COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society, Vol. 36, No. 1, 2005 Participatory Action Research for Electronic Community Networking Projects Larry Stillman The paper encourages the adoption of participative action research methodologies for the evaluation of community technology, given the complex and emergent mix of community development and information technology, which these projects represent. Much of the richness of the processes that take place can best be captured through collaborative participative research that is valued by communities, rather than through less engaged approaches. The use of participative methodologies will give communities a better understanding of research processes leading to uses of new technologies that are more effective. A participatory action research tool test for electronic community networking is introduced, and its use is described in several countries. For an emergent field such as community technology or community networking, an adaptation of action research that can provide a “thick description,” the range of meanings, interpretations, and effects of human and technical interactions, which come to constitute community networking for community development, therefore appears timely. Keywords: participatory action research, participatory evaluation, community-based research, community technology, electronic community networking, community informatics, effective use Participatory action research, now also known as community-based research (Stoecker 2005c), addresses a number of key issues facing communities utilizing expanded information and communications technologies (ICTs). For the practitioner or researcher, participatory action methods are particularly useful when looking at new fields of endeavor such as electronic community networking since they can draw on a full range of qualitative means of discovering community knowledge. Participatory action research is particularly relevant to communities because of its real-time orientation towards knowledge discovery and utilization and the ability to utilize the technologies it is examining in documenting activity. Participatory action research has the potential to empower participants and engender collaboration as social learning (Wadsworth, 1991; 1998). A recent international study of the sustainability of information and communications technologies highlighted a number of issues related to the potential effects of communitybased ICT on community development . The study included the need for several key elements: • Practical community-level research methods • Community and agency awareness and training • Business planning skills, and • Collaboration among agencies, including neighboring ICT and telecenter projects (Roman & Colle, 2002). These findings reflect a lack of exposure to community-based research techniques. While there are no studies of the background of those conducting community ICT projects in, for example, Australia, North America, or the UK, an explanation may lie in the lack of a good understanding of “social” or “human factors” by many practitioners or researchers engaged in Larry Stillman is at the Center for Community Networking Research, Monash University, Victoria, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]. 2005, The Community Development Society COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society community networking projects, a phenomenon familiar from information systems practice (Rose, 2000). Practitioners have probably come to engage with communities based on their skill with new technology, information systems, librarianship, or management, rather than their skills in community work or community development. Furthermore, the commitment of large amounts of money to ICTs by governments and foundations over the past decade (at least in developed countries) has probably attracted numbers of people more interested in potential business and technical opportunities (and new careers) than numbers of people interested in long-term social and community development. A recent (June 2005) workshop on Qualitative Research and Community Technology at the Open University in the UK—in which the author played a key role—highlighted the limitations of such approaches to community interactions with technology. The workshop suggested a new orientation of community informatics to qualitative and humanistic forms of research that have a more rounded understanding of technological innovation in local communities. The workshop was a significant event because it resulted in the formation of a qualitative issues special interest group of the Community Informatics Research Network, an international network of researchers and practitioners concerned with community technology issues.1 USING ICT FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: A BRIEF REVIEW Community technology (also known as community networking or electronic community networking) is an emerging field of community development that sees new technologies as key tools for community development. New systems of information storage, creation, and transfer are powerful resources and tools for community life that intersect with visions of community development in new and unexpected ways. Community Informatics (CI) is a term used by those coming from information systems or management systems approach.2 Gurstein defined the field in the following way: Community Informatics pays attention to physical communities and the design and implementation of technologies and applications, which enhance and promote their objectives. CI begins with ICT, as providing resources and tools that communities and their members can use for local economic, cultural and civic development, and community health and environmental initiatives among others (Gurstein 2000, p. 2). The Centre for Community Networking at Monash University found the following taxonomy useful in its own work in developing research questions. Community networks types can include several categories: • Individual organizations Networks based around individual organizations can be large or small, ranging from a small all-volunteer club or community group Website to a large