THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF CLINICAL SEXOLOGIST
THE MORPHOLOGY TYPE OF THE CARIBBEAN HETEROSEXUAL HISPANIC
MEN IN THE UNITED STATES
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF CLINICAL SEXOLOGISTS
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR
THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
BY
TRACY A. RODRIGUEZ-MILLER
AND
ARNALDO LUIS OLIVERA II
ORLANDO, FLORIDA
JANUARY 2016
1
Dissertation Approval
This dissertation submitted by Tracy A. Rodriguez-Miller and Arnaldo Luis Olivera II has been
read and approved by three committee members of the American Academy of Clinical Sexologists.
The final copies have been examined by the Dissertation Committee and the signatures which
appear here verify the fact that any necessary changes have been incorporated and that the dissertation is
now given the final approval with reference to content, form, and mechanical accuracy.
The dissertation is therefore accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Signature
______________________________________
Date
_________________
William A. Granzig, Ph.D., FAACS
Chancellor and Dean
Committee Member
____________________________________
________________
Anagloria Mora, Ph. D., LMHC, FAACS
Advisor and Committee Chair
_____________________________________
________________
Sonia Blasco Garma, M.D., CCS
Committee Member
2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Tracy and I wish to thank our dissertation committee. Dr. Ana Gloria Mora we want to
thank you for your time, guidance, hospitality, generosity and wonderful sense of humor. Thank
you, Dr. Blasco for your insight and suggestions. To Dr. William Granzig, thank you for having
the vision of pairing us up together so we could produce this wonderful work.
We also wish to thank all the men who participated in this study along with all of the
members of our Hispanic community.
Tracy A. Rodriguez-Miller
I would like to thank my husband Cecil G. Miller for his love, continous suppport,
patience, encouragement and confidence in me through out this endevour. You truly have been a
God sent. Thank you!
Next, I would like to thank my son, Troy A. Murray for being My Hero! Through out all
the trials and tribulations you have faced recently you have maintained a smile on your face and
your spirits high. I am so proud to be your mother. You are an inspiration!
Thank you to my mother, Flora Rodriguez-Merrill, grandmother, Migdalia Rodriguez and
aunt, Rosemary Rodriguez for teaching me to be a strong, compassionate and loving women and
always believing in me.
I want to thank my brother, Evyn Merrill for being My Baby Blue. You are a loving,
compassionate and determined young man with a heart of gold. Thank you for all the laughs and
silliness and for being you.
I would also like to thank my mother-in law Betty Miller and sister in-law Carmen Miller
for accepting Troy and I into the family with open and loving arms. Thank you for all the
traveling adventures.
Thank you, Dr. William Granzig for all your support, encouragement, knowledge and
patience. I am truly greatful for your understanding and guidance when life got in the way and I
didn’t think I would finish. You are such a blessing to me and to the field of Sexology.
To Arnaldo Olivera, my dissertation partner it has been a pleasure to work with you. We
made it through the frustration and confusion, the researching, the writing and rewriting and
more rewriting. We make a great team! Thank you for all the laughter that kept me sane. This is
just the beginning of all the work we will do together.
“Happiness is the joy you feel moving towards your potential.”~ Shawn Achor
“The place where you are right now, God circled on a map for you wherever your eyes and arms
and heart can move. Against the earth and the sky, the beloved has bowed thereThe beloved has bowed there knowing you were coming…”~Hafiz
3
Arnaldo Luis Olivera II
I want to start out by thanking my Lord and savior Jesus Christ and God the father for
everything. Second, I want to thank my parents who have sacrificed so much in order to provide
me with the opportunities that they did not have. I appreciate your constant support and love
thorough out my life. Without you both, I would not be the person that I am today. Thank you.
I would like to thank my fiancé Cheran Zadroga. Thank you for making me want to be a
better person and for being a source of never ending support and love. You have helped me so
much in our time together it really is beyond words.
I want to thank my siblings Jaime and Lillian. Lillian you are my second mom and I
have always looked up to you in so many ways. Your strength, perseverance and fierce zest for
life have all been qualities that I have always appreciated. I want to thank you for always
believing in me and for being such an amazing inspiration. Brother, I want to let you know that
you hold a special place in my heart. You have taught me a great deal about laughter and have a
deep understanding of life’s trials.
Marjorie I am so proud of the woman you have become, may God bless you and Aidan,
keep going forward and keep dreaming up what you want to achieve, anything is possible! I
would also like to thank my sixth grade teacher Ms. Ann Busby for being a catalyst of healing
and reassurance during a transition period of my life. Your warmth and kind presence helped me
and planted a seed in me for wanting to help others in the future. To Mr. Jones at Oak Ridge
High School and Mr. Mike Dorman at Boone High School for being teachers that impacted me
in lighting the fire to crave for knowledge and to constantly work on myself and to keep
evolving.
To Mrs. Dolores Vigil I want to thank you for holding a safe place for me to vent and for
being an enlightened witness on my journey. Your kind and gentle push has been a steady force
full of healing.
Thank you to Marcio Simas and all of my Brazilian-Jiu-Jitsu partners over the years for
being friends and for teaching me many lessons and skills that I utilize in my everyday living.
I would also like to thank James Marks for his editing and my best friend Pasquale Gatti
Jr.”Arg” for not just your proof reading and editing work, but your friendship. Arg you’ve been
another brother to me and over the years I’ve watched you continue on your journey of growth
and remaining a constantly amazing person. I appreciate your kindness and giving nature.
Thanks for being the voice of reason and for creating a plethora of inside jokes and funny stories
that find a way to cheer me up when I need them most.
To my cousin Herman Olivera III. You are one of the deepest and intelligent individuals
I know. I appreciate our conversations and your ability to evoke the full spectrum of emotions
when engaging and sharing your perceptions.
4
I would like to thank the Stetson University counselor education program for offering me
a glimpse of the tip of the Iceberg of self-exploration, personal and professional growth. The
pains of growth are real, but in the end, the healing process of my own work is a testament to the
power of therapy.
I would like to thank my dissertation partner Tracy Rodriguez-Miller. You have been a
true blessing to work with and I look forward to continue doing future collaborative work and
expanding research. You have actually made this process fun.
Finally, to Dr. William Granzig I am thankful that I have been fortunate enough to gain
so much from you. I appreciate our conversations and your ability to impart your teachings has
been a blessing. I thank you for being there for me and being so patient in your guidance.
“If we do not work on all three levels--body, feeling, mind--the symptoms of our distress will
keep returning, as the body goes on repeating the story stored in its cells until it is finally listened
to and understood.” ~ Alice Miller
“Everyone has his own specific vocation or mission in life; everyone must carry out a concrete
assignment that demands fulfillment. Therein he cannot be replaced, nor can his life be repeated,
thus, everyone's task is unique as his specific opportunity to implement it.” ~Viktor E. Frankl
“Little children, you are from God, and have conquered them; for the one who is in you is greater
than the one who is in this world.” ~Jesus Christ
In loving memory: Roberto “Bobby” Longoria and Angel Ortiz
5
VITA
Tracy A. Rodriguez-Miller is a Licensed Clinical Social Worker in the states of Florida
and Georgia, a Board Certified Clinical Sexologolist, Certified Addiction Professional, and a
Florida Board approved Qualified Clinical Supervisor. She has over 15 years of experience in the
behavioral health field promoting personal strengths and insight with the use of empowerment to
assist clients in addressing challenging issues and making positive life choices and changes.
She is currently an Adjunct Professor at Miami Dade College, works at South Florida
Behavioral Health Network and provides clinical supervision for Social Worker Interns seeking
licensure. Tracy earned her Master’s in Social Work and Bachelor’s in Psychology from Florida
International University. Tracy is currently completing a Doctor of Philosophy degree from the
American Academy of Clinical Sexoloigsts (AACS) in Orlando, FL with the anticipation of
graduating in January 2016.
6
VITA
Arnaldo Luis Olivera II “Arny” is a Registered Marriage and Family Therapist-Intern and Board
Certified Clinical Sexologist practicing psychotherapy at a counseling firm in both Orlando and
Kissimmee Florida. Arny is bilingual and currently provides therapy to individuals, couples and
families. A majority of his clients are Spanish only speaking. He considers himself an eclectic
therapist who utilizes client’s strengths, narrative and cognitive-therapy theoretical frameworks.
Arny also views the therapeutic approach through a systemic lens. He enjoys clarifying for his
clients what they already possess in their process towards healing and growth. He graduated
from the University of Central Florida in 2005 with a Bachelor of Science degree in Psychology
and a minor in Political Science.
Arny was awarded a Master of Science degree from Stetson University with a Major in
Marriage and Family therapy in 2009. Arny is currently completing a Doctor of Philosophy
degree from the American Academy of Clinical Sexoloigsts (AACS) in Orlando, FL with the
anticipation of graduating in January 2016. During his tenure as a student at AACS he has
traveled abroad to Beijing, China in September 2010 and presented a research paper at the
International congress for Eco-Sexology, at Peking University. Arny is a member of American
Association for Marriage and Family Therapy. He is also a member of the following honor
societies: Chi Sigma Iota International Counseling Honor Society Alpha Omicron Chapter,
National Honor Society of Collegiate Scholars and the Golden Key International Honor Society.
He looks forward to continued efforts in reaching those in the Hispanic community and
providing mental health services to those in need. Arny’s hobbies include watching and
participating in the martial arts. He enjoys traveling abroad and spending time with friends and
family.
7
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study is to investigate and better understand the morphology type
preferences of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men (CHHM) in the United States. A survey
was created and distributed online and disseminated through a social media platform as a way to
explore self-reported body type preference. Survey Monkey was used to analyze the data
provided by the participants.
The participants (n=37) who were specifically polled in the survey were men born in
Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Dominican Republic who ranged in age from 20 to 47 years old.
Factors analyzed in the survey included demographics, socio-economic status, education level,
age of arrival in the United States and country of origin. The survey offered a choice of 5
different body type images (skinny, athletic, average, plump and plus size) for the participants to
rate as the one they found most attractive. In addition, the survey offered a choice of 5 different
body sections (face, breasts, buttocks, hips and thighs) for the participants to rate as the one that
first attracts their attention in a woman.
It was found that a plurality of the participants (37.84%) rated the average body type
image as most attractive, while none of the participants rated the plus size body type as most
attractive. When asked what section of the body the men first notice in a woman, the majority
40.54% indicated the buttocks.
When further exploring the age of arrival to United States and the men’s reported body
type preference, 38.88% (n=18) of men that arrived in the United States between the ages of 0-12
reported their preference as the average body type. An equal percentage, 33.33% (n=6) of men
that arrived in the United States between the ages of 13-20 reported their body type preference as
average or athletic. 37.30% (n=8) of men that arrived in the United States between the ages of
8
21-47 indicated the skinny body type as their preference. 60% of the men that did not report their
age indicated the average body type as preference.
