Environment and Planning A 2006, volume 38, pages 885 ^ 902
DOI:10.1068/a37217
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
in the High Provinces of Cusco, Peru
Elizabeth Olson
Department of Geography, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YB, England;
e-mail: [email protected]
Received 30 June 2004; in revised form 5 January 2005
Abstract. I examine the enmeshment of transnationally networked religious organizations in predominantly Quechua communities in the southern Andes of Peru. I aim specifically to understand the
multiple ways in which transnational religious organizations contribute to the construction of development epistemologies, or the socioeconomics of development truths. Peru has been undergoing a
religious transformation similar to the rest of Latin America, with Evangelical and other non-Catholic
faiths now well established in the rural highlands. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in the Provincias
Altas of Cusco, Peru, I examine the histories and organizational expressions of development truths
promoted by the Iglesia Surandina (the Catholic Church of the Southern Andes), and the Iglesia
Evangëlica Peruana (the Peruvian Evangelical Church). The ways that these epistemologies become
negotiated and translated in two rural districts reinforces the importance of historical context in the
formation of development epistemologies, but it also suggests that organizational structures and
differences in transnational processes contribute to the acceptance of or challenge to different sets
of knowledge regarding development.
Introduction
One narrative seems to dominate the geographic imaginaries of development specialists
working with Catholics and Evangelicals in Latin America. In Guatemala I was
frequently told about two towns: one that was economically successful and Evangelical,
and another that was desolate and Catholic. Upon starting my research in Peru, I was
told a similar story önot by religious scholars, but by development technicians working
on soil conservation strategies. There is a valley in Cajamarca that looks ``just like
Switzerland'', one friend narrated, with lush forests and fat cows that have to be milked
twice a day. This side of the valley is Evangelical. The other side of the valley is devoid
of trees, suffers extreme poverty and hardship, and is Catholic. Only one person among
the half dozen who told me the story could identify the valley as Granja Porcön, an
Evangelical agrarian cooperative in the department of Cajamarca that has received
impressive amounts of state and multilateral aid. For the others, the validity of the
story was less important than its usefulness in corroborating their own experiences
in working with Evangelical communities. These communities are successful, they
explained to me, because they don't drink, are well organized, highly accountable,
and even `stylish' in ways that Catholic ones are not.
This repeated narrative, about successful Evangelicals and unsuccessful Catholics,
exposes one of the many sets of meanings being ascribed to contemporary religious
transformation in Latin America. Like much of Latin America, the people of the
Southern Andes of Peru have undergone an accelerating religious transformation as
Catholic domination has given way to an increasing popularity of Iglesias Evangëlicas
(Evangelical churches) and other non-Catholic religious organizations, with some
estimates suggesting that over 10% of Peruvians will be Protestant, Pentecostal or
Apocalyptic by 2005 (WCD, 2004)öup from approximately 7% in 1993 (Marzal, 2000).
ô Previous address: Department of Geography, University of Colorado, Boulder, CO 80309-0260,
USA.
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E Olson
As the Evangelical development myth suggests, a variety of social changes attributed ö
fairly or notöto religion are actively being absorbed and negotiated within the popular
discourses of Peruvian society.
My aim in this paper is to explore one aspect of these social changes by examining
the relationship between development and transnational religious networks that incorporate rural Quechua communities in Canas, one of the High Provinces of Cusco,
Peru. I consider how religious organizations mediate development through the production and enforcement of development truthsöepistemologiesöthat are translated and
contested within private and public spaces of faith and community. My analysis draws
upon research conducted over the span of twelve months in two rural districts in
Canas, department of Cusco. During this time, I observed and participated in everyday
activities, organized religious events, and meetings held in the central pueblos and four
comunidades campesinas (peasant communities). I alternated living with families and
with religious leaders, an arrangement which simultaneously complicated and enriched
my observations. I complemented my experiences with eighty open-ended interviews
with eighty men and women in four comunidades; these were conducted in Spanish and
Quechua by myself and two research assistants. Historical data are drawn principally
from archives at the Prelature of Sicunai and interviews with key informants from a
variety of religious organizations, government offices, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Sicuani, Cusco City, and Lima. I begin the paper with a brief
theoretical framing; this is followed by an examination of the construction of development knowledge and practice within the Iglesia Surandina (Catholic Church of the
Southern Andes) and the Iglesia Evangëlica Peruana (Peruvian Evangelical Church,
or IEP). I then turn to two rural districts in Canas to describe the ways that these
development `truths' are embedded and challenged within and between campesino and
religious communities.
Transnational religion and development epistemologies
Though contemporary transnational research has often neglected the role of religion
(Chafetz and Ebaugh, 2002), it appears to be experiencing a revival throughout the
social sciences. Transnationalism, which is defined in the introduction to this theme
issue as the exchange of information, `culture', and ideas across national borders in
ways that significantly rework those borders (Olson and Silvey, 2006), is an important
characteristic of many of the world's religions. Though the treatment of religious
communities as ones that transcend a variety of borders and differences persists,
scholars have increasingly tended to focus on the role of religion in the production of
diverse and divergent meanings that either reinforce or challenge connectivity and
commonality. Secor's analysis of the `regimes of veiling' in Istanbul (2002, page 5) is
a powerful example, suggesting that the practice of veiling is as much an expression of
gendered interpretations of nationality as it is of religious meaning. In this issue, Kong
(2006) demonstrates how Islamic religious broadcasting in Singapore simultaneously
strengthens transnational religious community on one hand, and a state-sponsored
interpretation of the Singapore `nation' on the other. Transnational religious community is written as a creative process which interacts with a variety of politics, including
race, gender, and class. As in Hepner's (2003) study of Eritrean immigrants in the
USA, the homogenizing epistemologies of religion are frequently cut through with
individual and group tendencies to craft spaces for innovation and interpretation.
