Schnellrecherche der SFH-Länderanalyse vom 5. Januar 2017 zu Eritrea:
Terroristische Anschläge
Fragen an die SFH-Länderanalyse:

Kommt es in Eritrea zu terroristischen Anschlägen (2010 in Halhal)?

Werden Lehrer vom lokalen Parteibüro bewaffnet und auf Patrouille geschickt?
Die Informationen beruhen auf einer zeitlich begrenzten Recherche (Schnellrecherche) in öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, die uns derzeit zur Verfügung stehen.
1
Terroristische Anschläge in Eritrea
«Terroristische» Gruppierungen. In Eritrea sind regionale, religiöse, kulturelle und
linguistische Diversitäten ausgeprägt. Diese spiegeln sich auch in den vielen Oppositionsgruppen im Land und in der Diaspora. Viele der Oppositionsgruppen fühlen sich
als Minderheiten ausgegrenzt und wehren sich gegen die sogenannte «Tigrinyiasierung» des Landes und die Übernahme der Gebiete, die traditionellerweise von Minderheiten besiedelt worden sind. Unabhängig vom Grad der bewaffneten Aktivitäten
der einzelnen Gruppen, werden alle vom Regime als Terroristen bezeichnet .
(Jamestown, 2010)
Muslime und ethnische Gruppen marginalisiert. Der eritreische Befreiungskampf
begann in den späten 1950er Jahren zeitgleich mit dem Bruch und Konflik t zwischen
muslimischen und tigrinischen/christlichen Gruppen in Eritrea. Eritreische Muslime
gründeten im Exil die Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) und begannen 1961 den bewaffneten Befreiungskampf gegen Äthiopien. Zu Beginn war es eine von Muslimen dominierte Bewegung, später, mit der Machtübernahme der Derg in Äthiopien, schlossen
sich auch viele eritreische Christen der ELF an. 1975 spaltete sich eine christliche
Gruppe unter dem heutigen Präsidenten Afewerki von der ELF ab - muslimische ELF
Kommandanten hätten christliche Kämpfer umgebracht. Sie gründete die Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) (heute: People’s Front for Democracy and Justice
(PFDJ)) und sie distanzierte sich vom muslimischen Teil der Befreiungsbewegung und
deren Zugehörigkeit zur arabischen Welt. Danach folgten mehrere Jahre der bewaffneten Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der ELF und der EPLF, bis die ELF 1982 das
Gebiet Eritreas verlassen musste. Die ELF spaltete sich in verschiedene Fraktion en
und agierte aus dem Sudan. ELF Anhänger, die in den frühen 1990er Jahren nach
Eritrea zurückkehrten, wurden inhaftiert oder umgebracht. (Norwegian Peacebuilding
Ressource Centre, 2015)
Seit dem Grenzkrieg mit Eritrea (1998-2000) unterstützt die äthiopische Regierung
ethnisch orientierte eritreische Oppositionsbewegungen wie zum Beispiel die Red Sea
Afar Democratic Organisation (RSADO) und die Democratic Movement for the Liberation of the Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK). Die Afar und Kunama sind Minderheiten, die
sich besonders von der PFDJ ausgegrenzt fühlen. Beide Gruppen sind auch heute
noch aktiv und haben gemäss dem Norwegian Peacebuilding Ressource Centre jeweils 15‘000 (RSADO) und 4000 (DMLEK) Kämpfer (Norwegian Peacebuilding Ressource Centre, 2015).
Gemäss der Jamestown Foundation begrüssten die oppositionellen eritreischen Gruppen die 2009 gegen Eritrea beschlossenen UN-Sanktionen (das Land soll terroristische Gruppen in Somalia unterstützt haben). Der Führer der Gruppe Democratic Movement for the Liberation of the Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK) sah die Sanktionen als
günstige Gelegenheit, vermehrt Anschläge gegen das eritreische Regime zu verüben.