Further exploration of age of arrival into the United States and what attracts the men first
in a women’s body showed that 44.44% (n=18) of the men who arrived in the United States
between the ages of ages of 0-12 were attracted first to the buttocks. 50% (n=6) of the men that
arrived to the United States between the ages of 13-20 were attracted to the buttocks. 37.50%
(n=8) of the men who arrived in the United States between 21-47 years of age reported they were
attracted to the hips first. 60% (n=5) of the men that did not provide their age of arrival reported
being attracted to the buttocks first.
Of all the men that responded to the survey, it was found that 40.54% of the men
reported that their upbringing influenced their body type preference, and 59.46% reported that it
did not. The perspective on the morphology type preference of the CHHM population in the
United States provided by this study is significant due to the fact that Hispanics now make up the
largest minority population in the United States.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dissertation Approval……………………………………………………............... 2
Acknowledgements……………………………………………………….... …….. 3
Vita………………………………………………………………………..... …….. 6
Abstract.. ……………………………………………………….…………............ 8
Table of Contents………………………………………………………..………... 10
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION………………………………...…………… 12
CHAPTER TWO: DEFINITION OF TERMS
Morphology type…………………………………………….…………………….. 15
Caribbean Hispanic……………………………….......................................…….... 16
Heterosexual…………………………………………………………….…………. 17
Race………………………………………………………………………………... 18
Socioeconomic Level……………………………………………………................ 18
Acculturation……………………………………………………............................. 18
CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW
1)
Historical Perspective……………………………………………………… 23
2)
The Ideal Women’s Body: Exploring Hypothesis......................................... 32
3)
Hispanic/Latina/o……………………………………………………………39
a)
Acculturation/Protective Factors ……………………………………………43
4)
Media Influence…………………………………………………………….. 45
5)
Effects of the Body Image………………………………………………….. 47
a)
Body Image Dissatisfaction/Eating Disorders
10
CHAPTER FOUR: METHODOLOGY AND DESIGN
Instrumentation……………………………………………………………………... 50
Recruitment of sample………………………………………………………............ 50
Sample………………………………………………….……………………........... 51
CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION…………........... 52
CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THIS
STUDY……………………………………………………………………………... 69
Selected bibliography………………………………………………………………. 71
Appendices…………………………………………………………………………. 75
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CHAPTER 1: Introduction
As a species, humans are biologically inclined to mate, and we call driving force behind
this inclination "attraction." Attraction has been approached in many different ways. Thus,
some researchers argue that upbringing and socialization define the norms of attractiveness,
while others have argued that attraction is biologically hardwired as a consequence of
evolutionary pressures (Trujillo et al. 2013). Entire industries have grown up around creating
and fulfilling individuals' desire to be considered attractive, in the process expanding our
understanding of the many dynamic behaviors involved in human motivation for mate selection.
Nancy Etcoff in Survival of the Prettiest (1999) explains that “beauty ensnares hearts,
captures minds and stirs up emotional wildfires...from Plato to pinups, images of human beauty
have catered to a limitless desire to see an image in ideal human form” (3). As she suggests, from
the earliest civilizations to today's world of consumer-driven marketing firms and celebrity
corporate endorsements, an incredible amount of effort has gone into trying understand who
finds whom attractive and why. Studies have shown that people who are perceived as being
attractive live longer, earn more and are perceived more favorably than less attractive people
(Andreoni and Petrie 2007). The fundamental question remains, however, regarding the extent
to which attractiveness can be generalized to transcend culture and social upbringing.
Western cultures appear to place higher value on physical beauty than non-Western
cultures (Etcoff 1999). Glasser et al (2009) found in their study of on-line dating that the main
difference between Caucasian (white), African American and Latino (non-white) men was that
Caucasians prefer relatively thinner women than the others.
A review of different theories regarding how attraction has been studied in humans will
help to synthesize and analyze the data collected from the sample in order to contribute to the
12
literature on the Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Male (CHHM) population, which currently is
limited, though numerous studies have explored how attraction toward differing body types
affects behavior in other cultures, but specifically within this population not much is known
(Gray 2012, 631-655). Gray and Frederick (2012) authored one study that has shed light on this
region. Their focus was on body image and body type preferences among men and women on the
Caribbean island of St. Kitts, and they found that preferences in general mirrored those in the
US, apart from a difference for smaller breasts.
A key morphological factor in the rating of attractiveness by men is bust size in women
(Gueguen 2007, 386-390). In the US, the breasts are a focus of female sexuality, and men tend to
consider larger-than-average breasts to be a favorable quality in a mate (Gueguen 2007, 386390). Findings indicate that an increase in breast size of a moderately attractive woman brings
about a significant increase in number of men who approach her (Gueguen 2007, 386-390).
Thus, the attempt was made to determine whether American attitudes about breast size
preference influences morphological preferences in the CHHM group.
There are, however, numerous studies of heterosexual male attraction and specifically
preferences with respect to a woman’s Waist to Hip Ratio (WHR), as discussed by Furnham et
al. (2002, 729-745). WHR is calculated by dividing the measurement of the narrowest point
between the ribs and the waist and by the measurement of the greatest protrusion of the hips or
buttocks, and these researchers found that male perceptions of women’s fertility, attractiveness,
healthiness and youthfulness, and men's willingness to engage in long term versus short-term
relationships, were all influenced by the WHR.
The media also has had an enormous effect on how women perceive themselves, strive
for the ideal body and are perceived by men. Little investigation is required to affirm that a
13
correlation exists between cultural perceptions and expectations of beauty and the portrayal of
beauty in the media (Foos and Clarke 2011, 162-175).
Objectification theory can help to shed light on the implications of media influence on
body image for both men and women. Wagner Oehlhof et al. (2009) report that, as people
objectify their bodies, they evaluate the worth of their bodies based on appearance rather than
biological function. This self-evaluation is fostered by the media, which leads people to be
dissatisfied with their own bodies and to strive to be something that they are currently not
(Wagner Oehlhof et al. 2009, 308-310).
When studying the CHHM, this community's level of identification with their own
culture, the machismo construct and the influence of the US media are all variables that may
potentially correlate with morphology type preferences. The Hispanic group is the largest
minority group in the US, and is on pace to make up more than 20% of the population by the
year 2030, signifying a great demographic shift in the U.S. (Arciniega et al. 2008, 19-33).
The aim of this study is to understand the ways in which the CHHM aged 20 to 50 rate
the attractiveness of women based on the women’s morphology or body characteristics. The
characteritics that these men find attractive will be analyzed and compared within and between
groups. The researchers will characterize the men based on several factors: socio-economic
status, amount of formal education, country of origin and when the men entered the USA and
their age.
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CHAPTER 2: Definition of Terms
MORPHOLOGY TYPE
Morphology is defined as “the form and structure of an organism or one of its parts”
(American Heritage Medical Dictionary 2007). In this study we focus on the female morphology
type (form) preference of CHHM. The morphological characteristics are broken down into the
following categories (the Spanish terms are in parentheses):
A. skinny (delgado)
B. athletic (atlético)
C. average (promedio)
D. plump (rellena)
E. plus size (gorda)
The researchers further explore the body part that first attracts the respondents. The categories
include:
A. face (rostro)
B. breasts (senos)
C. buttocks (nalgas)
D. hips (caderas)
E. thighs (muslos)
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CARIBBEAN HISPANIC
"Hispanic" is a term that the US federal government established for the US Census
Bureau as a way to categorize peoples who were born in the Americas, speak Spanish and have
ancestral roots originating in Spain and its territories (“Hispanic Population of the United States”
2010 ). The term is a self-identifier with regard to ethnicity (“Hispanic Population of the United
States” 2010).
The terms "Hispanic" and "Latino" have both been used in similar ways by the US
Census Bureau to categorize those peoples living in the regions of Central and South America
along with those in the Caribbean who meet the criteria of the definition (“Hispanic Population
of the United States” 2010). There is debate over how the peoples of these regions define
themselves (Ennis, Rios-Vargas and Albert 2011). Typically, people who are Latino are defined
as those who are from various parts of the Americas and speak Spanish (Ennis et al. 2011).
In this work, our focus is on the Caribbean Hispanic population. By most definitions
Cuba, Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico represent the "Spanish Caribbean," where Spanish is
the main spoken language. According to Nevaer (2010), the characteristics of Caribbean
Hispanics are as follows:
• 17% of US Hispanics can trace their ancestry to Puerto Rico, Cuba or the Dominican
Republic.
• These Hispanics are primarily of European (Spanish and Italian) and African ancestry.
• Most have post-high school education (community college) or college degrees.
• Most are bilingual.
• Many occupy salaried and management positions.
•Most live east of the Mississippi, primarily in the New York/New Jersey–Florida
corridor.
• Racially, Caribbean Hispanics are black or white.
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HETEROSEXUAL
While the scope of this study does not include the continuum of human sexuality, it is
nevertheless important to note the subjective nature of identifying as heterosexual. According to
Alfred Kinsey sexual orientation is a fluid concept (Kinsey 1996), and he devised a scale from 06 where the subject rating a 0 is exclusively heterosexual and the person rating a 6 is exclusively
homosexual. Kinsey recognized the potential pitfalls of self-categorization and sought to
categorize behavior as parsimoniously as possible. For him, all human beings lie along a
continuum of experience and specific behaviors in a way that defies any simplistic subjective
interpretation or categorization of preference Kinsey's concerns point to the complications
caused by priming or teaching expectations within cultures to accept constructs that are limiting,
which is a pitfall that Hispanics face.
Human descriptors of sexual behavior are social constructs that result in sexual scripts,
and as Gordon and Ellingson (2006) suggest, Gagnon and Simon’s production of the script
theory can shed light on how sexuality and the parameters of sexual activity is defined culturally.
Within the sexual scripts that a person creates, the nomenclature of what constitutes sex takes
shape through interactions with societal norms. The social sciences have faced challenges in
understanding and studying the effects of subjectivity or phenomenology and accurately
measuring and depicting the experiences that are to be analyzed. Given the nomenclature, people
can self-report that their preference is for that of the opposite, those of the same sex or
somewhere in between (Tielman et al. 1991), but behavioral expressions may be out of
accordance with self-reports as illustrated in studies (Pathela et al. 2006).
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RACE
By definition, race means a group of people characterized by a shared history, nationality
and/or geographic distribution (Race 2002). Race and ethnicity, according to the US Federal
government, are separate classification markers. Race is based on a person’s self-identification in
the US Census Bureau.
Change over time in self-identification among Hispanics is an indication of the fluidity of
the perceptions of those in this group (Race 2002). Due to the distinction between race and
culture and the changes in perception that occur over time within and among groups, the
Hispanic group poses unique challenges to sociological and anthropological research.