Though research on religious transnationalism has blossomed in other regional
contexts, much of the literature on religious transformation in Latin America has
focused principally on the new politics of conversion and culture, despite calls for a
more global perspective (Vasquez, 1999). The emergence of religious pluralism in Latin
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
887
America ushered in a shift in scholarly focus from church ^ state relations to the
day-to-day influence of religion on social processes, including: production (for example,
Annis, 1987; Muratorio 1980), gender relations (for example, Brusco, 1995; Green, 1999),
race (for example, Burdick, 1998) and political order and revolution (for example,
Gamarra, 2000; Motte, 2001). In the southern Andes, religious pluralism has been
associated with the separation of local cultural and productive processes in which
religious identity is constructed upon the differences between religious adherents
(Caräm Padilla, 1997) or becomes embedded in existing forms of social discord
pending the development of a `culture of tolerance' (Jimënez, 1997, page 77). For those
studies that engage religious transnationalism in and among Latin Americans (for
example, Peterson et al, 2001; Chafetz and Ebaugh, 2002), the politics of development
are generally peripheral to other concerns. In fact, Cardenas Ru|¨ z (1997) provides one
of the very few studies explicitly linking religion and development in the southern
Andes, arguing that Evangelicals of the communities of Ocongate encourage moral
and spiritual changes in the broader population and, as a result, improvements in
development. What is not present in the analysis is an explanation of how these
personal changes emerge, how they become linked to development, or the role of
border crossing in community transformation.
A helpful starting point for a conversation between religious transnationalism
and development might be found in the discussion of power and knowledge within
critical development studies. Development is increasingly recognized as a (necessarily
transnational) historical project driven by European positivism, such that the politics
of knowledge are as much a focus of development as is the securing of basic needs for
the world's poor (for example, Cooper and Packard, 1997). Or, as Crush explained
in the introduction to The Power of Development,
``The primary purpose of the development text (like most others) is to convince, to
persuade, that this (and not that) is the way the world actually is and ought to be
amended. But ideas about development do not arise in a social, institutional or
literary vacuum. They are rather assembled within a vast hierarchical apparatus of
knowledge production and consumption'' (1995, page 5).
Crush's `hierarchical apparatus' assumes that a variety of authors and actors are
contributing to the production and consumption of development knowledge, presumably with their own sets of reasons and truths, to justify the preference for one activity
over another. These sets of reasons and truths are what I have referred to here as
`development epistemology', a concept which prioritizes the process of the construction
of these truths. Hankinson Nelson's research on context-oriented epistemic communities and related critique of positivist science suggests one way of examining the
processes of knowledge construction and contestation, asserting that ``standards of
evidence are historically relative and dynamic, emerging concomitantly with the process
through which knowledge is generated'' (1993, page 122). Thus, the influence of transnational religion might be examined in the places where the process of knowledge
formation about development is exposed through the material and discursive negotiations that create this knowledge in the first place. This approach contributes a new
perspective to existing analyses of religious transnationalism and development (see
Benthall and Bellion-Jourdan, 2003; Bornstein, 2003; Marshall and Keough, 2004). Taking
a cue from institutional ethnographies of transnational development processes (for example, Lewis et al, 2003; Perreault, 2003; Radcliffe, 2001) in the first sections of this paper
I examine the organizational foundations of the two very different development epistemologies which emerge from the Catholic Church and the IEP. The discussion suggests that the
kinds of transnational processes and exchanges are important elements of the formation
of development epistemologies among religious organizations in the Andes.
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E Olson
The Iglesia Surandina and the project of liberation theology
As in other Latin American countries, the Catholic Church has sustained the longest
and most penetrating influence in Peru. Nonetheless, the history of the Catholic
Church of Peru is not singular but, instead, is a series of histories that converge
within the hierarchy of the Catholic Church (see also Hervieu-Lëger, 1997; Spier,
1994). The result is an ideologically-fragmented church, with the conservative influence
of Opus Dei offset by regions like the Iglesia Surandina (Church of the Southern
Andes), in which liberation theology dominated church practice for the last thirty
years of the 20th century. In this region of the Andes, liberation theology has evolved
from a theological treatise about the poor into a complex transnational network of
people and projects that represents unique conjunctures of a variety of development
epistemologies.
The articulation of liberation theology was itself a product of a series of transnational processes that engaged clergy, lay membership, and church leadership at local,
regional and global scales. Changes initiated by the Second Vatican Council, held
between 1963 and 1965, ushered in a new period of liberalism and populism in church
policy and practice. One of the most lasting outcomes of this shift toward openness
was the development of a theology by Latin American religious and laity that
responded to the severe political and material inequalities and injustices that were
common throughout the region and which provided a radical change in the church's
direct or indirect support of these conditions of inequality. At the 1968 and 1979
Episcopal Conference of Latin America (CELAM) meetings in Medellin, Columbia
and Puebla, Mexico, clergy asserted the need for change throughout the Latin American
church that would enable advocacy for alleviating material and spiritual poverty.
Liberation theology was embraced as an original expression of the Latino church,
and grew intimately entwined with regional and national identities throughout Peru.
Gutiërrez, Peru's most famous liberation theologian, suggested that his own dedication
to liberation theology was a reflection of his identity as both a Christian and a Latin
American (Gutiërrez, 1971).
Translating the tenets of liberation theology into practice became the central
challenge for supporters of liberation theology in Peru after the CELAM meetings.
This was facilitated by the organization of the Peruvian church into eight `provincias
eclesiästicas', or ecclesiastic provinces, that encouraged collaboration and cooperation
between bishops, clergy, and laity within a geographic region and resulted in the
coordination of political, social, and humanitarian activities (Romero, 1989). This
experiment with horizontal organization had been discontinued by the Peruvian
church by the end of the 1970s, but several regions, including the Amazon and
the southern Andes, sustained their social activism in the face of growing Catholic
conservatism (Pen¬a, 1995).
