/05/16
7,554,711
1.76%
PL
Poland
TNS Polska
1,004
21/05/16
30/05/16
33,444,171
7.78%
PT
Portugal
TNS Portugal
1,013
21/05/16
30/05/16
8,480,126
1.97%
RO
Romania
TNS CSOP
1,021
21/05/16
30/05/16
16,852,701
3.92%
SI
Slovenia
MEDIANA D.O.O.
1,043
21/05/16
30/05/16
1,760,032
0.41%
SK
Slovakia
TNS Slovakia
1,011
21/05/16
30/05/16
4,586,024
1.07%
FI
Finland
TNS Gallup Oy
1,008
21/05/16
30/05/16
4,747,810
1.10%
SE
Sweden
TNS Sifo
987
21/05/16
31/05/16
7,998,763
1.86%
UK
United Kingdom
TNS UK
1,352
21/05/16
30/05/16
51,174,531
11.90%
27,818
21/05/16
31/05/16
429,974,973
100%*
TOTAL EU28
* It should be noted that the total percentage shown in this table may exceed 100% due to rounding
CY(tcc)
TR
MK
ME
RS
AL
Turkish Cypriot Community
Turkey
Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia
Montenegro
Serbia
Albania
TOTAL
Lipa Consultancy
TNS Piar
500
1,026
23/05/16
21/05/16
30/05/16
30/05/16
143,226
56,770,205
TNS BRIMA
1,066
21/05/16
30/05/16
1,721,528
TNS Medium Gallup
TNS Medium Gallup
TNS BBSS
521
1,015
1,041
21/05/16
21/05/16
21/05/16
30/05/16
30/05/16
30/05/16
501,030
6,161,584
2,221,572
32,987
21/05/16
31/05/16
497,494,118
The basic sample design applied in all states is a multi-stage, random (probability) one. In each
country, a number of sampling points was drawn with probability proportional to population size
(for a total coverage of the country) and to population density.
TS 1
The priorities of the European Union
Standard Eurobarometer 85
Spring 2016
Technical
specifications
In order to do so, the sampling points were drawn systematically from each of the "administrative
regional units", after stratification by individual unit and type of area. They thus represent the whole
territory of the countries surveyed according to the EUROSTAT NUTS II1 (or equivalent) and
according to the distribution of the resident population of the respective nationalities in terms of
metropolitan, urban and rural areas.
In each of the selected sampling points, a starting address was drawn, at random. Further
addresses (every Nth address) were selected by standard "random route" procedures, from the
initial address. In each household, the respondent was drawn, at random (following the "closest
birthday rule"). All interviews were conducted face-to-face in people's homes and in the appropriate
national language. As far as the data capture is concerned, CAPI (Computer Assisted Personal
Interview) was used in those countries where this technique was available.
For each country a comparison between the sample and the universe was carried out. The Universe
description was derived from Eurostat population data or from national statistics offices. For all
countries surveyed, a national weighting procedure, using marginal and intercellular weighting, was
carried out based on this Universe description. In all countries, gender, age, region and size of
locality were introduced in the iteration procedure. For international weighting (i.e. EU averages),
TNS opinion & social applies the official population figures as provided by EUROSTAT or national
statistic offices. The total population figures for input in this post-weighting procedure are listed
here.
Readers are reminded that survey results are estimations, the accuracy of which, everything being
equal, rests upon the sample size and upon the observed percentage. With samples of about 1,000
interviews, the real percentages vary within the following confidence limits:
Statistical Margins due to the sampling process
(at the 95% level of confidence)
various sample sizes are in rows
N=50
N=500
various observed results are in columns
5%
95%
10%
90%
15%
85%
20%
80%
25%
75%
30%
70%
35%
65%
40%
60%
45%
55%
50%
50%
6.0
1.9
8.3
2.6
9.9
3.1
11.1
3.5
12.0
3.8
12.7
4.0
13.2
4.2
13.6
4.3
13.8
4.4
13.9 N=50
4.4 N=500
N=1000 1.4
1.9
2.2
2.5
2.7
2.8
3.0
3.0
3.1
3.1 N=1000
N=1500
N=2000
1.1
1.0
1.5
1.3
1.8
1.6
2.0
1.8
2.2
1.9
2.3
2.0
2.4
2.1
2.5
2.1
2.5
2.2
2.5
2.2
N=1500
N=2000
N=3000
0.8
1.1
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
1.8
1.8
N=3000
N=4000
N=5000
0.7
0.6
0.9
0.8
1.1
1.0
1.2
1.1
1.3
1.2
1.4
1.3
1.5
1.3
1.5
1.4
1.5
1.4
1.5
1.4
N=4000
N=5000
N=6000
N=7000
0.6
0.5
0.8
0.7
0.9
0.8
1.0
0.9
1.1
1.0
1.2
1.1
1.2
1.1
1.2
1.1
1.3
1.2
1.3
1.2
N=6000
N=7000
N=7500
0.5
0.7
0.8
0.9
1.0
1.0
1.1
1.1
1.1
1.1
N=7500
N=8000
N=9000
0.5
0.5
0.7
0.6
0.8
0.7
0.9
0.8
0.9
0.9
1.0
0.9
1.0
1.0
1.1
1.0
1.1
1.0
1.1
1.0
N=8000
N=9000
N=10000
N=11000
0.4
0.4
0.6
0.6
0.7
0.7
0.8
0.7
0.8
0.8
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
1.0
0.9
1.0
0.9
1.0
0.9
N=10000
N=11000
N=12000
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.8
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
N=12000
N=13000
N=14000
0.4
0.4
0.5
0.5
0.6
0.6
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.8
0.8
0.8
0.8
0.8
0.8
0.9
0.8
0.9
0.8
N=13000
N=14000
N=15000
0.3
5%
95%
0.5
10%
90%
0.6
15%
85%
0.6
20%
80%
0.7
25%
75%
0.7
30%
70%
0.8
35%
65%
0.8
40%
60%
0.8
45%
55%
1
Figures updated in August 2015
TS 2
0.8 N=15000
50%
50%