SOCIOECONOMIC LEVEL
Socioeconomic level is a measure of an individual’s social status. It is usually calculated based
on a person’s education, income and occupation (American Psychology Association 2015).
ACCULTURATION
The cultural impact of assimilating into the majority culture, which often involves
adopting the norms of the majority while trying to maintain the minority culture's world view is
another factor that may play a part in shaping the views of those in the CHHM group (Archuleta
2011, 312-330). The literature suggests that underrepresented minorities with lower levels of
acculturation may feel especially marginalized by the majority and mislabeled on the basis of
their cultural predispositions (Archuleta 2011, 312-330).
These factors may reinforce a tendency among CHHM to remain hypersensitive to
upholding the expectations of their parental culture, and may have implications for the capacity
18
of these men to assimilate and ultimately become more integrated into the majority culture
(Archuleta 2011, 312-330). Findings indicate that the acculturation process causes relatively high
levels of distress, suicidal ideation and anxiety by Hispanics (Archuleta 2011, 312-330). There is
a clear need for more research on the pressures faced by the CHHM group.
Acculturation is defined as the process whereby individuals within a culture adopt
different behaviors and beliefs as a result of engaging in contact with one or more other cultures
(Archuleta 2011, 312-330). In the process of acculturation, individuals seek to adapt to new
norms and expectations in order to survive and to thrive in the new surroundings (Archuleta
2011, 312-330). Lack of available resources is one of the major factors that need to be considered
with regard to individuals undergoing acculturation (Archuleta 2011, 312-330).
Thus, acculturation is an important aspect to take into account when researching the
morphology preferences of CHHM. The impact of the environment on human development is
great. It is this research’s aim to examine any relationships that may exist among environmental
factors and how they may influence preferences for specific female body types. As alluded to in
the Introduction, some researchers have argued that an evolutionary and inherited psychological
mechanism influences men’s Waist to Hip Ratio preferences (WHR) (Schmalt 2006, 455-465).
This approach contrasts with what can be called the nurture view, according to which
preferences are the result of upbringing and environmental factors. This is one of the issues that
will be raised, within the limitations of this study, with respect to the CHHM group, so the
relationship between acculturation and potential body type preferences is a focal point of this
research.
Studies suggest that there are inherent limitations on the study of acculturation (Ponce
and Comer 2003). With regard to acculturation theory, studies within the Hispanic community
19
are limited due to the great amount of cultural variability across this group of people (Ponce and
Comer 2003). Culture is a vast and delicate subject to cover in trying to understand the nuanced
differences between and among groups of CHHM specifically. According to Ponce and Comer,
the literature in the health sciences has a history of categorizing Hispanics and downplaying
differences within the Hispanic community by attributing those differences to acculturation; thus
the difficulty in studying acculturation may be seen as a function of the attempt to homogenize
Hispanic culture (2003).
Future research must therefore take into account the fact that this study focuses on
CHHM, which represent only one small subset of the larger community of “Hispanics” who
differ from CHHM culturally and regionally. When comparing groups of Hispanics, the
question arises regarding regional differences in behavior and partner preferences. The same is
true of cross-cultural comparisons among non-Hispanic white groups (Ponce and Comer 2003).
For example, there are cultural differences between northern and southern Anglo Americans and
between those residing in cities and rural areas (Ponce and Comer 2003). A monolithic white
culture no more exists than a monolithic Hispanic culture. Since both of these larger groups are
non-homogenous, research must be very specific in delineating the cultural identification and
differences of sub-groups in order to yield clearer results when making comparisons across
cultures.
It is for this reason that the research presented here responds to the concerns voiced by
Ponce and Comer by specifically taking into consideration the factors mentioned above, namely
income, social class, education and literacy for the CHHM group (2003). The analysis of
differences from the perspective of social class, and not just ethnic/racial group differences, is
fundamental for understanding the influence of social class on creating preferences, as well as
20
for minimizing potential bias in the collection of data from CHHM (Ponce and Comer 2003).
When the factors of social class and socioeconomic status therefore broaden our understanding
of the ways in which group preferences are formed and maintained (Ponce and Comer 2003).
Work by Schmalt (2006) building with the seminal studies of WHR’s role in
attractiveness by Singh, indicates that men are likely to rate the coveted .7 WHR as attractive
across cultures. Our aim here is to consider further how culture may influence preferences within
the CHHM group, the acculturation of which will be of significant concern for those in the social
and health sciences (Archuleta 2011, 312-330). This is especially true given the historical
tendency of the majority groups to marginalize, discriminate against and oppress minority
groups, Hispanics included, during the acculturation process. (Archuleta 2011, 312-330).
Research also indicates that when those undergoing acculturation who were amenable to
meeting the expectations of those in the majority group were labeled as competent by those in
the majority group, the implication is that those who are less responsive to the expectations of
the majority will be labeled as incompetent (Archuleta 2011, 312-330). A key factor to better
understanding what it means to go through acculturation is what is called intracultural
adaptation, which can be defined as “any phenomena that may occur within a cultural group that
helps define a collective sense of belonging” (Archuletta 2011, 315). It is important to note that
the differences that may occur during this process may create distance between members of the
given group; thus, those at a higher level of acculturation within the shared minority culture may
feel dissociated from group members at lower acculturation levels. Intercultural interaction is
what takes place when members of differing cultures interact and group activities are shared that
shed light on the commonality and differences between the two interacting cultures (Archuleta
2011, 312-330). This interaction has the potential of merging divergent perspectives in values
21
and mores that the differing cultures experience during interactions that foster cross-cultural
communication between the two groups, which in turn promotes integration.
Integration is defined as the ability to navigate and negotiate in order to adapt to majority
cultural expectations adaptation in terms of social cues encounter (Archuleta 2011, 312-330). As
the research suggests, integration is not the best acculturation strategy for those looking to fit into
the majority (Archuleta 2011, 312-330). The fast-paced change in demographics when large
numbers of a minority group enter a community may be perceived by the majority groups as a
threat to the established status quo and can lead to expressions of prejudice (Archuleta 2011,
312-330).
An example of the kinds of negotiations that are common among Hispanics attempting to
assimilate is the question of adhering to collectivistic norms and placing the group and family
above the needs of the individual that is embedded in Hispanic culture in the face of the norms of
the majority Anglo culture, which promotes individualism and independence (Montalvo 2009).
When members of the minority are met with two mutually exclusive options, they must negotiate
a path between the cultures in terms of a given situation or context. This is a key consideration
that researchers must keep in mind when studying CHHM specifically, for the societal pressures
that minorities face represent added stressors that can also help to shape their perceptions and
behaviors.
22
CHAPTER 3: Literature Review
Historical Perspective
Recovered historical artifacts offer a perspective on how human tastes have evolved in
regard to the ideal body type for women. Once such find is the “Venus of Frasassi,” which is
over 20,000 years old (Bonafini and Pozzilli 2010, 62-65). This statuette portrays what would be
considered a portly image of a woman by today's standards, suggesting that people then may
have admired such bodies (Bonafini and Pozzilli 2010, 62-65). It remains unclear the extent to
where a distinction can be made as to what was seen as sexual and beautiful, in part because
prehistoric artists are usually assumed to represent a gendered (male) perspective (Bonafini and
Pozzilli 2010, 62-65).
When considering perceptions of beauty in Hispanic culture or cultures, the influence of
American cultures is an important factor (Demarest and Allen 2000, 465-472). Valeri, in an
article entitled Dissatisfaction with Our Bodies and Eating Disorders (2013), reports that, in the
US, the body image ideal has changed dramatically over the past hundred years. Indeed, that
study draws attention to a number of the themes that are fundamental to this study of CHHM, so
it will be referred to frequently in what follows.
Body image can be defined as how a person views his or her own body, physical
appearance, shape and size, and understands the perceptions of other people about these same
attributes (Valeri 2013). Prior to the twentieth century, the portrayal of voluptuous or curvy
women was the norm, as can be seen in the paintings of Peter Paul Rubens (the following image
in this study is those that illustrate Valeri's paper).
23
Thus, the term referring to plump as healthy is deemed Rubenesque. The shift at the turn of the
twentieth century occurred when Hollywood and the body image cosmetic industry advertisers
set forth a new standard (Valeri 2013).
24
The new ideal became that of the “Flapper” of the 1920s, a woman who was thin and chic
Image retrieved online at:
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Flappers#mediaviewer/File:Alicejoyce1926full_crop.jpg
25
By the 1950s, the standard woman had changed again to an ideal set forth by Hollywood with the
iconic Marilyn Monroe.
Image retrieved online at:
http://i949.photobucket.com/albums/ad336/hime2608/Marilyn%20Monroe/ChomikImageaspx.jpg
By today’s standards, Monroe would be considered overweight, and the ideal is once
again ultra thin like the models portrayed in beauty and fashion magazines (Valeri 2013).
26
In the 1980s, there was an explosion of interest in fitness was promoted by the health and
beauty industries (Kendall 1999), and from the 1980s through the 1990s, the ideal called for a
decreasing body mass index and a disproportionately low body weight to height ratio became the
growing trend of this era. In fact, beauty magazines typically displayed women who appeared to
be 15% below their body weight (Valeri 2013).
Image retrieved online at: http://www.geekinheels.com/wpcontent/uploads/2013/01/kate_moss.jpg
27
Many people are dissatisfied with their bodies when they compare themselves with
images portrayed by the media (Van den Berg et al. 2007, 257-68), which present them with the
choice of either accepting the images that they see as the ideal for which to strive, or rejecting
the images and accepting how they are in the present. Thus, Williams et al. (2014) examined the
impact of the media on self-esteem, and found two kinds of reactions when exposed to idealized
images in advertisements. These researchrs used the term extrinsic contingency focus (ECF) to
define individuals' tendency to establish their worth, in the eyes of themselves and others, by
meeting socially defined standards, as opposed to standards defined within. The many studies on
self-esteem suggest that it is a function of a person’s desire to be accepted by the group. The socalled "sociometer theory" predicts that people will be driven to succeed in various areas in life if
they perceive that by doing so they will acquire greater relational value (Williams et al. 2014).
From the perspective of social identity, humans are driven to seek self-esteem, which can
be acquired through connections with important and successful social groups (Williams et al.
2014). There are, however, differing groups that challenge this notion and associate self-worth
with being unique and aloof from the group mentality, or at least with finding a balance between
the group and the self. Thus, it has been found repeatedly that people who are made to feel either
very similar or very different from those in their social group feel compelled to act in the reverse
in the pursuit of an equilibrium between the demands of group and self (Williams et al. 2014).
Indeed, there would seem to be a fine line between people those who seek group and those who
seek self-acceptance (Williams et al. 2014).