During the height of its activity, from the 1970s through the 1990s, the Iglesia
Surandina, which included prelatures stretching from Cusco City to Juli, Puno, pursued a practice of liberation theology through a series of intellectual, developmental,
and cultural pursuits. Research institutes like the Instituto Pastoral Andino (IPA) and
Centro Bartolomë de las Casas facilitated the creation of a network of foreign
and Peruvian priests, nuns, and North American scholars dedicated to the study of
livelihood, ritual, and faith in the high Andes. The Jesuit scholar Manuel Marzal made
an early case for orienting Catholic practice toward an understanding of the beliefs
and rituals of Andean populations in an early volume of the IPA journal Allpanchis
Phuturinqa:
``religious research is not only necessary to discover the religious mentalities or
predispositions of a specific culture (indigenous, of the poor, etc), but to discover
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
889
God's actions in people that live in these cultures ... . Religious research is converted
into the search for the `seeds of the word of God' which are encountered in all
religious leanings'' (1972, page 189, author's translation)
Like other observations about the indigenous focus of the liberal Catholic Church in
the Andes (see Bebbington, 1996), liberation theology in the Southern Andes became
understood as a political project that blended working on behalf of the poor with the
preservation of cultural practices of the region's Quechua and Aymara campesino
populations. As such, it assimilated the preservation of a Catholic version of Andean
nationalism and indigenous cultural and identity struggle with the struggles of the
liberal Catholic Church.
By the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s, Catholic activists from overseas and
from other regions of Peru coalesced around the institutes and prelates in the Southern
Andes and, with the priests and nuns who were already working in the region, began
to craft institutions and organizations capable of reflecting a material and spiritual
dedication to the people of the southern Andes. Religious and lay workers arrived
from the United States, Canada, Germany, France, and Ireland, and began to work
directly with the campesino catechists and animadores (animators) who had become
the focus of Catholic attention in the region. Between the 1970s and the mid-1990s, the
religious and laity of Sicuani adopted liberation theology as part of a working model
for ministry. For many foreigners working in Sicuani and the surrounding provinces,
liberation theology and its call to action seemed the only reasonable response to a
politically, economically, and socially marginalized population. As Canadian former
bishop Albano Quinn explained:
``When I first got there I thought I had all the answers, but after a few years,
evangelizing, you see that it is a lot more than just baptizing ... . During the
military regime there was a lot of injustice committed by the military and
the police, and the poor people had nobody to go to, so we sat down I remember
for a long meeting, from all the prelatures, what can we do about it as a church?
Just watch?'' (interview, Lima, 5 November 2002).
During Quinn's tenure the church focused increasingly on the spiritual and material lives of the campesino population, driven in part by the devastating effects of the
political violence of the 1980s and a region-wide drought in 1989 and 1990 that resulted
in the loss of 65% of agricultural production (Riedel, 1999, page 210). The church
responded to these regional crises with the creation of a variety of equipos sociales
(social teams) as part of a renewed dedication to pastoral social, or social ministry,
which further embedded the prelate into a variety of transnational development
networks (Prelatura de Sicuani, 1995). The bishop established a regional branch of
the Cäritas, the international Catholic humanitarian organization. The majority
of Cäritas ^ Sicuani support is provided by Cäritas ^ Peru, the national organization
in Lima that functions under the direction of a special board of Peruvian Bishops (and
is itself, through Cäritas, international) and state organizations like the US Agency for
International Development (USAID) (Cäritas de la Prelauta de Sicuano, 1999a). The
Vicar|¨ a de Solidaridad focuses strictly on disputes over human rights and was modeled
after the human rights vicariates established in Argentina in the 1960s and 1970s.
Unlike Cäritas, the Vicar|¨ a relies mostly on state finance and direct foreign funding
from arrangements like the Partnerschaft Friburgo ^ Sicuani, a brotherhood established
between the Catholic Churches of Peru and Germany which facilitated transnational
church relations in the High Provinces in 1988 (Riedel, 1999). Through the social teams,
the prelature manages a range of diverse outreach projects, ranging from the religious and
self-formation activities of the Centro de Estudios Cristianos (Center for Christian
Studies), to the more technical focus of the Programa de Empleo y Juventud (Employment
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E Olson
and Youth Program) and the Centro de Communicaciön Social (Social Communication
Center) which owns and operates the region's most popular radio station. These social
teams serve not only as one of the Catholic Church's central contributions to development
in the region, but they also represent the new networks of Catholic transnationalism that
characterize the project of liberation theology in the southern Andes.
Iglesia Evangëlica Peruana and the `Evangelical identity'
The history of the IEP, although distinct from the development of other Evangelical
religions, is intrinsically linked to a broader history of state and social struggles
with the emergence of religious pluralism in Peru. It was not until the end of the
19th century that religious diversityöas distinct from the displacement of Catholic
power öemerged as an important consideration for the Peruvian state and a new social
reality for the Peruvian people. In 1888 the Italian Francisco E Penzotti organized the
American Bible Society in one of the first explicit efforts to evangelize Peruvians to
Protestant faiths (Marzal, 2000; Motte, 2001). Several years after failing to establish a
Methodist community in Lima, Penzotti worked with Englishman Carlos Bright to
found the IEPöa church intended as a genuinely Peruvian church, rather than a
European or North American transplant. Penzotti and Bright recruited unaffiliated
foreign missionaries and rapidly incorporated Peruvians both as missionaries and as
decisionmakers, while enforcing a democratic model for the new church's hierarchy
(Barrera, 1993). The first IEP church of Cusco City was established after six English
missionaries arrived in the city in 1897 and formed a school. Church officials estimate
that there are more than 700 IEP communities in the department of Cusco alone, with
membership projected to reach 350 000 throughout Peru in 2005 (WCD, 2004).
Though the IEP is independent from other Protestant congregations in Cusco,
the Evangelical churches are unified by their shared status as a religious minority as
well as some common theological and social perspectives. The Asociaciön de Pastores
Evangëlicos del Cusco (Cusco Association of Evangelical Pastors), serves as a forum
for organizing collective educational, political, and social action of the Evangelical
churches of the region. Despite internal disagreements between the leadership of different denominations, the organization survives in order to defend Evangelical space
within a historically hostile political and social culture dominated by the Catholic
hierarchy. It also fulfills the unstated role of organizing the evangelization of the
Department of Cusco by allowing different religious orders to establish territories
of influence and, though the process is not formal or enforceable, the geographic
boundaries for any given Evangelical group are surprisingly clean.
