Ethnic and Linguistic Canada
Canada has long struggled with issues of ethnicity and l
inguistics as the nation's large French-speaking minority struggles to maintain its linguistic and c
ultural heritage. However, the French-speaking Canadians are not the only political players north of
the border, and as Canada becomes increasingly diverse, its politics become increasingly complex.
According to a 1991 Canadian census figure, almost one third of Canadians had an ethnic background o
ther than British or French. This figure represented a 25-percent increase over that of five years e
arlier. (Statistics Canada) "In 1991, the groups designated as visible minorities represented 9.4 pe
rcent of Canada's population, an increase from 6.3 percent in 1986. Chinese, South Asian and Black c
omprised the three largest visible minority groups." (Statistics Canada) Several trends can be seen
from recent census figures. One is that Canada is becoming increasingly diverse as more immigrants a
rrive from non-European than from European countries. Another trend is that members of these minorit
y groups are concentrating in the country's large cities. "Approximately 40 percent of the minoritygroup members live in Toronto, 15 percent in Vancouver and 14 percent in Montreal." (Statistics Cana
da) This greater diversity has led to some inter-racial and inter-ethnic tensions. "Canada's policy
of multiculturalism was initiated in 1970 and the federal legislation pertaining to employment equi
ty was put in place in 1986. Recently, there has been considerable debate regarding these policies a
nd related programs." (Statistics Canada)
Yet despite increasing ethnic diversity, an
d programs to ensure immigrant access to jobs, Canada lacks the violence which can be seen, for exam
ple, between the Hutus and the Tootsies of Rwanda or between the Hindu and the Muslim populations of
India. This lack of violent confrontation can be credited to the fact that in a democratic system s
uch as Canada's, people are able to have their voices heard at the polls, and see their interests re
presented in Ottawa. Using the 1995 Quebec sovereignty referendum, this paper will demonstrate how v
arious ethnic and linguistic groups voice their differences through the electoral process.
For the French Canadians, preservation of their language is of tremendous importance: "If you w
ant to really hurt me, talk badly about my language. Ethnic identity is indiscernible to linguistic
identity - I am my language." (Genesee) "The key factor for the political players is the potential r
eaction of Quebec voters. History has shown that when important issues, such as the future of the Fr
ench language, are perceived to be at stake, the French-speaking majority in Quebec can react with g
reat unity and force." (Kennedy) Quebec is Canada's largest province, with 7.1 million people, acco
rding to the 1996 census. (Collins) "Quebec is the center of French Canadian culture, containing 91
percent of the country's French-speakers (francophones)." (Collins) The French Canadians long have s
een themselves as something of an endangered species that must fight to protect its uniqueness, and
make sure it is not completely dominated by the will of the English-speaking majority. "French Quebe
cers at least, although they form a large majority, have become used to regarding themselves as a mi
nority, ill served and overlooked, one that needs to protect and affirm itself." (Collins) "It is p
recisely Quebec's culture that is at the center of the debate for French-Canadians who continuously
insist their unique way of life is endangered by an overwhelmingly English-speaking continent." (Var
tanian) The struggle on the part of the French Canadians to preserve their culture and language has
nearly torn the nation apart. On Oct. 30, 1995, Quebec voted by the narrowest of margins not to esta
blish a sovereign state and succeed from Canada. In fact, going into the election, the polls were pr
edicting that a high turnout would virtually guarantee a win for the sovereignists. (Kennedy) But w
hat had been predicted to be a narrow victory turned out to be an equally narrow defeat. Premier Par
izeau blamed that defeat on "money and the ethnic vote." (Kennedy) This reference to an "ethnic vote
," to the non-French-speaking, non-English-speaking segment of the population - Armenians, Chinese a
nd other relatively recent arrivals - points to the sheer complexity of the situation.. The debate o
ver the referendum pitted countryman against countryman, and the deep-running feelings that fueled t
he debate can be seen in the campaign. O'Connor examines the language of the sovereignty debate. In
O'Connor's words, over the course of the debate the sovereignists portrayed Ottawa as a subjugator d
etermined to bring the French Canadians to heel. (O'Connor) They portrayed "the construction of the