Gemäss eigenen Angaben hat das DMLEK verschiedene Anschläge gegen das Regime verübt. Die Jamestown Foundation nennt als Beispiele aus den Jahren 2007 bis
2009 Anschläge auf einen Militärposten, ein Regierungsgebäude, Lagerhäuser der
Regierung, auf einen W asserlaster oder auf ein Militärspital. (Jamestown, 2010)
Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement. Die International Crisis Group identifizierte 2010
das Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement als einzige bedeutende bewaffnete Bewegung,
die innerhalb Eritreas operiert. Die EIJM wurde 1980 formell in Khartum, Sudan, gegründet und in den 1990er Jahren vom Sudan und von Osama bin Laden unters tützt.
Der Grossteil der EIJM Mitglieder sind Anhänger musli mischer Jugendgruppen, konservative Eritreer und eritreische Flüchtlinge im Sudan. 2003 hat die EJIM gemäss
Combating Terrorism Centre den Namen zu Eritrean Islamic Reform Movement geändert.
Die Bewegung operiert hauptsächlich nahe der Grenze zum Sudan im westlichen eritreischen Tiefland und in den Bergen im Norden (International Crisis Group, 2010) .
2003 übernahm die EIJM die Verant wortung für einen Anschlag auf ein Hotel und auf
das Militär, dabei seien 46 Soldaten getötet worden. Ziel der Anschläge sei die eritreische Regierung. 2006 veröffentlichte die EIJM unter dem neuen Namen Harakat al Islah al-Islamiyya al-Iritri in einer Stellungnahme, dass sie innerhalb eines Monates
fünf Anschläge verübt hätte, dabei seien fünf Soldaten ums Leben gekommen (Combating Terrorism Centre, 2007) .
Eritreische Regierung hält sich bedeckt bei der Information über Anschläge .
Konkrete Informationen zu Anschlägen in Halhal im Jahr 2010 konnten im Rahmen
der zeitlich begrenzten Recherche nicht gefunden werden. Eine von der SFH kontaktierte Eritrea-Expertin weist darauf hin, dass die gleichgeschalteten Regierungsmedien mit grösster W ahrscheinlichkeit nicht über Anschläge berichten, ausser sie wollten das politisch vermarkten. (E-Mail-Auskunft an die SFH einer Eritrea Expertin, 16.
November 2016)
Auch das United States Dempartment of State weist darauf hin, dass das eritreische
Regime keine Informationen bezüglich terroristischer Anschläge, Verhaftungen von
Terroristen, aufgedeckter Anschlagspläne oder Strafverfolgung von Terroristen teilt.
Jamestown Foundation, 2010
«Opposition Group Promises Attacks Following Sanctions on Eritrea for Support of
Terrorism By Andrew McGregor
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
2 von 10
Tensions continue to rise in the volatile Horn of Africa as Eritrean insurgent
groups promise a new wave of political violence following the imposition of UN
sanctions against Eritrea for its alleged support of terrorism in the region. Eritrea
is strategically located on the Red Sea, sharing borders with Sudan, Ethiopia and Djibouti. A former Italian colony, Eritrea was annexed by Ethiopia in 1962, sparking a
long and bitter struggle for independence that concluded in 1991 with the expulsion of
Ethiopian forces. According to the 1997 constitution, Eritrea is supposed to be a parliamentary democracy with an elected president, but the constitution has not been
implemented and elections have never been held. In practice, Eritrea is a one party
state, ruled by the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) under President
Isaias Afewerki, an Orthodox Christian and former leader of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). Afewerki has been the nation’s sole president since 1993. (…)
Eritrea’s Armed Opposition Threatens the Regime
One of the many Eritrean opposition groups saw an opening in the UNSC sanctions.
Cornelius Osman, leader of the Democratic Moveme nt for the Liberation of the
Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK) said, “This is a good opportunity for us. We are preparing our military forces to launch more attacks. We are inside Eritrea and will
hit selected targets and institutions.” The DMLEK chief added that the freeze on
foreign assets and travel ban on Eritrean political and military leaders would isolate
the regime and “deter it from receiving the hundreds of millions of dollars it gets” annually from the Eritrean diaspora (AFP, December 29, 2009).