In the case of Latinos or Hispanics, the extent of acculturation, as mentioned, needs to be
considered when assessing self-worth within their minority group and between the minority
group and the majority. Empirical evidence suggests that, when socializing, a person will
28
become focused on acceptance from others and social approval rather than self-acceptance based
on his or her upbringing (Williams et al. 2014).
It has been found that people who derive self-worth from group acceptance are often
reared within social groups that promote adherence to rules and offer conditional love (Williams
et al. 2014). In contrast, people who have been reared in environments of unconditional love and
autonomy tend more to seek self-acceptance defined in their own terms (Williams et al. 2014).
And if society shapes the feelings of individuals with regard to self and other, then changes in the
images displayed by the media over time can be expected to have influenced relationships
between body type preferences and changes in society at large.
Other studies have been made of the changes in body dimensions over time using records
or anthropometric measurements of women who were idealized in popular culture. An important
example is the work of Byrd-Bredbenner et al. (2005, 13-30), which compared the body
measurements of images found over some eighty years. Measurements of Playboy magazine's
and Playmates of the year, Miss America pageant winners, high end-models and young women
generally were compiled and evaluated for differences over the decades, and significant
differences were found among the specific groups studied. For example, the height of the
Playboy models increased over time, whereas the height of the Miss America pageant contestants
and young women remained unchanged. There was a change in young women’s weight in the
1970s at a time when the weight of the Miss America pageant winners started to decline and the
weight of young women started to increase. BMI was also calculated for each of the Playmates,
pageant winners and models. Further, the BMI scores of the women in the beauty groups
declined over time, whereas, those scores for young women increased at a significant rate over
the course of the study. Bust, waist and hip measurements indicate that Playmates tended to have
29
the largest bust measurements and the models the smallest bust and hip measurements; young
women in general had the largest hip and waist measurements. Bust size remained constant for
the Playmates over the decades while their waistline measurements declined; the bust size of the
pageant winners increased significantly over time and eventually peaked in the 1960s along with
that of the Playmates of the year (Byrd-Bredbenner et al. 2005, 13-30). Models' busts also
increased over the decades significantly, and there was a sharp decline in waist and hip ratios for
models spanning across the 1970s through the 1990s.
A key finding when comparing all of the women, those in the idealized groups and the
young women in general, is that of the changes in what is referred to as the curvaceousness index
or (CI) (Byrd-Bredbenner et al. 2005, 13-30). The CI is a formula that indicates body shape: a
larger waist relative to bust and hips would indicate a less curvaceous body, whereas a small
waist measurement relative to bust and hips indicates the hourglass or a curvy body shape.
Across all groups, relatively less curvaceous body types predominated early in the twentieth
century, followed by a more curvaceous shape in the mid part of that century and returning to a
decline in curvaceousness toward the end of the century in the 1990s. Of all the groups, the
Playmates tended to be the most curvaceous, though they did not differ greatly from the pageant
winners. The group that tended to rate least curvaceous was the models.
The CI remained fairly steady for the young women over time, but the findings indicate
that the idealized group’s changes reflected changes in standards and expectations that possibly
affected those groups between times of increase and decrease CI trends (Byrd-Bredbenner et al.
2005, 13-30). The limitations of Byrd-Bredbenner's study (and readily acknowledged by it) are
that the data for the idealized beauty groups was based on self-reports, and racial data was
largely unavailable for the young women group. Also, the women in the idealized group were
30
largely Caucasian (Byrd-Bredbenner et al. 2005, 13-30). The study is nevertheless pertinent here
because its exploration of body shape changes over time indicates that changes in body image
perception and expectations occurred together with changes in the standards of society. In
looking at Latinos or Hispanics, it is imperative to understand that what is depicted has an impact
on preferences for various body types. The aim here is to focus on how these changes in societal
portrayal and expectations have affected the CHHM specifically.
31
The Ideal Women’s Body: Exploring Hypothesis
The notion of not being fixated on ultra thin as healthy and the ultimate goal has been
studied in non-Western communities and cultures (Viladrich et al. 2008, 20-28). Thus, Glasser et
al., (2009) concluded that ethnicity, race and gender all influence body type preferences in
internet dating, and concluded that African Americans and Latinos prefer women with larger
body types, to the point that their preferences would not be seen favorably in the mainstream
American media. Race, however, does not play a factor in body type preference for women.
This finding is consistent with the notion that non-whites negotiate the Caucasian ideal
body type by maintaining their own ethnic preference for larger, heavier and shapelier bodies
(Glasser et al. 2009, 14-33). Social exchange theory was used in this study to draw the
conclusion that those who were of higher education and, as a corollary, earned greater income,
expected to have greater access to younger and more attractive women than did less educated
men. In retrospect, it has been found that men who rate themselves lower in desirability tend to
be less selective, as indicated by their attractiveness ratings of women (Swami et al. 2007, 98107).
Non-Caucasian women may not feel as much pressure to fit the ideal body type because
people of color do not emphasize as much the thin and tone look in comparison with Caucasians
(Glasser, et al. 2009, 14-33). As a result, Caucasian men have reported greater social pressure to
date the thin type, owing to concern about ridicule within their social circles (Powell and Kahn
1995, 191-195). Caucasian preference for the media-saturated image of the thin-toned ideal can
also be seen as a consequence of the lack of other sources of body images (Glasser et al. 2009,
14-33).
32
When studying a group, the different aspects of the body must be taken into
consideration. A woman’s facial and morphological characteristics encompass the body as a
whole. In this context, perception can be defined as an intuitive or immediate recognition or
appreciation involving moral, psychological, or aesthetic qualities, as well as insight and
intuition (dictionary.com 2015). Several hypotheses have been framed to explore why some
faces are considered more attractive than others when age is a controlled variable.
Age has been identified as a key factor affecting the rating of facial attractiveness, and
usually older adults are perceived as more dependent and less capable, as has been investigated
by Foos and Clarke (2011, 162-175). The overall value placed on old age and adults within this
category may influence the extent to which younger adults perceive attractive older people.
Potentially useful in this context is the so-called expertise hypothesis, which asserts that, based
on experience that older adults have in seeing many faces, they may rate attractiveness of faces
higher along a greater continuum than younger people. In addition, older adults have a wider
scope of face referencing and thus rate young and old faces as attractive, whereas younger adults
typically rate only young looking faces as attractive.
When looking at CHHM culture, a factor that may affect attractiveness rating is the
degree of homogeneity within this group. Thus, the similarity hypothesis, which states that
individuals rate higher those who look more like themselves (Foos and Clarke 2011, 162-175).
Due to the variance of the cultural differences found among Hispanics, the markers for age and
race need to be taken into consideration when looking at this group. Also useful in this context is
the concept of the so-called "halo effect," which is defined as the tendency to evaluate attractive
people more favorably and ascribing positive personality traits in relation to that rating (Nisbett
and Wilson 1977, 250-256). People who score higher on attraction scales are rated by strangers
33
to possess such positive qualities as trustworthiness, kindness, higher intelligence and success
(Foos and Clarke 2011, 162-175). This insight can be utilized to illuminate how CHHM are
influenced by the same effect in the same ways, or if a prediction can be correlated to higher
ratings with respect to the above-mentioned qualities in future research.
Facial symmetry is another factor in ratings of attraction. Faces with poor symmetry in
the animal kingdom may point to genetic or other biological abnormalities, though studies have
been inconclusive with regard to whether symmetry plays a crucial role in higher attraction
ratings. It does appear that faces manipulated to portray perfect symmetry are associated by test
subjects with better health, but not necessarily with greater attractiveness (Zaidel et al. 2005,
261-263). Other research suggest an increased preference in mate selection for those having
average-looking faces, which can be defined as faces that resemble the majority of faces in their
given populations (Komori et al. 2009, 136-142), though it remains unclear whether symmetry or
resemblance to the mean is the more significant factor.
While much research has explored body proportions or morphology as a factor in the
mate selection process (Furnham et al. 2002, 729-745), less has been done that takes into account
the face and body combined (Henss 2000, 501-513). Mate selection theory asserts that, while
there are different needs for each sex, both sexes choose mates that enhance reproductive
success, and that physical cursors that can be related to attractiveness lead to value in a mate
(Furnham et al. 2002, 729-745). The primary difference for females in contrast to males is that
the former are more inclined to select mates based on access to resources such as social status
economic resources, while men select mates based on visual cues that suggest the ability to
produce healthy offspring (Furnham et al. 2002, 729-745).
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Unlike other primates, whose ovulation window is easily identifiable, humans have
evolved to notice other cues, such as physical appearance, to discern health in a potential mate
(Furnham et al. 2002, 729-745). People therefore choose the best possible mates in response to
evolutionary demands (Singh et al., 2010). Cross-cultural studies have shown that certain facial
and bodily characteristics serve as markers for overall health (Furnham et al. 2002, 729-745;
Smith, et al. 2007, 48-54).
The societies of the Caribbean are highly influenced by their African heritage, and in
Africa high levels of body fat are valued during mate selection, presumably because such body
types reveal access to abundant resources. Such is the conclusion of a recent study by Gray and
Frederick (2012, 631-655), and their findings corroborate the impression that individuals in this
region are less likely to perceive themselves as overweight or obese, though research here is
limited, and there are of course various influences acting upon these cultures; thus Gray and
Frederick found powerful African and American influences in St. Kitts. Studies in parts of Africa
and the South Pacific have shown that rites of passage leading to marriage often include putting
on weight, and that there exists among people from this region a preference for line-drawn
images that would be considered overweight by Western standards (Gray and Frederick 2012,
631-655). These groups of men rate muscularity in women as unattractive, but they wish to be
more muscular themselves (Gray and Frederick 2012, 631-655).
Another study on the correlation of thinness and attractiveness, by Davis et al. (2010),
suggests that women rated other women’s attractiveness based on different factors than those
that are important to men. For example, Caucasian women were found to identify thinness with
attractiveness, while African American women identify a fuller body or “shapeliness” with
attractiveness (along with other factors including the type of attire worn and race).
35
Possible dissimilarities among men across different cultures and the differences in
attractiveness rating based on buttocks size deserve closer consideration. Different ethnic groups
have displayed variable preferences in buttocks size, though as Henss (2000, 501-513) points
out, these preferences have mainly been conducted using two-dimensional images, and the
results might differ for three-dimensional ones.
It has also been found that physical attractiveness holds more important for men than for
women (Glasser et al. 2009, 14-33). As mentioned above, when studying features of female
beauty, the two primary components that researchers focus on are Body Mass Index (BMI) and
Waist to Hip Ratio (WHR), between which there is a positive correlation (Singh et al. 2010;
Swami et al. 2008, 98-107), though there are in fact many factors that contribute to attractiveness
ratings of women by men (Gueguen 2007, 386-390). Researchers debate whether men who
prefer a lower WHR are not in fact responding to a lower BMI (Singh et al. 2010; Swami et al.