Canadian state as a hegemonic power that repeatedly aggresses against Quebec and reinforces the hist
orical divisions between the two sides and thus underscores on us (Quebecers) versus them (aggressor
s) dichotomy."(O'Connor) But the question was more complex than a simple "us" and "them," as reflect
ed in the premier's reference to the "ethnic vote" on the night of the referendum's defeat. "Support
from the minority communities would have dramatically increased the likelihood of a Yes victory for
independence. As it turned out, non-francophone voters overwhelmingly voted No to independence." (O
'Connor) It is possible that the French-Canadians' concern with maintaining the predominance of the
French language made members of other ethnic groups feel left out of the movement. "Differentiating
a French identity may, therefore, have engaged some group members to be more sympathetic to the sove
reignist cause." (O'Connor)
"These are Quebecers whose first language is neither Frenc
h nor English. They
comprise members of the First Nations,
such as the Cree and the Mohawks, and
immigrants, mostly
from the Third World. Some PQ leaders blamed the
allophones for the result of the 1995 referendum, provoking heated protests,
particularly from the Greek, Italian and Jewish communities."(Collins) But t
he referendum was defeated on practical, that is non-ethnically rooted, grounds as well. Many of tho
se who were opposed to sovereignty feared the responsibilities that would come with being and indepe
ndent state, and the loss of advantages that accrued to Quebec by virtue of it being a Canadian prov
ince. "As part of Canada, Quebec has membership in the World Trade Organization and is party to the
Free Trade Agreement. Similarly, the province of Quebec is party to the North American Free Trade Ag
reement between Canada, the United States and Mexico." (Collins) Then-U.S. President George Bush sai
d at the time of the referendum that the United States would expect an independent Quebec to partici
pate in NATO and other strategic defensive organizations. (Collins) Also, an independent Quebec woul
d have had to pay for its own armed forces, social security programs, and other social welfare progr
ams. Quebec probably even would have been liable to assume part of the Canadian national debt. (Coll
ins) Thus, the decision on the part of Quebec was not based wholly on ethnic considerations. Non-Fre
nch Canadian minorities living in Quebec find themselves in a particularly difficult position. The q
uestion of independence has topped the political agenda since the 1960s. Many steps have been taken
to guarantee the rights of the French Canadian citizenry against domination by the nation's Englishspeaking majority. But members of other minorities have voiced concerns that the French-Canadians ha
ve, themselves, become the dominant elite. (Vartanian) Vartanian writes that large numbers of young
non-French minority members have left Montreal "because they did not see themselves as part of the
larger vision of an independent Quebec. ... 'I can't relate to the values of the ruling political el
ite in Quebec, including their agenda of separation and exclusion,' said one young Armenian." (Varta
nian) In Quebec, the French-Canadians view Armenians as ethnic, rather than French-Canadian, even if
they are native French speakers. The Quebec government identifies people as francophones (French sp
eakers), anglophones (English speakers) or allophones (those whose native language is neither French
nor English). (Vartanian) "Language in Quebec, more than any other factor, determines the neighborh
ood you live in, your political affiliations and the media you watch, read or listen to." (Vartanian
) But today, half the population of Montreal is neither native-French nor Native-English speaking.
"Ethnic Quebecers are the fastest growing demographic in the province. Separatists are well aware th
at they will need ethnic voters if they intend to win any future referendum on independence." (Varta
nian)
Ethnic and linguistic conflicts within Canada are indeed severe - severe enough
that they have come within inches of splitting the country in two. And as demonstrated, the differen
ces are broader than the French-speaking, English-speaking divide. The problems are severe enough th
at some non-French minorities are moving to other parts of Canada or to the United States. And the p
ossibility of another referendum, this one perhaps leading to a division of Canada itself, remains a
possibility. But nevertheless, in a functioning democracy these differences are worked out through
the electoral process, rather than on the street. Although it is likely that ethnic relations in Can
ada will become more, rather than less, complicated, it is unlikely that differences will erupt into
violence as long as members of various ethnic and linguistic groups are able to make their voices h
eard in Ottawa.