DMLEK is a member of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA), an opposition umbrella
group based in Ethiopia. The movement, based on the Kunama people, was formed
after Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia in 1991.The Kunama are a Nilotic
people related to the Nilotic tribes of South Sudan, but in Eritrea they represent only
2% of the population. The Kunama live near the Ethiopian border between the Gash
and Setit rivers, an area that has placed them between opposing Eritrean and Ethiopian forces. Another even smaller Nilotic group known as the Nara has formed its own
opposition movement – the Eritrean Democratic Resistance Movement Gash -Setit, under Ismael Nada. DMLEK has claimed a number of small attacks against Eritrean
government forces or facilities. Some sense of the scale of these attacks can be
gained from examining DMLEK statements:
• In November 2007, DMLEK forces attacked a military outpost at Melezanai, claiming
to have killed 15 soldiers and wounding five others. An administrative office at Shambaco was struck by a rocket-propelled grenade (DMLEK Military communiqué, November 8, 2007).
• In January 2008, DMLEK claimed to have destroyed the government’s agricultural
office in the town of Binbilina along with goods stored in a warehouse. In the same
operation, a water truck and tanker were set ablaze in the town of Barentu (Walta
Information Center, January 30, 2008).
• In March 2009, DMLEK claimed to have destroyed a military hospital in the southwest region of Gash-Barka with RPGs, hand grenades and small arms (Sudan
Tribune, March 23, 2009).
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
3 von 10
A North American-based Kunama group has undertaken a campaign to depose Cornelios Osman as the movement’s leader. The group accuses Osman of “kidnapping,
imprisoning, torturing and killing a lot of innocent, e ducated and knowledgeable
Kunama” and acting as an agent of the Eritrean government. They claim many Kunama
fighters have deserted the organization. [1] Osman addressed the accusations in a
Paltalk discussion with members of the Eritrean diaspora. While he did not deny the
extra-judicial killings, he identified the victims as “rogue elements” working for the
PFDJ regime to sabotage the Kunama movement (Awate.com, November 8, 2009).
The Armed Opposition
There are strong regional, religious, cultural and ling uistic divisions in Eritrea.
This situation is reflected in the many national and diaspora opposition groups.
The Eritrean regime is dominated by members of the Tigrinya ethnic group, who
form 50% of the population in Eritrea. Most Tigrinya are Christians, though a
minority are Muslims. Many of the opposition groups are based on ethnic minorities that feel excluded from the Eritrean power structure, such as the Afar, the
Kunama and the Nara. Regardless of the extent of their military activities, all
such opposition groups are termed “terrorists” by the Asmara regime. Most opposition groups oppose what they regard as the “Tigrinyiazation” of the country
as well as the nationalization of lands traditionally held by ethnic minority
groups.
The large number of opposition groups has so far prevented the emergence of an
effective armed opposition to the Asmara regime, but lately this problem has been
addressed by the formation of three larger coalitions (Gedab News/Awate.com, February 25, 2007). Last June, DMLEK jo ined the Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization
(RSADO) to form the Democratic Front of Eritrean Nationalities (DFEN). At the conclusion of a two-day congress, DFEN declared its intention to work under the umbrella
of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) a nd called on all of Eritrea’s armed opposition groups to coordinate their efforts. The new alliance also called on Eritrea’s Tigrinya to turn against the regime (Gedab News/Awate.com, June 19, 2009). The three
main opposition coalitions are preparing a uni ty conference in Addis Ababa with the
intention of forming a single armed opposition front with the aid of Ethiopian authorities
(Nharnet, December 25, 2009; Sudan Tribune, December 30, 2009). Eritrea maintains
a massive defense establishment at considerab le cost. Universal conscription of both
men and women is used to provide the numbers that the government feels necessary
to maintain in expectation of a further conflict with Ethiopia. Nevertheless, conscription
is unpopular and desertion is common.
DMLEK maintains that the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) have been “weakened by
the economic and political crisis in the country as well as internal resistance” and are
fleeing to neighboring countries whenever they get the chance (Walta Information Center, November 21, 2007). There are roughly 180,000 Eritrean refugees living in Sudan,
which occasionally sends some asylum seekers back to Eritrea (Sudan Tribune, September 25, 2008).