2008, 98-107). In contrast to other studies that found differences between ethnic groups, Singh
et al. (2010) found no differences exist in the preference for a low WHR across people from
different cultural backgrounds.
Neuroscience may be opening up new ways to understand the WHR. In a study done by
Platek and Singh (2010), fMRI images were utilized to show that reward centers in the brains of
men were activated when they were shown naked images of women who were surgically altered
to portray the coveted “hour-glass” average of ~0.7 WHR. Changes in the BMI of the images
yielded responses in the areas of the brain that register visual changes; changes in the WHR of
the images activated the anterior cingulate cortex of the men, which is the area associated for
making decisions and processing rewards. Therefore, men are apt to recognize and focus more
on differences in WHR than BMI. These findings, which contradict some of those discussed
36
above, suggest that men are thus inclined on account of evolutionary pressure to identify markers
that correlate with the likelihood to produce healthy children. It should of course be observed
that excessive thinness or gross obesity does not necessarily affect the WHR. A “thin” woman
can still possess a WHR of 0.7, as can a woman who wears a bigger size dress and may not be
considered thin (“Science Reveals the Female Body Type That Scrambles Mens’ Brains,” 2010).
Usually a woman’s WHR is associated with overall health and fertility (Karremans et al.
2010, 182-186). It is thought that a lower WHR may influence attractiveness ratings of women
by men because upper-body fat may have a negative effect on the fatty acids essential in
neurodevelopment, whereas lower-body fat may have a positive effect on that supply of these
nutrients (Karremans et al. 2010, 182-186). Henss (1999) found that lower WHR correlates with
attractiveness across studies.
The development of a preference in the balance of upper and lower body fat and lower
WHR in women among men may be due to the overall indicator of neurodevelopment health of a
potential child, as discussed by Karremans et al. (2010, 182-186). These researchers suggested as
another hypothesis regarding WHR that men may prefer women who have low WHR because
they appear more feminine, since women tend to have lower WHR than men. Their findings also
suggest that men favored lower WHR across all cultures, or at least some, leaving open the
possibility that men may be changing their preferences based on influences and factors particular
to their environments. Thus, in societies where there exist limited amounts of nutritional
resources such as foraging, a high WHR for a woman could signal to men that she has greater
access to food, and may thus be a potentially healthy mate (Karremans et al. 2010, 182-186).
In the case farming communities, on the other hand, it has been argued by Marlowe and
Westman (2001, 481-489) that women’s work tends to be relatively labor-intensive, resulting in
37
a positive view of women with more fat and a higher WHR in these societies, in which health is
seen as a primary aspect of attractiveness. The role of environment in determining body
preferences therefore may indeed be significant, and more research is needed among more
diverse populations; as Marlowe and Westman point out, most studies have focused on college
students rather than seeking more representative samples.
There have been numerous studies of men's motivations when seeking a partner and in
assessing attractiveness. This work has focused on two aspects of mating behavior: the search for
a short-term sexual partner with no intention of establishing a long-term relationship and longterm commitments to specific partners (Swami et al. 2008, 98-107). Most research has found
that, when it comes to attractiveness, the long term versus short term relationship goals actually
have little effect on what these men prefer (Swami et al. 2008, 98-107).
The way in which the images of women are presented to men for rating turns out to be an
important factor. When presented with less naturalistic images, for example silhouettes and line
drawings, results may differ from those gathered using more, naturalistic depictions (Henss
2000, 501-513). The work presented here takes into account these considerations and attempts to
provide adequate stimuli when asking men to assign body image attractiveness ratings.
38
Hispanic/ Latina/o
The influence of upbringing on attractiveness rating in the CHHM community is one area
of focus in this study. There is a consensus among researchers that body type preference is a
cultural, rather than genetic, phenomenon, as Glasser et al. (2009, 14-33) has shown. Body type
preference is thought to be influenced by an interplay of factors including race, culture and
society and the mainstream media. Numerous studies done of various cultures demonstrate that
certain body features in women are consistently rated as attractive, and it seems clear that that
many body image issues relate to the portrayals of attractiveness in a given culture. What women
find attractive in themselves or each other may also play a role in how they present themselves to
society, thereby influencing the men’s perceptions as well.
In a qualitative analysis, Viladrich et al. (2009) stated that women were concerned with
weight control and their appearance due to the influence of the media. As an example of a
morphology stereotype for Hispanic women especially in America, they pointed to the film Real
Women Have Curves, which follows the main character’s struggle between fighting mainstream
norms and accepting cultural expectations, in which she equates pride in her curvy body with her
roots and as a protest to the mainstream American ideal. The media of both two cultures present
these choices for women as mutually exclusive. The Hispanic ideal promotes curves and the
“pear shape” as healthy, where the American ideal is thinness. Also, the Latina is frequently
stereotyped as hot blooded, hypersexual, a figure with big buttocks who can cook, clean and be
submissive in a relationship all at once (Glasser et al. 2009, 14-33).
39
Image retrieved online at: http://i153.photobucket.com/albums/s208/lanoir_2007/thirisadd.jpg
Given the explicit and implicit expectations of Hispanic culture, it is no wonder that Latinas
become strong women.
The Latinas’ Paradoxical Body Images (LAPABI) is a paradigm that is built on the
awareness of the contrast between images of fit, thin Caucasian women as the ideal body type
versus the voluptuous and curvaceous Latina counter-image (Viladrich et al. 2009, 20-28). As
mentioned, media images can have a negative impact on self-esteem with regard to body image
(Bergstrom et al. 2009, 264-280). Additional cultural factors and norms combine to make the
struggle to fit into both worlds, mainstream America and their own minority culture, a difficult
one for Latinas. The result can be a potentially vulnerable state of paradox when a Latina tries to
find satisfaction with her own body satisfaction or what kind of body to strive for (Viladrich et
al. 2009, 20-28).
Unlike non-whites, who have other media outlets and cultures that may influence their
preferences in body types, Caucasians only have one primary culture that shapes their
preferences; thus non-whites are more tolerant of larger bodies, even when living in an opposing
majority culture, being susceptible to cultural influences that are unavailable to whites (Glasser
40
et al. 2009, 14-33). In fact, heavier and full-bodied women are considered high status in Latin
American cultures (Grabe and Hyde 2006). This raises the question whether this cultural norm
may play a part in rates of obesity, since there is less social pressure in these groups to conform
to mainstream images (Glasser et al. 2009, 14-33).
Cultural norms and gender stereotypes in Latin American communities may also play a
part in how women value body image (Grabe and Hyde 2006, 622-640). Thus, Ward et al. (2006,
704) frame their approach to the problem as follows:
We argue that dominant gender ideologies, as exemplified by the media, consistently
paint women as sexual objects, highlighting their bodies as being mainly for the pleasure
of men instead of as multidimensional (i.e., including both reproductive and sexual
functions...Because men do not live in isolation, their beliefs about masculinity are likely
to influence not only their own behavior, but also their interactions with the key women
in their lives, including their romantic and sexual partners
What men believe about how they are supposed to act is the central aspect of masculinity
ideology (MI).
Thompson and Pleck (1995) coined the term Traditional Masculinity Ideology (TMI) in
order to formulate the concept of what is deemed as masculine. The TMI develops as boys and
men take in cultural information by way of implicit and explicit expectations and internalize how
they are to think and behave in different social contexts, as Abreu et al. (2000, 75-86) have
discussed. When studying masculinity, the concept and terms associated with it are social
constructs associated with the various cultures and societies that designate what is masculine.
Due to the way in which masculinity is constructed, there exist vast differences among and
within cultures and ethnic groups when it comes to expectations and definitions of masculinity. It
has been found that, when children are born into traditional Latino families, the expectation of
clearly delineated gender roles is well established by the time adulthood is reached, and for men
41
this concept has traditionally been known as machismo (Abreu et al. 2000, 75-86). Machismo is
a term that has circulated in literary and academic realms with no real concrete definitions,
though based on earlier attempts we might define it here as a force that encompasses masculinity,
is the base for all the behaviors that represent the masculine, and is a set of expectations placed
on Hispanic men (Panitz et al. 1983; cf. Arciniega et al. 2008).
42
Acculturation/Protective Factors
Acculturation is, as previously mentioned, of primary importance when working with the
Latino population. Acculturation is defined by Lopez (2014) as: “The cultural modification of a
group, individual or people by borrowing traits and adapting to another culture.” Prolonged
exposure of one culture to another can lead to a merging of cultural differences (Lopez 2014). In
addition, acculturation is a process that is fluid, multidimensional and not necessarily contingent
on language use (Ellers 2011). Acculturation takes into account differences among a vast array
of cultural components, not only language, but food, music, dress, social norms or mores,
entertainment and political engagement, resulting in an infinite assortment of individual
differences that can become quite apparent (Ellers 2011). With Hispanics, some traits are taken
from the Hispanic culture of origin and mixed with the American culture to create a unique
mixture, like mixing varying hues of paint only to produce a unique color.
When conceptualizing acculturation in the US, it is also important to understand regional
and geographical location influences. A ready example is that of Cuban Americans living in
Miami (Lopez 2014). Many third-generation Cuban Americans are fully acculturated to the US
and are bi-lingual, but still have deep roots in and affiliations with their Cuban ancestry (Lopez
2014). This is in contrast with, for example, Americans of Mexican dissent living in McAllen,
Texas (Lopez 2014). Generally, for Latinos, the “Americanization” comes from adaptations to
American cultural traits (Lopez 2014). There are over 50 million Americans who find themselves
in this position with respect to their culture of Hispanic origin and American culture (Ellers
2011). The Spanish language and media outlets help these individuals and communities of
Hispanics to maintain a sense of belonging to their cultures of origin while undergoing
acculturation (Ellers 2011).
43
A difference between second-generation and first-generation Latinas exists in relation to
what have been deemed cultural protective factors, which insulate first-generation Latinas from
the mainstream culture, as Viladrich, et al. (2009, 20-28) report. These protective factors can
give rise to an overall cultural narrative based on awareness and self-acceptance that influences
the more acculturated second generation. Thus, age and acculturation play a role in how Latinas
rate their body images: older, less acculturated Latinas accept their curvy bodies at higher rates
than younger, more acculturated or Americanized Latinas.