organization’s Intranet and Internet services with a mix of volunteer and paid staff, such as the Country Fire Authority in Victoria, Australia (http://www.cfa.vic.gov.au). While nominally a government site, the password-protected members’ section contains contact information for local brigades, accreditation and training information, incident reports, and the myriad of information necessary for emergency services work. Thus, it complements the face-to-face work (outside of fighting fires) performed by thousands of volunteer firefighters in a country prone to destructive summer fires. • Clusters of like organizations These ICT projects are composed of organizations brought together through a common interest in using ICT within a specific activity area. An example is a community health or adult education network in which there is a shared interest in common standardized interoperable 78 Stillman technological platforms for sharing information and communication. Some of these networks are administered by state or national chapters of organizations on behalf of their members. In the community development area, see the Association of Neighbourhood Houses and Learning Centres (http://www.anhlc.asn.au) in Victoria, Australia. Funders may have high expectations for such networks. For example, Neighbourhood Houses can be viewed as means by which social and community capital are bonded through technology, the outcome of activity undertaken in the Houses. Such an aspiration was made explicit by the Victorian Community Services Minister in 2001: Places like Neighbourhood Houses are the glue that helps hold communities together. The funds to get them online, upgraded and get staff internet-trained will help give access to the information age to people who otherwise might not have access. . . . The bottom line is stronger communities. We know strong communities mean fewer social problems and less isolation, crime and homelessness.3 • Cross-sectoral collectivities of geographically-based stakeholders The following statement by Amy Borgstrom in the United States exemplifies the community development ideals behind this type of network: Community networking to me comes out of a sense of place. Community networking to me is what happens when a group of people in a physical geographical community gets together to solve problems and respond to opportunities. This can happen in a church basement, a local council office, or a meeting like this. Community networks are the electronic public spaces, the communication and information tools that we can use to facilitate the work we do to make our communities a better place to live (Borgstrom, 1999). This collectivist approach is often regarded as the ideal type of community network, which attempts to include and reach out to everyone in a particular geographical area. There are high expectations of positive effect on social capital (Putnam, 1995). Well known models include the Freenets, Seattle Community Network (http://www.scn.org), the Blacksburg Electronic Village (http://www.bev.net) (Cohill & Kavanaugh, 2000), and the Missouri Express (Pigg, 2001) all in the United States of America, “Netville” in Toronto, Canada (subject to longitudinal study by Wellman and others),4 or more recently, the Range Intranet in a new housing development in Williamstown, Australia (Arnold, Gibbs et al., 2003). Another example, targeting disadvantaged families, is the Computer in Homes project (http:// www.computersinhomes.org.nz) in Wellington, New Zealand. • Civic networks Such networks are usually linked to government or government instrumentalities, and they act as a portal for a full range of community information, with different degrees of community participation, governance, and opportunity for self-publishing and content creation. Examples include VICNET, part of the State Library of Victoria, Australia (http://www.vicnet.net.au), or the Civic Network of Milan, Italy (http://www.retecivica.milano.it). • Service and application provider organizations Provider organizations are based around volunteers and paid staff. They offer technical support for the use of hardware and software applications to community-based organizations wishing to go online. Computer support and recycling organizations such as such as Computerbank (http://www.computerbank.org.au), the Intranet and database specialist network Infoxchange (http:/ /www.infoxchange.net.au) in Australia, Techsoup (http://www.techsoup.org) in the United States, and international community development activity supporting the development of ICT infrastructure in East Timor are examples. 79 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society While the above taxonomies are useful in developing general descriptions of different types of community networks, the impact of ICTs on communities is subject to continuing study and dispute within the emerging community networking research literature (Gurstein, 2000; Pigg, 2001; Wellman, 2001; Malina, 2002), and there is no agreement on the core research questions for the field (Stoecker, 2005b). Consequently, governments, funders, and communities do not always have the same expectations of the purpose and outcomes of projects, which are meant to use ICTs in communities. By extension then, evaluation questions are frequently unclear. The notion of “effective use” has gained some currency as a problematizing phrase in community technology listserves and at different conferences, in addition to the equally complex idea of “network sustainability,” another concern of many funders’ project managers (Gurstein, 2003). This paper will focus on the first phrase as a starting point for discussions about evaluation, though the term “effective use” itself needs clarification during the research process: what a community considers “effective” (and by implication, “sustainable”) may not be thought so by the funders. With this consideration in mind, how can participatory action research contribute to discovering “effective use” in community networking projects? However, not all community networks (as the taxonomy shows) are the same, and this natural variability explains the great difficulty of applying templates to plans