Conclusion
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
4 von 10
Opponents of the government make regular efforts to tie the regime to Iran and
its alleged support for terrorism in an effort to depict Eritrea as a regional threat
(see Terrorism Monitor, April 3, 2009). Typical of this is a recent and unconfirmed story
carried on an Arabic-language opposition website that described the off loading of a
weapons cargo from an Iranian ship in the port of Massawa under the supervision of
representatives of al-Shabaab, the Houthist rebels of northern Yemen and an unnamed
Djiboutian insurgent group (Adoulis, December 24). Such efforts are likely t o increase
as the opposition seeks international support beyond the usual support it receives from
Addis Ababa. For the moment, none of the Eritrean insurgent groups or coalitions
appear strong enough to topple the PFDJ government, which has built a strong
security structure to ensure its survival. If the opposition succeeds in forming a
single front, it may receive military and financial support from the many enemies of the
Eritrean government. An outbreak of political violence and even civil war in Eritre a has
the potential to drag in Eritrea’s neighbors (particularly Ethiopia) and further inflame
the conflict in Somalia and the low-level Afar insurgency in Djibouti, the site of a major
American military base.» Quelle: Jamestown Foundation, Terrorism Monitor, Volume
VIII, Issue 01, 7. Januar 2010: www.refworld.org/docid/4c7227f70.html .
Norwegian Peacebuilding Ressource Centre , 2015
«The Eritrean liberation war and political fissures Eritrean resistance against the
Ethiopian occupation started in the late 1950s, when Eritrean Muslims residing
in Sudan founded the Eritrean Liberation Movement. Prominent Muslim
opposition politicians and intellectuals exiled in Cairo founded the Eritrean
Liberation Front (ELF), which started an armed struggle in 1961 . Initially, the ELF
was mainly a Muslim-dominated movement, but was also affected by regionalism
and ideological controversies. In 1974 Haile Selassie was overthrown and the
Dergue military junta came to power in Ethiopia. The “Red Terror” campaigns
that followed this regime change caused large numbers of Christian Eritreans to
join the ELF. Following the alleged killings of Christian fighters by some Muslim
ELF commanders, a group under the leadership of the current Eritrean president,
Isaias Afewerki, split from the ELF and in 1975 formed the EPLF. In a paper
entitled “We and our objectives” the group distanced itself from the Muslim part
of the liberation movement and its affiliation with the Arab world (Markakis, 1978:
133).
After a period of repeated civil wars between the ELF and EPLF, which coincided
with Ethiopian military offensives, the EPLF succeeded, in collaboration with the Tigray
People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), in ousting the ELF from the field in 1982.
The EPLF was characterised by a strong hierarchy based on Marxist principles of
democratic centralism, but claimed to be inclusive and to embrace and represent all
segments of Eritrean society. In 1991 the Derg military junta was overthrown by the
joint forces of the EPLF and the Ethiopian Pe ople’s Revolutionary Democratic Front,
and the Eritrean territory fell under the control of the EPLF. Subsequently, after a
referendum in 1993, Eritrea obtained international recognition as an independent
state. Since then the EPLF, renamed the People’s Fr ont for Democracy and Justice
(PFDJ) in 1994, has retained its organisational structure and has been the only party
allowed to operate in Eritrea (Tronvoll & Mekonnen, 2014).
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
5 von 10
The remnants of the ELF split into different factions, most prominently the ELF
(Abdalla) under the leadership of Abdalla Idris, an ethnic Beni Amir, and the ELF RC, led by Ahmed Nasser, an ethnic Saho. Another splinter, the ELF -CC, better
known as Sagem, established its base in Tigray. Other splinter groups of the
former ELF pursued an Islamic discourse and distanced themselves from the
Marxist orientation of the political left wing of the ELF. In 1988 they formed the
Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement. It was involved in an insurgency against the Eritrean
Defence Forces between 1994 and 1997. During the early years of independence, prior
to the “border war” with Ethiopia (1998 -2000), these groups remained the only exiled
groups in opposition to the EPLF/PFDJ. They maintained offices in Sudan, but the ELF
and ELF-RC also had a relatively strong political base among the diaspora, including
in Europe, the U.S. and Australia. Initially they attempted to open a political dialogue
with the EPLF, but the latter refused to accept them as political organisations in Eritrea
and prohibited any opposition activities inside the country. Some ELF members who
returned as individuals during the early 1990s were either imprisoned or killed.