IEP follows the `biblical Christianity' commonly associated with Evangelical
Christian churches in the United States and other Evangelical churches of Latin
America (Barrera, 1993). Under this teaching, humans can have personal relationships
with God through the `Word' as put forth in the Bible. Among the more conservative
Evangelicals in and around Cusco, this reinforces the position that events in society are
to be judged and interpreted through the Bible. Being able to read and understand the
Bible is therefore of particular importance, and theological texts or special biblical
translations provide important inspiration in both rural and urban areas with pastors
and ministers carrying the messages to illiterate or isolated members of the church
community. The holdings of the Cusco City IEP library reveal an impressive collection
of Spanish translations of some of the most popular North American Evangelical
leaders and political activists, such as Dr James Dobson and Billy Graham, with scant
Peruvian documents save archived newsletters and newspapers. Pastor Silva of the
Cusco City Church acknowledges that the heavy emphasis on foreign theological
teachers, rather than native Peruvians, is the greatest failure of the church to be a
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
891
truly independent, truly Peruvian, Protestant church. At the same time, this dependency
on foreign religious resources forms one of the few links between the IEP and the
transnational Evangelical `community'.
This dominance of North American literature might engender a homogenous set of
truths about development throughout the IEP, but any potential for this is undermined
by a fragmented church organization. In an effort to reject the hierarchy that is so
palpable in the Catholic Church of Peru, there are very few bridgesöformal or
informalölinking one congregation to another, or linking city churches to rural
churches. Rural church members participate in annual retreats, but only pastors and
ministers travel to Cusco City for theological workshops. ``These meetings are for the
`big' [important] people'', the president of a rural IEP district commented when asked
about a theological workshop he was attending in Cusco City. The result is a church
that is principally defined by its own members and other observers (see, for example,
Motte, 2001) as `no-catölica', or not Catholic. ``We really don't have a single identity'',
Pastor Silva explains; ``For the first generation of Evangelicals, their definition is
always negativeö`they aren't Catholic' ''.
Despite fragmentation of IEP practice and theology across the geography of the
Cusco church, there is a common theme of liberation and freedom that is echoed in
the attitudes of city and rural churches alike. It is most obvious in the `creation' myths
of the church at national, regional, and even individual, church scales, where liberation
from the oppressive state and societal power structures of the Catholic Church is a
common theme in the arrival of the evangelio (gospel). Members of the IEP view
liberation as emerging not just from religious teaching, but also through liberation
from religious structures that have, historically, supported subjugation. ``This is why
we say that the Evangelical changes the life of man spiritually, materially, morally, and
physically'', explains Presbyter Elisebio Choctaya from the Provincias Altas. Indeed,
as much as the scant institutionalization of the IEP appears to have prevented the
emergence of a common IEP identity, it is also responsible for the emphasis on
freedom and independence that makes the IEP distinguishable from other Protestant
denominations in Peru (see also Motte, 2001).
The IEP of Cusco has not followed the lead of the Iglesia Surandina or the other
Protestant churches in Latin America in making development and humanitarian interventions a central thrust of their mission. Neither `mother' nor rural churches in Cusco
are formally affiliated with development projects, although church leaders do express
interest in starting up small non-profit-making projects to respond to the needs of their
immediate communities. Like the geographical division of missionary activities, the
activities of church-supported development and humanitarian organizations are at least
partly shaped by the existence of alternative interventions such as those of the Iglesia
Surandina. As the following section will attest, this means that much of the negotiation
about development truth takes place among the `subjects' of developmentöin this case,
the poor of the High Provinces.
The Iglesia Surandina and the IEP display very different kinds of transnational
processes which in turn influence how their members and leaders think about and act
upon development. Within the Catholic Church, the project of liberation theology is one
outcome of an ongoing exchange of people, ideas, and materials that entwine the church
in a variety of transnational development networks. The transnational exchanges of the
IEP are limited principally to the transfer of theological expositions that are subject to
translation as they move through the organizationally fragmented church. Indeed, one
of the most persistent transnational influences on IEP development perspectives and
practices is the pressure to resist the networks of the Catholic Church, especially within
the rural context to which I now turn.
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Development and religion in the High Provinces
`Hanocca'(1) is a small pueblo that is visible from the dirt highway that runs from
Sicuani to Espinar, and is the administrative center of the district that shares its
name. From any vantage point on the highway the town is dominated by the Catholic
church, a massive red structure that appears to form both the portal and the backbone
of the pueblo. `Yauri', Hanocca's larger neighbor and likewise the administrative center of
the district of Yauri, is only twelve miles away on a dirt road which runs the length of an
impressive highland lake and rises to 5000 möas much as 1000 m above the valley.
In contrast to Hanocca, the Catholic church of Yauri is tucked away behind a wall and
is dwarfed by a modern new concrete municipal building of three stories. The majority of
Yauri's population is Evangelical, and most comunidades campesinas are scattered with
clusters of Catholic and Evangelical households. Other comunidades in Yauri support
Catholic populations that exist on the borders of the community. Hanocca mirrors this
geographic distribution, with virtually all the Evangelicals located in a community annex
perched high above the rest of the district.
Residents of the two districts have established their own development myth related
to religion. Even the parish priest points out a sudden smoothness in the ride as
the decrepit road on the Hanocca side gives way to the well-maintained Yauri road.