ethnic linguistic canada canada long struggled with issues ethnicity l
inguistics nation large french speaking minority struggles maintain linguistic cultural heritage how
ever french speaking canadians only political players north border canada becomes increasingly diver
se politics become increasingly complex according canadian census figure almost third canadians ethn
ic background other than british french this figure represented percent increase over that five year
s earlier statistics groups designated visible minorities represented percent population increase fr
om percent chinese south asian black comprised three largest visible minority groups statistics seve
ral trends seen from recent census figures that becoming increasingly diverse more immigrants arrive
from european than european countries another trend that members these minority groups concentratin
g country large cities approximately group members live toronto vancouver montreal statistics this g
reater diversity some inter racial inter ethnic tensions policy multiculturalism initiated federal l
egislation pertaining employment equity place recently there been considerable debate regarding thes
e policies related programs despite increasing diversity programs ensure immigrant access jobs lacks
violence which seen example between hutus tootsies rwanda between hindu muslim populations india th
is lack violent confrontation credited fact democratic system such people able have their voices hea
rd polls their interests represented ottawa using quebec sovereignty referendum paper will demonstra
te various linguistic voice their differences through electoral process canadians preservation langu
age tremendous importance want really hurt talk badly about language identity indiscernible identity
language genesee factor political players potential reaction quebec voters history shown when impor
tant issues such future perceived stake speaking majority quebec react with great unity force kenned
y largest province with million people according census collins center canadian culture containing c
ountry speakers francophones collins long have seen themselves something endangered species must fig
ht protect uniqueness make sure completely dominated will english majority quebecers least although
they form large majority have become used regarding themselves served overlooked needs protect affir
m itself collins precisely culture center debate continuously insist unique life endangered overwhel
mingly english continent vartanian struggle part preserve culture nearly torn nation apart voted nar
rowest margins establish sovereign state succeed fact going into election polls were predicting high
turnout would virtually guarantee sovereignists kennedy what been predicted narrow victory turned e
qually narrow defeat premier parizeau blamed defeat money vote kennedy reference vote english segmen
t population armenians chinese other relatively recent arrivals points sheer complexity situation de
bate over referendum pitted countryman against countryman deep running feelings fueled campaign conn
or examines sovereignty connor words over course sovereignists portrayed ottawa subjugator determine
d bring heel connor they portrayed construction canadian state hegemonic power repeatedly aggresses
against reinforces historical divisions between sides thus underscores quebecers versus them aggress
ors dichotomy question more complex than simple them reflected premier reference vote night referend
um defeat support communities would dramatically increased likelihood victory independence turned fr
ancophone voters overwhelmingly voted independence possible concern maintaining predominance made me
mbers other feel left movement differentiating identity therefore engaged some group more sympatheti
c sovereignist cause these quebecers whose first neither they comprise first nations such cree mohaw
ks immigrants mostly third world some leaders blamed allophones result provoking heated protests par
ticularly greek italian jewish communities defeated practical ethnically rooted grounds well many th
ose were opposed sovereignty feared responsibilities would come being independent state loss advanta
ges accrued virtue being province part membership world trade organization party free trade agreemen
t similarly province party north american free trade agreement united states mexico then president g
eorge bush said time united states expect independent participate nato strategic defensive organizat
ions also independent armed forces social security programs social welfare probably even been liable
assume part national debt thus decision based wholly considerations minorities living find themselv
es particularly difficult position question independence topped political agenda since many steps ta
ken guarantee rights citizenry against domination nation minorities voiced concerns become dominant
elite vartanian vartanian writes numbers young left montreal because larger vision relate values rul
ing elite including agenda separation exclusion said young armenian view armenians rather even nativ
e speakers government identifies people francophones speakers anglophones allophones those whose nat
ive neither factor determines neighborhood live your affiliations media watch read listen today half
population montreal neither native fastest growing demographic separatists well aware will need vot
ers intend future conflicts within indeed severe severe enough come within inches splitting country
demonstrated differences broader divide problems severe enough moving parts united states possibilit
y another perhaps leading division itself remains possibility nevertheless functioning democracy dif
ferences worked through electoral process rather street although likely relations rather less compli
cated unlikely erupt into violence long various able make voices heard ottawaEssay, essays, termpape
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