The emergence of ethnically based opposition
In 1997 relations between the PFDJ and its former brothers in arms, the TPLF, which
constituted the core of Ethiopia’s government party (the Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front) deteriorated rapidly. In 1998 Eritrean forces
entered Ethiopian-administered territories and an all-out war erupted (Negash &
Tronvoll, 2000). At that time the Ethiopian government assisted the
establishment of Eritrean ethnically based opposition movements, i.e. the Red
Sea Afar Democratic Organisation (RSADO) and the Democratic Movement for
the Liberation of the Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK). The Afar and Kunama are
minorities in Eritrea and were among those who felt most marginalised by the
PFDJ government. Both groups are still operating, with forces of up to 15,000
fighters (RSADO) and 4,000 (DMLEK), respectively. However, they have not been
able to challenge the Eritrean regime militarily. Both movements strive for the
emancipation of ethnic minorities in Eritrea and the protection of their indigenous rights
and cultures. In 1999 ten Eritrean opposition groups, both ideologically and ethnic ally
based, established the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces (AENF) to coordinate their
political activities of the new EDP can be seen as an attempt to overcome rifts between
highlanders and lowlanders, as well as Christians and Muslims (EDP, 2014b).» Quelle.
Norwegian Peacebuilding Ressource Centre, Eritrean opposition parties and civic
organisations,
Januar
2015:
http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/9f9d5d39afa27ee550f5632f9b6d03e4.pdf .
International Crisis Group, September 2010
«The only opposition movement of any significance which operates inside
Eritrea, at least part of the time, is Eritrean Islamic Jihad (EIJ), an armed, radical
Islamic front. Founded in the early 1980s, it enjoyed the support of both the
Sudanese government and Osama bin Laden in the 1990s. It continues to operate
covertly at a relatively low level in the western lowlands and northern mountains.
Until the recent thaw in relations with Sudan, Asmara regularly accused Khartoum
of providing support and bases to enable it to cross the remote border with ease.
Despite the low-level of its activities, EIJ has potential to tap into the alienation of
young Muslims, who are increasingly aggrieved at state interference in Muslim
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
6 von 10
institutions, land alienation, the economic domination of highlanders (especially
in the western lowlands), the state’s refusal to recognise Arabic as an official
language, the state’s refusal to recognise Arabic as an official language, the lack
of Muslim and military leadership and the recruitment of Muslim women into the
army.» Quelle: International Crisis Group (ICG), Eritrea: The Siege State, 21 .
September 2010, Africa Report N°163 International Crisis Group, Eritrea: The Siege
State,
21
September
2010,
p.
12:
www.crisisgroup.org/africa/hornafrica/eritrea/eritrea-siege-state.
Combating Terrorism Center, 2007
«(…) The Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (EIJM) began activity in 1975 when a
group of Islamist-minded guerrillas split off from the Eritrean Liberation Front
(ELF) that had been fighting since the beginning of the Eritrean inde pendence
movement. The EIJM was formally established in 1980. Since independence in
1993, the EIJM (and its factions) have been the principal Muslim opposition group
in Eritrea, seeking the violent overthrow of the ELF government led by President
Isaias Afewerki. EIJM claims to only target the Eritrean government and its apparatus in the country, not Western targets, and seeks the establishment of an
Islamic caliphate in Eritrea.
The group is based in Sudan and is made up primarily of dissidents from the EL F,
conservative Eritreans (and some other Muslims from Horn of Africa countries),
and a Muslim youth network. The group is also known by a variety of other names —
the Eritrean Islamic Reform Movement, the Abu Suhail organization, the Eritrean Islamic Salvation Movement, and the Eritrean Islamic Party for Justice and Development—but many of these appear to be break -away groups that operate with some
degree of autonomy.