The superior road maintenance in Yauri is no coincidence, a friend from Hanoccaöan
Evangelicalöexplained during a bus ride. Yauri is more successful because ``hay mäs
Evangëlicos'' (there are more Evangelicals). Hanocca, on the other hand, is more
``tradicional'' (traditional) and less successful in all matters of production, politics,
and education. In truth, there are few productive differences between the two districts:
both have just a handful of very successful dairy producers and growers, however, the
vast majority produce just enough for subsistence and, when possible, sell the excess at
a local market, or raise several cattle, sheep, or alpaca for cash income. Unlike in other
parts of Latin America where Evangelicals are distinguished from Catholics by various
cues scripted onto the body and household, such as modern clothing or concrete
homes, these kinds of markers are absent in this part of Canas. Both districts lie within
one of the poorest provinces of Cusco, and the dominantly Quechua population is
among the poorest within Peru (UNDP, 2002). Rather than resulting from tangible or
verifiable differences in development indicators, the local development myth appears to
reflect two versions of development truth that are intertwined with the histories and
activities of the Catholic Church and the IEP.
The Catholic project
In much of the High Provinces, the early Catholic Church was complicit in many of
the abusive practices eschewed under the principles of liberation theology. The districts
were severely depopulated between 1628 and 1754 as the predominantly Quechua
inhabitants were forced to migrate and work in the mines of the imperial city of Potosi
in order to fulfill the mita (dues) demanded by the Catholic Church and the Spanish
Crown (Ruiz Bravo, 1986). The parish and the local population now share a different
relationship under the advancement of liberation theology and the veneration of a
stylized Andean identity, though the transition from a church affiliated with the
oligarchy to a church as advocate of the poor has not always been as smooth as
the church leadership would like. In the late 1970s the nuns and Peruvian priest who
worked in Hanocca and Yauri instituted several informal projects to help organize
small-scale agricultural producers in both districts, an action which was viewed with
consternation by the few wealthy families who had managed to retain control over the
(1) I have given all research sites pseudonyms. They should not be confused with any actual
locations bearing the names Hanocca or Yauri.
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
893
vast majority of the land in the district. In 1980, the church of Hanocca was robbed of
valuable religious artifacts, and when rumors spread that the priest was responsible,
the community promptly barricaded him and the nuns in the parish complex. The
Bishop, himself a firm supporter of liberation theology, immediately suspected that
the robbery was arranged by one of the landed families in opposition to attempts by the
parish priest and nuns to strengthen campesino political and economic organization in
the chaotic aftermath of the agricultural revolution of 1969. The town was temporarily
excommunicated, and during this time the parish priest continued to serve parishioners in Yauri by crossing a high pass that avoided Hanocca. The town and church
resolved their conflicts in 1983 but it was not until 1996 that a permanent parish priest
was appointed. At that time a French Dominican, who worked for the international
organization of Cäritas and was formerly a bishop of a neighboring prelature, moved
into the parish house in Hanocca and requested the presence of two nuns who took up
residence in Yauri.
The impression of the superiority of Evangelical development described above is
somewhat at odds with the realities of development intervention in Hanocca and Yauri,
where Catholic-sponsored projects have a presence and breadth unequalled by any
other external intervention. Catholic development interventions are carried out by
Sicuani-based social teams, the priest and nuns in the region, as well as cooperation
between the two with support from the other organizations of the Iglesia Surandina.
Contemporary projects can be loosely classified in one of three groups: agricultural
investments and improving market access; human rights and familial violence; and
engendering a democratic and Christian citizenry. As transnational exchanges they
range from the simple, such as the distribution of toys, clothing, medicine, and other
material goods donated by French churches to parishioners, to the very complex. The
resulting development practice is rigorous and, in any given week, active Catholics
might be engaged in as many as two to three workshops covering issues ranging
from familial violence to techniques for cultivating alfalfa. Cäritas-Sicuani and the
Vicar|¨ a de Solidaridad serve as contrasting illustrations of the different directions in
which liberation theology functions as a development project.
The activities of Cäritas-Sicuani are the most conventional forms of development
intervention; they are sponsored by the social teams in the region largely because of its
association with the national NGO of the same name, as well as its reliance on
bilateral and multilateral funding. The ten-year vision of Cäritas-Sicuani is to promote
``Organized, dignified, democratic families _ that have achieved sustainable well-being
with social justice and planting the seeds of hope and life through 2010; A multidisciplined, efficient team of the church, effective and democratic, participating in
regional sustainable development from a Christian perspective'' (Cäritas de la Prelatura
de Sicuani, 1999b, translated by the author). The actual projects enacted by Cäritas have
historically been adapted to the perceived challenges faced by the local population in a
given year, though the overall flexibility of interventions has diminished as this and
other prelature social teams have become increasingly dependent on the standardized
projects and reporting demands of funding agencies like USAID. At present, Cäritas
projects in the two communities can be divided into three categories: productive
development, including improved pastures, small irrigation schemes, tool banks, and
microcredit; infant health development, including education about health and nutrition,
and support of preschools; and local development, including community roads and
community-planning exercises.
The Cäritas project that reaches the largest number of individuals in the two towns
is a microcredit program that provides small loans both to collectives and to individuals
with the intent of fostering small business development. With 263 participants and
894
E Olson
approximately 87 credit groups in 1999, the project is popular despite mixed reviews
from men and women in Hanocca and Yauri. Individual perspectives toward the
program are influenced by the existing wealth and skills of the recipients. One man
who used a Cäritas loan to improve his very productive dairy farm claims that the
project is ``fine'', but found that it failed for many because ``it doesn't matter to [Cäritas]
if the loans are used for the projects that people propose.'' Others place qualifications on
the ability to succeed with the loan. ``If you leave [to sell products], it works well'',
suggests one Evangelical woman, emphasizing that those who are unable to travel to a
large weekly market elsewhere may not receive sufficient returns on their investments to
cover the loan plus interest. As another woman explained, ``the goat that I bought went
down in price, and in the meantime I got sick, so it was a complete failure.'' ``It's like a
bank'', her son added. ``It's a pain that for one day it charges [in interest] more than
a bank. It is worse than a bank.''
The microcredit project also elicits frequent critiques from the priests, nuns, and
laity who were part of the regional social movements of the 1970s protesting continued
inequality in land distribution, and those of the 1980s, which focused on the violence of
the Sendero Luminoso and the government counterinsurgency. ``It used to be clear
what the fight wasöthere were the peasants without land, the hacendados, the church
fighting alongside the peasants'', the parish priest exclaimed. ``Today there is a system.