or models for evaluating community networking endeavors. However, this more flexible approach challenges the more formal and prescriptive orientation of many bureaucracies in funding and administering community technology programs. They are risk averse, and they do not always appreciate failure or the unexpected. Participatory Action Research may be a way of educating them about a new approach to technology projects, given the valuable and grounded information that they generate. THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH FOR EVALUATION Participatory Evaluation is a term covering a range of methods, ranging from a non-ideological pragmatism for limited briefs, to highly collaborative techniques with the aim of social transformation and empowerment (Whitmore, 1998). My particular interpretation of it as Participatory Action Research for Evaluation is an ongoing engagement between the researchers and researched to develop, implement, and evaluate project or program processes and outcomes. This form of engagement is particularly relevant to community technology, in which the interaction between people and technology in community development is nascent, and more prescriptive, particularly quantitative and technically-oriented information systems methodologies are unlikely to capture the multidimensional complexity of technology use and its effect in communities. The methodology firstly assumes that “the researched” (“the community”) has particular and often tacit knowledge about how technology is being used. This knowledge can only be discovered through active engagement with the community. Secondly, it assumes that the process of such action research (in this case, about “effective use”) is one that also provides for transformative effects, including enlightenment and improvement of the community. With its emphasis on insisting that people’s views, knowledge, and skills are valuable and valid, Participatory Action Research is thus part of the family of interpretive traditions of research that accept and value the existence of multiple and even contrasting “definitions of the situation” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966), in natural and real world settings, as opposed to the positivist family of research with its assumption that only clearly demonstrable, calculable, and verifiable facts have empirical value. Participatory Action Research is a form of research that makes no claim that its outcome is ultimately “objective” or true, but it accepts that we can only know the world imperfectly and makes its best effort to describe that imperfection well. What we can hope for is to improve on that knowledge constantly through cycles of action and research. 80 Stillman In contrast, positivist research, including much quantitative social research, is very hard to conduct in community development settings, because it is impossible to control for real world social variables and unanticipated outcomes. Prepared survey instruments, often used to generate numbers, can exclude much that is valuable, particularly if it cannot be put into a check box. Participatory Action Research, because it is embedded in a reflective understanding of human process, has no such problems: it has no need to “control” variables or the unanticipated, because that is what it is looking for, in developing a multi-layered, rich, and demonstrable evaluation of what is happening in a community. This form of research is also clearly linked to values around increased democratization and capacity in communities, familiar from the work of Freire, Illich, and others (Fetterman, 1994). Indeed, the very notion of “researcher and researched” is challenged as reflecting power inequities, when ideally, more equal, pragmatic, and respectful relationships should be the norm, resulting in a contribution to the particular community as well as the enlightenment of the practitioner or researcher. EVALUATION USING PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH FOR INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGIES As part of a new concept of community technology practice, community technologists need to understand the purpose of evaluation. Why evaluate in the first place? While this question seems obvious, it is challenging to answer, particularly if there is a concern for the development of authentic and meaningful data that are consequential to participants and funders. The following outline explains some of the motives for evaluating a project. More often than not, a report on a project needs to be prepared, providing information about why the project is justified, what happened, and how funds were expended. Such a report is highly desirable for a number of core reasons (Owen & Rogers, 1999): • to provide accountability and decision-making capacity for funders, as well as bureaucratic and political masters, about the future direction (to continue, alter, or terminate) of projects and programs; • to provide accountability and a means of community development for participants in programs; • to satisfy genuine intellectual curiosity about the processes and outcomes of the uses of ICT; and • to enable the development of new methodologies, theories, and concepts that can be applied with a degree of reliability (and risk reduction) in new projects. Program evaluation can occur at three core different stages of a program or project: • Before: as a structured “up front” planning method for determining the feasibility of further stages of a project. • During: during the life of a project or program as a means of ongoing accountability, clarification, and enlightenment about process, program, or project alteration, and directionsetting. This is sometimes referred to as a formative evaluation. • After: post-program or project, for determining final impacts and recommendation. This is sometimes referred to as summative evaluation. The third category is probably the most familiar to practitioners; yet, it is the least effective means for looking at on-going processes during the life of a project. This type of evaluation takes place after the event, yet projects are often completed, and people and documentation are often