This is reflective of the climate for political and militant Islamic organizations in the
Horn of Africa. Like other neighboring countries during the last three decades, Eritrea
saw a number of Salafi organization rise to popularity, where before the mid -1950s the
ideology had been largely alien to this region. In the 1980s, the Jabhat Tahrir al-Iritriyya al-Islamiyya al-Wataniyya (The National Eritrean Islamic Liberation Front), the
Munzzamat al-Ruwwad al-Muslimin al-Iritria (The Organization of Eritrean Pioneer
Muslims), al-Intifada al-Islamiyya (Islamic Awakening) and others were founded, som e
in Sudan. By 1988, these organizations merged to form the EIJM.
This union of militant Islamists, however, continued to fragment. Within five years, a
militant Salafi faction emerged under Shaykh Abu Suhail (also known as Muhammad
Ahmad), who participated in the Afghan jihad against the Soviets. He is mentioned as
the leader of the Eritrean Jihad movement in documents captured from al -Qa’ida in
Afghanistan. It is from this connection that some allege EIJM has ties to al -Qa’ida; its
operations in Khartoum may also have put members in contact with al -Qa’ida, which
was also based in Sudan during the early - to mid-1990s. A more moderate faction
calling for dialogue and reconciliation also emerged within the EIJM opposed to Abu
Suhail.
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
7 von 10
Currently led by Khalil Mohammed Amer, the EIJM today falls under the umbrella
of opposition group known as the Eritrean National Alliance. This can be a near
dizzying array of organizations and factions in the Eritrean Islamic scene, but over the
past decade, they have carried ou t relatively few successful operations. In 2003 EIJM
claimed responsibility for a hotel bombing and an ambush killing 46 Eritrean military personnel. The group was initially blamed for the 2003 killing of British geologist
Timothy Nutt, but EIJM denied the claims and reaffirmed its goals only to target the
Eritrean government. In March 2006, a reincarnation of the EIJM, renamed the
Harakat al-Islah al-Islamiyya al-Iritri, issued a statement claiming responsibility
for five attacks over a one month period on Eritrean forces which resulted in the
death of five soldiers.
With its base in Khartoum, the EIJM runs most of its operations in western Eritrea
near the Sudanese border. Ethiopia temporarily allied with Sudan in the 1988 war
between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and Kalashnikovs and RPGs originating in Sudan have
been found on EIJM rebels. Sudanese support has not been unconditional or long term, however. While Hasan al-Turabi ruled most of Sudan in the early 1990s, he
cracked down on some of the EIJM members and closed some of its offices and operations. Sudan hosts tens of thousands of Eritrean refugees, and as with other refugee
diasporas, there was likely fear that they could influence Sudanese politics.
The main EIJM body led by Khalil Muhammad Amer, as descr ibed by its deputy Abu
al-Bara' Hasan Salman in a 1998 interview with the now -defunct Islamist magazine alNida', aims to carry out: "Armed struggle and training youth; da`wa [outreach] and
education… [W]e accompany the Qur'an and Sunnah and aim to fulfill as a group
all the aims therein and to realize our position as servants of Allah, and to establish the Islamic State." He states, "The Islamic Jihad Movement is striving
against two groups, the Christian regime and the hypocrites. The movement also
represents the only military option which had proved its fortitude in confronting
the Christian regime in Eritrea." (…)» Quelle: Combating Terrorism Center, Al-Qaida-s (Mis)Adventures in the Horn of Africa, 2. Juli 2007: www.ctc.usma.edu/v2/wpcontent/uploads/2010/06/Al-Qaidas-MisAdventures-in-the-Horn-of-Africa.pdf.
National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism , 2015
«Aliases: Abu Sihel Movement; Eritrean Islamic Reform Movement (EIRM); Harakat
al Khalas al Islami
History: The Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (EIJM) was formally established in
1980. A conference was held in Khartoum, Sudan where the National Eritrean Islamic
Liberation Front, the Islamic Vanguard, the Organization of Eritrean Pioneer Muslims,
and the Islamic Awakening merged to create and headquarter the EIJM. The large
majority of EIJM members are Muslim youth network members, conservative
Eritreans, or refugees who have sought asylum in Sudan. In 2003, EIJM changed
its name to the Eritrean Islamic Reform Movement.