Findings also indicate that self-perception among women in this group was influenced by
how they thought men wanted them to look (Viladrich et al. 2009, 20-28), which indicates that
Latina women perceive that they can attract certain types of men based on whether they are thin
or more curvaceous. The belief commonly held by Hispanic women is that Hispanic men prefer
curvy women to thin women, whereas Caucasian men prefer thin women (Viladrich et al. 2009,
20-28). The same phenomenon of protective factors exists among Asian Americans (Glasser et
al. 2009, 14-33). In the Asian community, it has been found that a relationship exists between
higher levels of acculturation and a higher risk in developing eating disorders (Davis and
Katzman 1997). These findings suggest a relationship between the acceptance of the ideal body
image portrayed in American culture by those also obtaining aspects of a minority culture and
negative perceptions of one's body (Davis and Katzman 1997).
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Media Influence
The way that news anchors, actors and other personalities present their bodies reflects the
expectations of appearance. Gordon et al. (2002) studied how stereotypes of ethnic minorities
distort the perceptions of individuals who suffer from eating disorders in these groups and
pointed out that, although the symptomatology may look different for minority members,
specifically Hispanic women as compared with Caucasian women, the fact remains that
prevalence rates of eating disorder pathologies are comparable. Exposer to images of models in
the media may lead to harsh self-judgment by women regarding their weight, body shape and
desired look, as Viladrich et al. (2009, 20-28) have argued. This relationship between
perceptions of the ideal (psychological makeup) can lead to weight fluctuations (physical effects)
and problems with overall weight and social interactions.
The images perpetuated by the media depict the Hispanic woman as an exotic being that
frequently has accentuated morphological characteristics, which leads media consumers to be
drawn into the otherness and objectification and sexualizing of the Latina body (Reichard 2014).
The consensus by scholars who study the relationship between objectification of the Latina body
in the media is that there is a need to change the stereotypes that are currently in place. Indeed,
what is found in magazines is often not even a “real” ideal anyway, since many of the images
depicted are enhanced by computer software to appeal to consumers ("Sexiest Waist to Hip Ratio
Why Sex Sells." n.d.) When it comes to professional media outlets such as news channels,
Latinas stand far apart from Anglos, being dressed more provocatively, scantily and/or tightly
clad (Reichard 2014).
With these expectations set forth by advertisement groups and the numerous media
outlets, it becomes apparent that women cannot help but to compare themselves to those images
45
that they are constantly bombarded with (Van den Berg et al. 2007). An internalization of what is
normal and expected as portrayed by the media is the message that women accept as the true
standard (Valeri 2013). Thus, research has supported that eating disorder symptoms and body
image dissatisfaction are correlated to mass media exposure in women and girls alike (Van den
Berg et al. 2007).
46
Effects on Body Image
Katz (2004), suggests that up to 80% of women who are surveyed state that they are
unsatisfied with their bodies. Markula (1995) argues that women’s bodies are naturally designed
to store fat in greater amounts in the thighs, buttocks and waist; unfortunately, the media targets
these specific areas as focal points for reduction of overall body fat. Thus, making the ideal goal
a truly difficult one, as it is at odds with women’s inherent biological imperative. Pressure to
defy this imperative grew into what would be the pathology known as described in the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders III-R (DSM- III-R) as the precursor
characteristics for anorexia nervosa (Valeri 2013). The expectation and message of these
magazines was that women were expected to be disproportionately thin.
Image obtained from: http://www.anorexicmodel.com/images/anorexic-model-gallery/anorexicmodel-7.jpg
47
Many factors play a role in ideation that leads to pathological eating disorders and or
body modification (i.e. plastic surgery) to attain the “ideal” image. The epidemiology of these
disorders in the Hispanic community also needs further research, in particular because image
issues can lead to serious cultural problems and may give rise to such dangerous disorders as
anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa and body dysmorphic disorder.
Research has found that overweight college women report less dating activity and the
perception that their dating partners are less satisfied with their body image than is the case with
their overweight male counterparts; thus women overall suffer from greater social scrutiny than
the males in their social circles (Glasser et al. 2009, 14-33). Other findings indicate that women
who perceive that others desire thin women tend to prefer thinness in themselves, leading to
potentially problematic and pathological eating behaviors (Grossbard et al. 2011, 192-199).
The objectification theory in women is typified with losing weight (thin body) or
lowering their BMI and in men it is the focus of acquiring more mass in the form of overall
musculature, as has been studied by Wagner Oehlhof et al. (2009, 308-310). The findings
suggest that, the more people self-objectify their bodies, the more prone they are to body
dissatisfaction, eating disorders, body shame issues and sexual dysfunction. Objectification
theory, as discussed above, proposes that women are held under much more scrutiny when it
comes to physical appearance in our society than men, and thus are more prone to exhibit the
problems associated with body image issues. Typically, the underlying message is that a
woman’s worth is largely equated with her exterior beauty, whereas for men that may not be the
case implicitly or explicitly stated. Questions worth exploring in future studies is whether there is
a difference between what men find attractive versus what men find beautiful and if they are
48
interchangeable, and whether there exists an attraction based on more than just physical
appearance (Davis et al. 2010, 25-32).
49
Chapter 4: Methodology and Design
A descriptive qualitative research design was utilized for this study. The instrument used
was a self-administered survey questionnaire on the internet.
Instrumentation
The survey was conducted using the same questionnaire in English and Spanish. The
questionnaire was divided into 4 sections. The first and second sections included the consent for
participation in the research. The consent included information regarding the researchers,
purpose and duration of participation, risk, benefits, confidentiality and acknowledgement. The
consent for participation in the research study was developed in both English and Spanish
separately and the participants were able to choose the language in which they wanted to read
and acknowledge. The third section collected the participants' demographic information. The
participants were asked their age, sexual orientation, place of birth, where they were raised, age
of arrival to the United States, languages spoken, educational level and income. The fourth
section presented the four survey questions: participants were asked to view five pictures and
select the one they found most attractive; they were then asked what aspect of a woman’s body
first attracts them, whether their upbringing influenced their body type preference and, if so, a
short explanation.
Recruitment of Sample
Participants were recruited via Facebook on-line social networking. The researchers
posted on their Facebook pages the following message.
Hello Facebook family and friends. I need your assistance. I am conducting a research
study with a fellow cohort for my Doctoral dissertation. We are studying the body type
preference of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men. The criteria for the study is men
between the ages of 20-50 who were born in Cuba, Puerto Rico or Dominican Republic
and now live in the United States.
50
If you or anyone you know meets the criteria and are willing to take a short survey please
click the link below. The survey takes approximately 5 minutes and is confidential.
Thank you in advance for your contribution to the field of Clinical Sexology!
The link to the survey was placed at the end of the Facebook message. The link took the
participants directly to the survey powered by Survey Monkey.
Sample
The final sample of participants consisted of thirty-seven men, all of whom were born in
either Cuba, Puerto Rico or the Dominican Republic and now reside in the United States. The
participants were between 20 and 50 years of age and all identified as heterosexual; their age
upon arrival in the US ranged from birth to 47 years; they spoke either English or Spanish or
were bilingual. The participants' education level was from vocational to doctoral degrees, and
income levels ranged from less than $20,000 to over $100,000 per year.
51
CHAPTER 5: Research Findings and Discussion
Q1: Consent for Participation in Research (English Version)
American Academy of Clinical Sexologists
3203 Lawton, Road Orlando, FL 32817
The Morphology Type of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States.
You are being asked to participate in a research study. Before you consent, please read the
following to make sure you understand what your participation will involve. Investigators: The
names of the students conducting this research are Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S. and Tracy A.
Rodriguez-Miller, LCSW. The faculty member and committee chair supervising the research is
Anagloria Mora, Ph.D., LMHC, CCS and Sonia Blasco, M.D., CCS.
Purpose of the Research: The purpose of this study is to identify the Female Morphology Type
(body type preference) of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States.
Duration of Participation in the Research Study: Participation in the research will take
approximately 10 to 15 minutes of your time. If you have any questions while completing the
questionnaire, our contact information is Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S. or Tracy A. Rodriguez-Miller,
LCSW, CAP at the confidential e-mails [email protected] or
[email protected] at any time. Please feel free to ask any questions.
Risk: The risk of participation in this study may be exposure to questions and images that may
be potentially arousing to the survey participant. At any time you may stop and quit the study
altogether without penalty.
Benefits of the Research: There may not be any direct benefit to you from this study. However,
the purpose of the investigators’ is to gain further knowledge regarding Heterosexual Caribbean
Hispanic Men in the United States and their attraction to Female Morphology Type to provide
insight for further research studies in this area.
52
Confidentiality: All identifying information will remain anonymous and confidential. Your
answers on the questionnaire will be coded with numbers and only the primary researchers will
have access to any personal information that may be divulged or provided by the participants
should they choose to do so. The results of this research study may be published in scientific
journals or may be presented at professional meetings.
Acknowledgment: My answer below indicates that I have read the above information and I have
had a chance to ask questions to help me understand what my participation will involve. I agree
to participate in the study until I decide otherwise. I am also aware that there is no compensation
for my participation in this research study. I acknowledge and have read this agreement. I
understand that by answering this consent form, I am not giving up any of my legal rights.
Answered: 35
Skipped: 2
Yes
No
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
Answer Choices
Responses
Yes
100.00%
No
0.00%
80%
90%
100%
Total
35 participants acknowledged the English version of the consent for participation in this
research.
53
Q2: Consentimiento para la participación en la investigación (Spanish Version)
American Academy of Clinical Sexologists
3203 Lawton Road Orlando, Florida 32817
La Morfología del Hombre Caribeño Heterosexual en los Estados Unidos
Este es en un estudio de investigación. Su participación es esencial. Lea y asegúrese de que usted entiende y acepta lo
que implicara su participación. Investigadores: Los investigadores de estudio son Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S., y Tracy
A. Rodríguez-Miller, LCSW, CAP. Presidente de Comité y miembro de la Facultad supervisando la investigación es
Anagloria Mora, Ph.D., LMHC, CCS and Sonia Blasco, M.D., CCS.Propósito de la investigación. El propósito de
este estudio es identificar cual es la Morfología Femenina (la preferencia del tipo de cuerpo) del hombre
Heterosexual Hispano del Caribe en los Estados Unidos.
Duración de la participación en la investigación Su participación le tomara aproximadamente
10 a 15 minutos de su tiempo. Si usted tiene alguna pregunta sobre el tema, puede comunicarse con los
investigadores en e- mail confidencial : Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S. [email protected] o Tracy A. RodríguezMiller, LCSW, CAP [email protected] en cualquier momento. No dude en hacer cualquier pregunta que
tenga antes de firmar este formulario.
Riesgos: El riesgo de participar en este estudio puede ser que usted sea expuesto a preguntas e imagines inquietantes.
Beneficios de la investigación Quizás no encuentre un beneficio directo en este estudio. El objetivo de los
investigadores es adquirir más conocimiento sobre el hombre Heterosexual Hispano del Caribe en los Estados Unidos
y su Morfología Femenina, el cual servirá para investigación y estudios sobre el tema.