How do you fight a system?'' For the priest, the system is the capitalist system, and the
fight that he is unable to wage is against the increasing inequality and lack of security
that many highland residents experience in the face of neoliberal economic policy.
He sees the microcredit program as possibly contributing to the spread of this system
as well as to the disintegration of the fundamental tenants of liberation theology, and
also claims that the project turns the church into a `bank'.
The Vicar|¨ a de Solidaridad presents a useful contrast to the neoliberal emphasis of
Cäritas interventions. Since it was founded in 1987, the Vicar|¨ a has focused on the
``defense of life and human dignity'' by confronting public and private human rights
violations (Prelatura de Sicuani, 1995, page 12, translated the author). Its mission has
since grown to include the establishment and maintenance of district defensor|¨ as
(public defense offices), workshops on democratic participation, and collaboration
with other social teams to end familial violence. The Vicar|¨ a's increasing focus on the
rights of women in the High Provinces is partly a reflection of the demographics of
the active church, as more than 70% of active animadores in Hanocca, and 50% in
Yauri, are female. Though familial violence has not been systematically studied in the
region, it is recognized in a 2002 strategic study of the district of Hanocca as one of
four critical weaknesses preventing improvement in the overall social and economic
condition of the district (COELA et al, 2002). Whereas the Vicar|¨ a works mostly on
citizen rights or democratic education in other parts of the High Provinces, the thrust
of its work in Hanocca and Yauri has been toward ending both familial violence and
the abuse of women and children.
One of the more influential interventions by the Vicar|¨ a in Yauri has been the
establishment of a defensor|¨ a in the main pueblo. A defensor|¨ a comunitaria öliterally
community defenderöis a service of protection, promotion, and vigilance of the rights
of women, youth, girls, and boys. Yauri's Ccotaq Wasi was opened in March 2002, and
by April had already attended to eleven cases including sexual abuse of a 10-year-old
minor, a child physically and psychologically abused by the father, alcoholism, and
partner (spouse or common-law) problems. By September of the same year, the number
of cases seen in one month had almost doubled and cases included mitigating conflicts
between siblings and between neighbors, providing emergency food supplies, enforcing
parental obligations, and intervening in situations of maternal abuse.
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
895
In contrast to the positive reception of the defensor|¨ a in Yauri, the Vicar|¨ a has been
less successful in establishing a similar office in Hanocca. The leadership comments on
the inability to generate the appropriate participation of local women. A resident of
Hanocca blamed a local Catholic woman who had spearheaded the effort to establish
the defensor|¨ a for its failure, complaining that this woman had returned to her
husband despite extreme physical abuse. ``Why would I go to get help from people
who are still abused by their men?'' she asked. This account was verified by other
women of the community who also observed that Catholic women had very little
success in preventing their husbands from drinking and then becoming abusive.
The failure of the defensor|¨ a in Hanocca highlights an important tension within the
Catholic development epistemology. Though women's rights are a central component
of the Catholic vision of development, the approaches of the Catholic Church toward
the role of women are as ambiguous and contentious as its attitudes toward neoliberalinspired economic interventions. Church attendance in both pueblos is consistently
dominated by women and children, and Catholic women have more opportunities
than men to attend leadership workshops outside of the district and group gatherings
in comunidades during the week. In contrast to the Vicar|¨ a and other social teams,
which emphasize women's spiritual, social and political rights, the religious role
of women reinforced by parish celebrations such as the `week of the family' is that of
mother and wife. Educational workshops against familial violence sponsored by social
teams consist of teaching women how to recognize violence when it occurs and sharing
their experiences, only for these women to return to their family with little chance of
escape from all-too-common abuse. In the development practices of the church,
women are cast in the roles of mother, victim, or defender depending on which workshop they are attending, which church official they are talking to, or which problem
(or potential problem) they are seen to embody.
The project of liberation theology does appear to contribute to the way that people
perceive development in the region. When self-described Catholics were asked what
they would like for their families and communities, they often emphasized conventional development concerns such as better pastures, irrigation systems, or more
education and professional careers. For a minority, most notably those who had
participated in Catholic projects focused on personal development and formation,
like the projects of the Vicar|¨ a, a `better' life included considerations of moral strength
and community organization:
``Development is when a person leaves a crisis from which he had nothing, and then
changes bit by bit under the blows of life. I want my family to be well organized,
understanding, and to continue to be humble'' (Catholic male, Hanocca).
``Development is change, when a person is not well and then experiences happiness.
It elevates the quality of life. I want us to have a community that lives well,
with solid organization, that there isn't miramiento [bad looks, criticism], without
marginalization or racial distinction'' (Catholic male youth, Hanocca).
``That we help each other, that people speak respectfully, that people are caring''
(Catholic woman, Yauri).
Though Cäritas and the Vicar|¨ a are only two examples of the numerous interventions
by the Catholic Church and its leadership, they underscore the tension between the ideals
of liberation theology and the development practices that have been invoked in its name.
At the same time, they have been critical importers of development truths in a region
that has very few alternative interventions. The experiences suggest that continuity and
resistance to development truths occur at a variety of scales, between foreign religious
896
E Olson
leadership and the institutions of the Peruvian church, between religious leaders in
Sicuani and those in rural parishes, and among the faithful themselves.
The IEP
The IEP serves as a contrast to the history of the Catholic church of Hanocca ^ Yauri,
though some of the details of its founding have been lost because of a lack of written
records. The first IEP congregation in the district of Yauri is said to have been founded
between 1925 and 1930, emerging midst local political and social turmoil. Peruvian and
European missionaries visited Yauri from the `mother' church in Sicuani. They began
preaching in the community of Collachapi and formed an independent church community by convening a biblical convention sometime between 1940 and 1950. Town
authorities, who at that time still represented the wealthy and powerful families, were
opposed to the arrival of the IEP and tried to arrest the males from all the families
who were participating. Missionary Hardin, a foreign missionary working out of
Sicuani, went to the governor's office and paid a fine for which he was given a receipt.