EIJM has three political goals: (1) jihad against the Eritrean government and its
president, Isaias Afewerki; (2) to create an Islamic Eritrean State; and retribution for
Eritrea’s history of anti-Muslim discrimination. Led by Khalil Moham med Amer, EIJM’s
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
8 von 10
violent actions and insurgent operations are mainly focused in western Eritrea .
EIJM, the Eritrean Liberation Front, Islah, and the Eritrean Federal Democratic
Movement (EFDM) created the Eritrean Solidarity Front (ESF). ESF is the umbrell a
organization for its member insurgent groups, which still exist separately with their
own leadership structures. Even with EIJM’s new membership in ESF, EIJM still
remains one of the most vocal insurgent groups against Eritrea, and continues to work
in representing the repressed Islamic population. » Quelle: National Consortium for the
Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement
(EIJM), Januar 2015: www.start.umd.edu/baad/narratives/eritrean -islamic-jihadmovement-eijm
United States Department of State, 2016
«The Government of Eritrea does not share information about its ports of entry,
law enforcement actions, arrests or disruptions of terrorist's activities or prosecutions. Entities including the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF), the National Security
Agency (NSA), the Police, and Immigration and Customs authorities all potentially
have counterterrorism responsibilities. There are special units of the NSA that monitor
fundamentalism or extremism. Chain of command may work effectively within some
security and law enforcement elements, but there are rivalries and responsibilities that
overlap between and among the v arious forces. Whether information sharing occurs
depends on personal relationships between and among particular unit commanders.
Many soldiers, police officers, and immigration and customs agents, are young national service recruits or assignees, performi ng their jobs without adequate training.
Quelle: United States Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2015 - Eritrea, 2. Juni 2016: www.refworld.org/docid/57518dc013.html .
2
Aufbieten von Lehrern
Eine von der SFH kontaktierte Eritrea Expertin wie auch ein eritreischer Journalist
erklären, es sei möglich, dass Lehrer vom lokalen PFDJ Büro zum W acht- und Wehrdienst aufgeboten werden.
Die Eritrea Expertin weist zum einen darauf hin, dass zwischen Lehrern und Soldaten
oft nicht unterschieden werde, da der Grossteil der Lehrer Nationaldienstangehörige
sind und somit sowieso dem Militär unterstehen. Zudem betont sie, dass es in Eritrea
keine Rechtsstaatlichkeit gibt und es nicht klar ist, wer auf lokaler Ebene etwas befiehlt. Es gebe keine klare Trennung zwischen der People’s Front for Democracy and
Justice (PFDJ), die sich wie der Name sagt, nach wie vor als Front und nicht als
politische Partei verstehe und dem Militär. Der Übergang von der Militärorganisation
EPLF zur politischen Partei sei niemals vollzogen worden. Oft sind lokale PFDJ-Vorsteher Ex-Kämpfer. Daher gibt es, wie die Expertin sagt, keine klare Trennung zwischen Zivilist und Soldat, und ein Lehrer werde gleichzeitig auch als Soldat betrachtet,
der bei Bedarf jederzeit bewaffnet werden kann. (E-Mail-Auskunft an die SFH einer
Eritrea Expertin, 16. November 2016)
Auch der von der SFH kontaktierte eritreische Journalist, bestätigt aus ei gener Erfahrung (1995-2003), dass Parteivorsteher in angegriffen Dörfern Leh rer und auch ältere
Menschen zwingen würden, auf nächtliche Patrouille zu gehen. Insbesondere in den
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
9 von 10
Dörfern muss man nicht im Militär sein, um zur Bewachung von Grundstücken der
Regierung gezwungen zu werden. Dies sei bereits während des Unabhä ngigkeitskrieges so gemacht worden. (E-Mail-Auskunft an die SFH eines eritreischen Journalisten,
16. November 2016)
Eritrea – Terroristische Anschläge – Schnellrecherche – 5. Januar 2017
Seite
10 von 10