Confidencialidad: Toda información que le identifica personalmente permanecerá anónima y confidencial. Sus
respuestas en el cuestionario se codificaran con números y sólo los investigadores tendrán acceso a cualquier
información personal que pudierá ser divulgada o proporcionada por los participantes. Los resultados de este estudio
pueden ser publicados en revistas científicas o presentados en reuniones profesionales.
Aceptación: Mi repuesta indica que he leído la información anterior y he tenido oportunidad de hacer
preguntas para ayudarme a entender lo que implicará mi participación. Estoy de acuerdo en participar en el estudio
54
hasta que decida lo contrario. Estoy de acuerdo en que no habrá remuneración por mi participación. Reconozco haber
recibido una copia de este acuerdo. Entiendo que al
contestar este formulario no implica que estoy comprometiendo mis derechos legales.
Answered: 2
Skipped: 35
Si
No
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
Si
100.00%
2
No
0.00%
0
Total
2
2 participants acknowledged the Spanish version of the consent for participation in this research.
55
Q3 Age/ Edad
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
20-30
31-40
41-50
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
20-30
2.70%
1
31-40
51.35%
19
41-50
45.95%
17
Total
37
Respondents’ ages ranged from 20 to 50 years of age. 2.70% of respondents reported that they were between 2030 years of age, 51.35% were between 31-40 years of age and 45.95% were between 41-50 years of age.
56
Q4 Sexual orientation/ Orientación Sexual
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
Heterosexual
Homosexual
Bisexual
Unsure/ No estoy seguro
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
Heterosexual
100.00%
Homosexual
0.00%
0
Bisexual
0.00%
0
Unsure/ No estoy seguro
0.00%
0
Total
37
37
Respondents reported their sexual orientation. 100% of the responders identified as heterosexual, 0% as homosexual,
bisexual or unsure.
57
Q5 Place of birth/ Lugar de nacimiento?
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
Cuba
Puerto Rico
Dominican Republic/...
Other
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
Cuba
21.62%
8
Puerto Rico
64.86%
24
Dominican Republic/ Republica Dominicana
13.51%
5
Other
0.00%
0
Total
37
The respondents were asked their place of birth and were provided the following choices: Cuba, Puerto Rico,
Dominican Republic and other; those who answered other were disqualified from the survey.
37 respondents provided their place of birth; 8 or 21.62% reported Cuba, 24 or 64.86% reported Puerto Rico and 5 or
13.51% reported the Dominican Republic; 0 respondents reported other.
58
Q6 Where were you raised?/ Donde creciste?
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
Cuba
Puerto Rico
Dominican Republic/ Republica Dominicana
United States/ Estados Unidos
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
Cuba
2.70%
1
Puerto Rico
43.24%
16
Dominican Republic/ Republica Dominicana
8.11%
3
United States/Estados Unidos
45.95%
17
Total
37
2.70% of participants reported they were raised in Cuba, 43.24% in Puerto Rico, 8.11% in the Dominican Republic
and 45.95% in the United States.
59
Q7 Age of arrival to the United States?
/Edad de llegada a los Estados Unidos?
Answered: 32
Skipped: 5
Age of arrival to U.S.
Body Type Preference Reported on the
Survey
no response (n=5)
21 to 47 years of age (n=8)
13 to 20 years of age (n=6)
Birth to 12 years of age (n=18)
0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%
plus size
plump
average
athletic
skinny
Birth to 12 years of
age (n=18)
0.00%
5.55%
38.88%
27.77%
27.77%
13 to 20 years of age
(n=6)
0.00%
16.66%
33.33%
33.33%
16.66%
21 to 47 years of age
(n=8)
0.00%
12.50%
25.00%
25.00%
37.30%
no response (n=5)
0.00%
0.00%
60.00%
20.00%
20.00%
32 of the 37 respondents reported their age of arrival in the United States between 3 months of age to 47 years of age.
2 respondents who indicated they were born in Puerto Rico stated they arrived in the Unites States after birth. 5
respondents skipped the question. This was a free text question.
60
Q8 What languages do you speak? Que idiomas hablas?
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
English/ Ingles
Spanish/ Español
Bilingual/ Bilingüe
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
English/ Ingles
2.70%
1
Spanish/ Español
5.41%
2
Bilingual/ Bilingüe
91.89%
34
Total
37
The majority (91.89%) of the participants reported being bilingual (English/Spanish), 2.70% English-only and 5.41%
Spanish-only.
61
Q9 Education level/ Nivel de educación
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
Less than High
School/ No...
Less than High
School/ No...
High School/ GED/ Secundaria
Vocational/ Estudios...
Some College/ No termine l...
2 year college
(Associates...
4 year college
(Bachelors...
Masters
Degree/...
Doctoral
Degree/...
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
Less than High School/ No termine secundaria
0.00%
0
Less than High School/ No termine secundaria
0.00%
0
High School/ GED/ Secundaria
0.00%
0
Vocational/ Estudios vocacionales
5.41%
2
Some College/ No termine la universidad
24.32%
9
2 year college (Associates Degree)/2 años de Universidad (Grado Asociado)
10.81%
4
4 year college (Bachelors Degree)/ 4 años de Universidad (Grado Bachillerato)
29.73%
11
Masters Degree/ Maestría
24.32%
9
Doctoral Degree/ Doctorado
5.41%
2
Total
37
The participants reported their education levels as: 5.41% vocational, 24.32% some college, 10.81% 2-year college,
29.73% 4-year college; 24.32% reported having a master's degree and 5.41% reported a doctoral degree. 0% of the
participants reported having only a high school/GED or less.
62
Q10 Income/ Salario
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
Less than
$20,000/Meno...
$20,000-$30,000
$30,000-50,000
$50,000-$70,000
$70,000-90,000
$100,000 and above/mas de...
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
Less than $20,000/Menos de $20,000
2.70%
1
$20,000-$30,000
5.41%
2
$30,000-50,000
40.54%
15
$50,000-$70,000
27.03%
10
$70,000-90,000
10.81%
4
$100,000 and above/mas de $100,000
13.51%
5
Total
37
The income levels of the participants ranged from less than $20,000 to over $100,000 2.70% reported their income
as less than $20,000, 5.41% participants from $20,000- $30,000, 40.54% from $30,000-$50,000, 27.03% from
$50,000-$70,000, 10.81% from $70,000-$90,000 and 13.51% $100,000 and above.
63
Q11 View the following 5 pictures and select which body type you find attractive.
Mire las siguientes 5 imagines y escoja cual cuerpo de mujer
encuentra atractivo.
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
A. Skinny/Delgado
B. Athletic/Atl...
C. Average/Prom...
D. Plumb/Rellena
E. Plus
Size/Gorda
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
A. Skinny/Delgado
27.03%
10
B. Athletic/Atlético
27.03%
10
C. Average/Promedio
37.84%
14
D. Plumb/Rellena
8.11%
3
E. Plus Size/Gorda
0.00%
0
Total
37
Five images of women with different body types were shown to the participants and they were asked to pick the
image or images that they found attractive. 27.03% identified the skinny body type as attractive, 27.03% the athletic
body type, 37.84% the average body type, 8.11% of the plumb body type and 0% the plus size body type.
64
Q12 What attracts you first in a woman’s body? Que es lo
primero que te atrae del cuerpo de la mujer?
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
Face/Rostro
Breasts/Senos
Buttocks/Nalgas
Hips/Caderas
Thighs/Muslos
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
Answer Choices
Responses
Face/Rostro
18.92%
Breasts/Senos
7
21.62%
Buttocks/Nalgas
8
40.54%
Hips/Caderas
13.51%
Thighs/Muslos
5
5.41%
Total
2
70%
80%
90%
100%
37
Participants were asked to indicate what attracts them first in a women’s body. 18.92% of participants
reported that they were attracted to a women’s face, 21.62% the breasts, 40.54% the buttocks, 13.51% the
hips and 5.41% the thighs.
65
Q13 Does your upbringing influence your body type
preference?¿Es tu preferencia influenciada por tu
crianza?
Answered: 37
Skipped: 0
Yes/Si
No
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Answer Choices
Responses
Yes/Si
40.54%
15
No
59.46%
22
Total
37
Participants were asked to indicate if their upbringing influences their body type preference. 40.54% of
participants reported that their upbringing influenced their body type preference, and 59.46% of participants
reported that it did not.
66
Q14 If you answered yes to the above question, provide a
short explanation.
Si usted contestó “si” a la pregunta anterior de una corta
explicación.
Answered: 13
Skipped: 24
#
Responses
1
I always saw thick beautiful women in my culture.
2
I don't like the skinny girls like the Americans. I like meat on the bones of my women like the Latinas.
3
My family saw beauty as having meat on your bones.
4
Seeing beautiful women around me as a child.
5
Seeing beautiful women like my mother made me like what I like.
6
We love hips and thighs, curves
7
lots of open party in my home growing up.sex was prevalent.
8
You learn at an early age that skinny women are not cute. Curvy women are sexy and if they have a nice ass you hit
the goldmine.
9
My parents and siblings are all very good looking (whole family in general,both sides). Beauty was noted and
appreciated
10
La cultura de mi pais en cuanto a como debe verse una mujer tiende a influenciar en los gustos del hombre.
11
My dad would always point out nice butts lol
12
Going out with my dad he showed me what he likes and I grew up to like that.
13
Because I am boricua I like what I like.
If the participants reported that, their upbringing influenced their body type preference they were asked to
provide a short explanation. 14 participants answered yes, that their upbringing did affect their body type
preference, and of those 13 provided an explanation.
67
Age of arrival to U.S.
Body Type Preference Reported on the
Survey
no response (n=5)
21 to 47 years of age (n=8)
13 to 20 years of age (n=6)
Birth to 12 years of age (n=18)
0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%
plus size
plump
average
athletic
skinny
Birth to 12 years of
age (n=18)
0.00%
5.55%
38.88%
27.77%
13 to 20 years of age
(n=6)
0.00%
16.66%
33.33%
33.33%
21 to 47 years of age
(n=8)
0.00%
12.50%
25.00%
25.00%
27.77%
16.66%
37.30%
no response (n=5)
0.00%
0.00%
60.00%
20.00%
20.00%
Age of arriaval to U.S.
Did the age of arrival impact Body Type
Preference as Reported on the Survey
no response (n=5)
21 to 47 years of age (n=8)
13 to 20 years of age (n=6)
birth to 12 years of age (n=18)
0.00% 10.00%20.00%30.00%40.00%50.00%60.00%70.00%80.00%
birth to 12 years of age 13 to 20 years of age
(n=18)
(n=6)
no
61.11%
50.00%
yes
38.88%
50.00%
21 to 47 years of age
(n=8)
75.00%
25.00%
no response (n=5)
40.00%
60.00%
68
CHAPTER 6: Conclusion, Limitations, and Implications of this Study
Initially, 78 of the potential participants responded to the survey posted on the social media platform,
of which 37 met the research criteria for the purpose of this study. Thus, the sample for this study is n=37.