He then took the receipt to the judicial center of Yanocca and formally denounced the
governor for trying to deny the people's right to the free practice of religion. Today,
the leaders of nineteen local churches remain loosely incorporated in the margins of the
transnational Evangelical network through the dissemination of North American theological literature and infrequent visits by missionaries who assist with a bible school in
Sicuani. There are no direct interventions in Hanocca or Yauri by more wealthy urban
IEP churches beyond assistance with an annual bible study meeting or exchanges with
individuals who are being trained for religious or leadership positions within the church.
The oft-repeated history of the founding of the IEP and missionary Hardin's
protest against the ruling elite is an important component of the IEP identity as a
struggle for truth midst social corruption. When the Presb|¨ tero, the local leader of the
IEP, tells the story of the church he begins several years before the arrival of Hardin.
The hacendados (large landowners) of the Provincias Altas are legendary for their
abuses of the local population and contributions to violence between native inhabitants
(see Stavig, 1985). According to the Presb|¨ tero, the population ``was abused through
religion'' as the hacendados demanded cargo from the region's poorest families. On the
20 July 1921, in a revolt called the Guerrilla de Cotaq-huasi, the campesinos retaliated
and attacked and killed the most abusive landholders. Approximately nine years
later, the Presb|¨ tero explains, ``the Evangelical [arrived in Yauri to] change the life of
manöspiritually, materially, morally, and physically.'' This history, combined with
the politicization of religious freedom by Missionary Hardin, perpetuates a commonly
held belief among Evangelicals that the IEP was founded on the principles of freedom
from tyranny and heralded the beginning of a new era marked by a respect for humanity.
The overlap of political revolution and religious freedom in the history of the
IEP reinforces the role of the Evangelical as an alternative to the existing hierarchy
in the region, including the institutionalization of Catholic custom. In addition to
subservience, Evangelicals claim that the Catholic Church encourages lifestyles in
contradiction with the central tenants of Christianity. ``People drank a lot'', one Evangelical explained about the era before the IEP arrived in Yauri. ``They had their own
customs that brought them poverty, alcoholism, suffering ... .'' The Evangelical presents
the possibility of a religious life with the Bible as blueprint for behavior. Although
concern for spiritual and material liberation would appear to be common ground
between Catholics and Evangelicals in this region, the liberation of the IEP relies on
freedom from Catholic influence over spirituality, livelihood, and politics. As a result,
the discourse and practice of IEP members are scripted to overcome the negative
influence of `tradition' and the bad habits of Catholics who worship saints, make
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
897
offerings to the pachamama (mother earth) or to crosses perched on mountain tops,
participate in fiestas, or work on Sundays.
The resulting development truths perpetuated among IEP members in Hanocca
and Yauri are both contextualized and localized. For practising Evangelicals everyday
activities and celebrations are not morally ambiguous because the relationships and
rituals of daily life are expressions of one's devotion to God, and should therefore be
lived by the Bible. This translates into very clear guidelines for behavior: no drinking,
no practices that could constitute idolatry, strong family; and strong community öall
of which have been identified as characteristics of Evangelical movements in Latin
America (see, for example, Brusco, 1995; Green, 1999). Equality and self-improvement
are central themes within Evangelical life, and are strictly enforced by the IEP community. When the president of one IEP church was discovered drinking with field
technicians from a government project, he was put on probation by his Evangelical
`hermanos' (brothers) even after they acknowledged that he had to drink in order to
befriend the technicians and so attract a development project to the community.
The most obvious explanation for an absence of Evangelical-sponsored development is the disassociation of rural IEPs from other IEP churches, but there is another
explanation that stems from Biblical interpretations of wealth that are promoted
among IEP communities in the region. There is a deep belief that living by the Bible
affords an individual economic success in addition to a number of other benefits, a
point that likely contributes to the common Catholic perception that Evangelicals are
``materialistic''. But the rhetoric of IEP faith suggests the opposite, as clarified by a
Yauri Evangelical pastor:
``I think you have to think about something more in your life than having coffee
or buying more land or buying a car ... one has to work, but what lifts up the
man, his spirit? This is what we worked on. One time when man is going to be in
communion with his God, what will matter?''
The youth educator in one of the most remote IEP churches responded to a question
about the economic impacts of being Evangelical with the insistence that ``It turns out
well for one who maintains his faith in God.'' A family's or an individual's economic,
political, and personal success are all observable measures of how well they are
following God's word, and so there are fewer tensions between economic success and
faithfulness than in the liberation-theology model.
This perspective on material well-being influences the ways that IEP members
view Catholic development interventions. Evangelicals who do participate in organized
Catholic development projects are critical both of their approaches and of their
effectiveness. Eight of fourteen Evangelicals who received credit from Cäritas were
unhappy with the program, a significantly higher rate of disapproval than that seen
among either practising and nonpractising Catholics. In response to questions about
the microcredit scheme, one Evangelical pointed out that ``the Bible says you should
not be indebted to anyone.'' The Vicar|¨ a's gender work is likewise subject to criticism,
particularly in the way that it aims to insert itself into the politics of the household ö
something which Evangelical families see as being the domain of personal faith and
management by the hermanos.
One substitution for the Catholic-organized projects is an emphasis on informal
systems of reciprocity. Money collected by individual IEP churches serves not only for
repairs and for paying dues to the regional organization of the IEP, but also to help
members through times of need or to help deserving youth pursue a better education
outside of the district. These kinds of assistance are rare, however, and systems of
reciprocity tend to be more important outside of the formal church structure. This is
especially true in business, where both Evangelical men and women prefer to work with
898
E Olson
other Evangelicals because, as one woman put it, ``they don't drink and they don't
chew coca.'' The former Evangelical mayor of Yauri secured jobs for several IEP
members who were otherwise unemployed during his term. Though a similar effect
is seen amongst Catholics in both districts, the emphasis on duty and community
among IEP members that arises both from religious teachings and from a history of
religious persecution appears to reinforce stronger boundaries around a range of social
processes than is seen in Catholic communities.