The sample in this study obviously does not represent the entire Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Man
(CHHM). The participants in this sample self-identified as Heterosexual and Hispanic. The demographics
section of the survey included the participants' age, socio-economic status, education level, age of arrival to
the United States and country of origin. A consent form for participation along with the survey itself was
provided in both English and Spanish. Of the 37 participants, 35 acknowledged the English version of the
consent for participation in the survey, where 2 participants acknowledged the Spanish version. Survey
results were analyzed to determine body type preference of CHHM. Evaluation of the participants' ratings of
attraction and differences along these demographic factors revealed significant differences among the
participants.
As mentioned, one limitation of this study is that the men were not presented with 3-dimensional
images displaying the buttocks, a methodological issue raised by Henss (2000, 501-513). A plurality of men
(40.54%), when asked, "what attracts you first in a woman’s body? (¿Que es lo primero que te atrae del
cuerpo de la mujer?)," responded that it was the buttocks (nalgas). Another limitation is that this study did
not use images with faces, though 18.92% of the men stated that what attracts them is a woman’s face. Thus,
the influence of attraction rating based on facial preferences is another area in need of future research,
specifically within the CHHM community. There is also the fact that the sample size of men polled is not
representative and cannot be generalized to all CHHM. Also, Puerto Rico is a US territory, which means that
some of the participants who answered are US citizens, which complicates the category of country of origin.
A further factor to take into account in this context is the use of social media in this study to access the
survey, which left out potential respondents who did not use or have access to the internet or did not use
social media. Finally, in the survey with regards to the images that we defined as skinny (delgado), athletic
69
(atlético), average (promedio), plump (relleno) and plus size (gorda), we recognize that, owing to behavioral
priming, our labeling of the pictures may have influenced the participants' responses. Given the limitations,
the research findings indicate that the CHHM within this sample shared similar preferences in female body
type.
One aim of this study was to gain information on men who believe that upbringing influences
preferences, which was explored by looking for any correlation between age of arrival and body type
preference. Glasser et al. (2009, 14-33) reported that cultural upbringing is correlated with body type
preference; in the present study, however, only 40.54% of the participants expressed the belief that their
upbringing had an effect on their body type preference, while 59.46% said that it did not. Acculturation and
its effects are difficult to assess, which is the reason for the open-ended and qualitative question directed to
those respondents who expressed the belief that upbringing influences body type. The 13 participants who
responded to the qualitative question cited appearance and attraction as key elements in their respective
cultures. However, we recognize that deeply-ingrained beliefs can remain part of the unconscious mind, and
recommend future research exploring cultural influences further.
Typical responses included, “I don’t like the skinny girls like the Americans. I like meat on the bones
of my women like the Latinas” and “I always saw thick beautiful women in my culture.” 37.84% (13) of the
respondents stated that they found the average (promedio) body type attractive, 27.03% (10) rated the skinny
(delgado) body type as attractive and another 27.03% rated the athletic (atlético) body type attractive. None
of the respondents rated the plus size (gorda) body type attractive. No comparison was attempted between
the respondents' definition of an “average” body type and that of the majority Anglo group, and research
needs be done here as well, comparing the two groups and their body type preferences.
In sum, this study is offered as a starting point for investigating the morphology type preferences for
the CHHM population and factors that may influence the ever-increasing Hispanic population in the US.
70
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APPENDIX A- CONSENTS FOR PARTICIPATION
Consent for Participation in Research
(English Version)
1.
Consent for Participation in Research
(English Version)
American Academy of Clinical Sexologists
3203 Lawton, Road
Orlando, FL 32817
The Morphology Type of the Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States
You are being asked to participate in a research study. Before you consent, please read the following to
make sure you understand what your participation will involve.
Investigators
The names of the students conducting this research are Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S. and Tracy A. RodriguezMiller, LCSW. The faculty member and committee chair supervising the research is Anagloria Mora, Ph.D.,
LMHC, CCS and Sonia Blasco, M.D., CCS
Purpose of the Research
The purpose of this study is to identify the Female Morphology Type (body type preference) of the Caribbean
Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States.
Duration of Participation in the Research Study
Participation in the research will take approximately 20 to 30 minutes of your time. If you have any questions
while completing the questionnaire, our contact information is Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S. or Tracy A. RodriguezMiller, LCSW, CAP at the confidential lines 321-208-2889 or 305-335-0835 at any time. Please feel free to ask
any questions you may have before signing this form.
Risk
The risk of participation in this study may be exposure to questions and images that may be potentially be
arousing to the survey participant. At any time you may stop and quit the study altogether without penalty.
75
Benefits of the Research
There may not be any direct benefit to you from this study. However, the purpose of the investigators’ is to
gain further knowledge regarding Heterosexual Caribbean Hispanic Men in the United States and their
attraction to Female Morphology Type to provide insight for further research studies in this area.
Confidentiality
All identifying information will remain anonymous and confidential. Your answers on the questionnaire will be
coded with numbers and only the primary researchers will have access to any personal information that may
be divulged or provided by the participants should they choose to do so. The results of this research study
may be published in scientific journals or may be presented at professional meetings.
Acknowledgment
My answer below indicates that I have read the above information and I have had a chance to ask questions
to help me understand what my participation will involve. I agree to participate in the study until I decide
otherwise. I am also aware that there is no compensation for my participation in this research study. I
acknowledge and have read this agreement. I understand that by answering this consent form, I am not giving
up any of my legal rights.
Yes
No
76
Consentimiento para la participación en la investigación
(Spanish Version)
1.
Consentimiento para la participación en la investigación
(Spanish Version)
American Academy of Clinical Sexologists
3203 Lawton Road
Orlando, Florida 32817
La Morfología del Hombre Caribeño Heterosexual en los Estados Unidos
Este es en un estudio de investigación. Su participación es esencial. Lea y asegúrese de que usted entiende y
acepta lo que implicara su participación.
Investigadores
Los investigadores de estudio son Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S., y Tracy A. Rodríguez-Miller, LCSW, CAP.
Presidente de Comité y miembro de la Facultad supervisando la investigación es Anagloria Mora, Ph.D.,
LMHC, CCS and Sonia Blasco, M.D., CCS.
Propósito de la investigación
El propósito de este estudio es identificar cual es la Morfología Femenina (la preferencia del tipo de cuerpo)
del hombre Heterosexual Hispano del Caribe en los Estados Unidos.
Duración de la participación en la investigación
Su participación le tomara aproximadamente 20 a 30 minutos de su tiempo. Si usted tiene alguna pregunta
sobre el tema, puede comunicarse con los investigadores en la línea confidencial: Arnaldo Olivera II, M.S.
321-208-2889 o Tracy A. Rodríguez-Miller, LCSW, CAP (305) 335-0835 en cualquier momento. No dude en
hacer cualquier pregunta que tenga antes de firmar este formulario.
Riesgos
El riesgo de participar en este estudio puede ser que usted sea expuesto a preguntas e imagines
inquietantes.
Beneficios de la investigación
Quizás no encuentre un beneficio directo en este estudio. El objetivo de los investigadores es adquirir más
conocimiento sobre el hombre Heterosexual Hispano del Caribe en los Estados Unidos y su Morfología.
77
Confidencialidad
Toda información que le identifica personalmente permanecerá anónima y confidencial. Sus respuestas en el
cuestionario se codificaran con números y sólo los investigadores tendrán acceso a cualquier información
personal que pudierá ser divulgada o proporcionada por los participantes.
Los resultados de este estudio pueden ser publicados en revistas científicas o presentados en reuniones
profesionales.
Aceptación
Mi firma indica que he leído la información anterior y he tenido oportunidad de hacer preguntas para
ayudarme a entender lo que implicará mi participación. Estoy de acuerdo en participar en el estudio hasta
que decida lo contrario. Estoy de acuerdo en que no habrá remuneración por mi participación. Reconozco
haber recibido una copia de este acuerdo. El firmar este formulario no implica que estoy comprometiendo
mis derechos legales.
Si
No
78
APPENDIX B- DEMOGRAPHICS/HOJA DEMOGRAFICA
QUESTIONNAIRE/CUESTIONARIO
(English/ Spanish Version)
1. Age/ Edad
20-30
31-40
41-50
2. Sexual orientation/ Orientación Sexual
Heterosexual
Homosexual
Bisexual
Unsure/ No estoy seguro
3. Place of birth/ Lugar de nacimiento?
Cuba
Puerto Rico
Dominican Republic/ Republica Dominicana
Other
Other (please specify)
4. Where were you raised?/ Donde creciste?
Cuba
Puerto Rico
Dominican Republic/ Republica Dominicana
United States/Estados Unidos
5. Age of arrival to the United States? /Edad de llegada a los Estados Unidos?
79
The Morphology Type of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States
6. What languages do you speak? Que idiomas hablas?
English/ Ingles
Spanish/ Español/
Bilingual/ Bilingüe
7. Education level/ Nivel de educación
Less than High School/ No termine secundaria
High School/ GED/ Secundaria
Vocational/ Estudios vocacionales
Some College/ No termine la universidad
2 year college (Associates Degree)/2 años de Universidad (Grado Asociado)
4 year college (Bachelors Degree)/ 4 años de Universidad (Grado
Bachillerato)
Masters Degree/ Maestría
Doctoral Degree/ Doctorado
8. Income/ Salario
Less than $20,000/Menos de $20,000
$20,000-$30,000
$30,000-50,000
$50,000-$70,000
$70,000-90,000
$100,000 and above/mas de $100,000
80
Morphology Type of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States
TheThe
Morphology
Type of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States
La Morfología del Hombre Caribeño Heterosexual en los Estados Unidos
By
Tracy A. Rodriguez-Miller
and
Arnaldo Luis Olivera II
1. View the following 5 pictures and select which body type you find attractive?
Mire las siguientes 5 imagines y escoja cual cuerpo de mujer encuentra atractivo.
A. Skinny/Delgado
B. Athletic/Atlético
C. Average/Promedio
D. Plumb/Rellena
E. Plus Size/Gorda
2. What attracts you first in a woman’s body?/
Que es lo primero que te atrae del cuerpo de la mujer?
Face/Rostro
Breasts/Senos
Buttocks/Nalgas
Hips/Caderas
Thighs/Muslos
81
3. Does your upbringing influence your body type preference?/
The Morphology Type of Caribbean Heterosexual Hispanic Men in the United States
¿Es tu preferencia influenciada por tu crianza?
Yes/Si
No
4. If you answered yes to the above question, provide a short explanation./ Si usted
contestó “si” a la pregunta anterior de una corta explicación.
82