This emphasis on community and local interpretation has allowed the IEP to avoid
the impasse between local and religious interpretations of gender that has characterized the Catholic project. An important element of the Evangelical attitude toward
development truth is a gender politics that supports a male-dominated model of
spirituality. Evangelical women acknowledge that they benefit from their faith, but
there is a strong tendency to prioritize male religious participation. As one Evangelical
woman explained, ``it is better that he goes [to worship], because I have to do everything, take care of the children, look after the livestock and the dogs ... .'' Though some
(usually younger) men acknowledge that their wives or common-law partners are too
busy to participate, others point to the biblical reasons for their exclusion: ``Women
have certain faults as explained in the BibleöEve for exampleöand because of this
they can't participate in sacramental things'', one influential IEP member explained.
``They [men and women] are equal'', he added quickly, ``but their attitudes are a little
different.'' Women prepare food for meetings or might bring handicrafts to sell, but
there is also a tendency for them to consider themselves as inferiors in matters of the
church, particularly when they are dividing their attention between scripture and fussing
infants: ``We are a little distracted'', one woman put it bluntly. Hence, the male faithfulness which is necessary to secure material wealth is supported by the productive
practices and presumed spiritual inferiority of women. Some families resist this scripting, insisting that women are fully incorporated into study and leadership. ``We [men and
women] benefit exactly the same'', one very active female member insisted. However,
her ability to be considered an equal in faith is likely influenced by her family's presence
as the only practising Evangelical family in a conflicted community in Hanocca,
emphasizing again the importance of the ways that the IEP development epistemology
emerges from a local history.
Despite gender divisions within the IEP community, the themes of self-improvement and the centrality of moral development are echoed firmly in both men's and
women's individual development perspectives.
``Development is when one advances morally, spiritually, and culturally. I would like
my neighbors to be honest, good workers, and that they aren't lacking anything ... .
I want my children to be educated and that they confront life without doubt''
(Evangelical man, Yauri).
``The thing that I want most is that the community works hard. I want my family to
always walk with God. We are always asking God to keep us well'' (Evangelical
woman, Yauri).
``Development is having things, being well. I want my family to study, to be pastors
and to spread the Word of God'' (Evangelical man, Yauri).
The Evangelical view that Christian faith is both the means and the goal of development provides a continuity that is not always present in the Catholic model. Then
again, the construction and negotiation of the development epistemology of the IEP
is a product not only of a transnational exchange or of a localized translation of
theological teachings, but also resistance by the Evangelical community to the Catholic
project of liberation theology.
Development, transnational religion, and the power of ideas
899
Conclusion
In this paper I have examined two cases of religious transnationalism and the consequences for perspectives and projects of development. I traced the relationship
between development epistemologies and projects advocated by transnational religious
organizations, and attempted to highlight the ways that both become embedded in
local communities. In two districts of the southern Andes, the Catholic Church and
the IEP support networks for the diffusion and modification of distinct development
epistemologies. Though very different in their composition, both suggest that religious
transnationalism is complicit in the construction of development epistemologies ö
though often in unexpected ways. Transnational influences do not have to originate
from inside a religious organization, as is evident from the Evangelical responses to
Catholic history and the project of liberation theology. Nor do hierarchical organizations necessarily ensure more effective transmission of a set of epistemic truths, as the
Catholic experience attests. Transnational religion is important not only because it creates
opportunities for engaging in the project of development; in the cases discussed here,
it also provides an interpretive framework for negotiating and contesting dominant
meanings of development.
I would like to conclude by returning briefly to the theme of the production of
knowledge related to development. Cowen and Shenton suggest a particularly bleak
projection for the ability for `alternative' development formulations such as these to
avoid the pitfalls of development history, with development being overtaken by
``an amalgam of official and non-governmental aid organizations whose task, in
assuming the mantle of development, is to confront the destruction wrought by
progress. In the face of a corrupt leadership, trusteeship (though none dare speak
its name) will have to be exercised by the knowing and the moral on behalf of the
ignorant and corrupt'' (1995, pages 42 ^ 43).
If trusteeship's power lies in project, it is also exercized through the embedding of
development truths among the subjects of developmentöand religion is a particularly
powerful vehicle for truth. Nevertheless, the interventions discussed here are different
from the `trusteeship' described above. The ways in which power becomes embedded
in these spaces are not merely results of an extended development project, despite its
importance as a conditioning factor. In the case both of the IEP and of the Catholic
Church of the Provincias Altas, the development truths emerging from transnational
religious processes are revised by local history and memory which, in turn, provide a
script for interpreting the relationship between faith and development. For the marginalized populations living in this region, religious organizations provide an important
space in which development truthsöand even who comprises the knowing and the
moralöare marked and negotiated.
Finally, the question of how development epistemologies are established and contested in place is one that might be asked in a variety of transnational processes öas
well as those of development. What I have presented here is a modest attempt to
demonstrate how processes through history and space contribute to the promotion
and challenge of development truths in a particular context. Ultimately, how the
Catholic Church and the IEP become embedded in these communities is contingent
on their engagement with intersecting transnational processes that include changing
church policies, the attitudes of leadership, the activities of `competing' religious
forces, and the funding priorities of state development organizations like USAID.
As researchers and scholars, we might also consider how our own work contributes
to this task of understanding the contexts and consequences of the production of
development knowledge in emerging processes of transnationalism.
900
E Olson
Acknowledgements. The field research on which this paper was based was supported by a
National Science Foundation doctoral dissertation grant and a start-up grant from the DART
Institute. I am very grateful for the support and participation of the people of Hanocca and
Yauri and the Cusco and Sicuani leadership of the Catholic Church and the IEP. Edward
and Sharmelee D|¨ az Velazco of Cusco were invaluable field assistants and provided important
insights into the themes of this study. Additional thanks are extended to Rachel Silvey, Giles
Mohan, and two anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments on an earlier draft of this
paper.
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