irretrievably dispersed. As a consequence, the particular knowledge and human capital that exist in formative stages and during the life of a project can be the most difficult to capture and easiest to lose. Given the complexity of human-technology interactions in community technology projects, including unanticipated outcomes, and given the difficulty of conceiving of, or implementing pre-designed and prescriptive evaluation methods to capture the complex and 81 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society thick form that emerges (Geertz, 1973), some of the answers about how to, and what to capture in the evaluation will only come from using participatory evaluation before, during, and after a project has taken place. I suggest that participatory techniques used during all stages of an evaluation have the potential to establish a cycle and culture of evaluation that is useful for all stages of community networking projects. The information discovered will move beyond a technical focus or number-crunching (e.g., numbers of participants) to one that reflects the process and outcome of community change (How did participants’ lives change through using ICTs?). Another similar question is to ask what forms of multimedia (video, digital recordings, or Websites) capture “community spirit” and the fine-grained discourse about community memory that emerges. I am reminded here of a story told by one of the participants at the Open University workshop. He said that water is “socially-constructed” in many villages in India. At first, we did not understand the “social construction of water.” He explained that this was a way of describing how the water was understood in village life. It was not just something used for cooking and washing, but it was also the important responsibility of women to manage the water resources. Better management of such a valuable resource thus involved engaging with women’s lives and their capacity to learn about the significance of water in their lives. An apparently simple “water + Internet” project is in fact a complex project about women’s community development, the effect it has on their families, literacy, and use of technology (for example, the ability to send email). Getting information about how these women used radio and the Internet to “understand” water in new ways and manage it in different ways (“effective use”) can only be captured through careful participatory ethnographic work. The emphasis of research moves from a technical discussion of the outcomes of measures promoting health (such as the reduction of disease) to a much more complex—but valuable discussion with and among the women themselves— about changes to their lives through new understandings of water gained through interaction with new technology (since they can also exchange messages about water through the technology). Getting them to document the changes that occur is a challenge both to the researcher and to people with generally low levels of education. However, the literature I have reviewed (such as field reports about ICT projects and more traditional academic writing) shows that so far, there has only been a limited application of participatory action research techniques, not to say of recognized evaluation methods, to evaluate the different stages and purposes of community networking. In his review of the applications of evaluation in the early days of community networking, Frank Odasz first focused upon classic questions of qualitative and quantitative methodology, such as: How can a community network be defined, sustained, and evaluated for effectiveness and efficiency …[A] numerical analysis stops short of presenting the whole picture…. Community networking will forever be a very human phenomena (sic) with more variables than can be accounted in numerical surveys. We must find ways of measuring how people benefit and how people can be taught more efficient ways of achieving yet greater benefits (Odasz, 1994). In another study, Gygi argued for the incorporation of evaluation procedures into the planning and implementation of online community networks, based upon what she called a “strategic planning and development indicator” approach used by community economic development practitioners. She argued that there was the need for an enumeration of the “chain of events” that link project goals to specific activities and outcomes, and to account for unanticipated, possibly negative, outcomes. Gygi’s discussion touched upon important issues of causation and elucidation of program theory or assumptions behind programs and projects, issues that are dealt with extensively in evaluation practice (McClintock, 1987; Gygi, 1995; The Aspen Institute, 1995; 1999; 2002). The challenge raised by Odasz’s and Gygi’s queries has still not been adequately addressed in community networking literature, despite the more recent study of O’Neil (2002), which 82 Stillman analyzed numerous evaluation reports. O’Neil provided important information about key dimensions that indicate the success of a community networking project. These dimensions include strengthened sense of democracy, social capital, individual empowerment, sense of community, and economic development opportunities. However, this research did not critically discuss the application of particular forms of evaluation, nor did it reference evaluation literature. A further step was taken by Gurstein in his 2003 paper. He identified “effective use” as a neglected concept in the conceptualization (and evaluation) of the uses of ICT. Prior to his reframing of the purpose of the (at least the government’s) role of supporting community technology, the discourse had focused around “access” and “sustainability,” usually meaning hardware and bandwidth access issues, but it had neglected the social dimensions of technology. In his important attempt to reframe the debate, he defined effective use as “the capacity and opportunity to integrate ICT successfully into the accomplishment of self or collaboratively identified goals,” though the dimensions of his discussion are still framed as a technical and technocratic “social facilitation” issue, rather than a “bottom-up” community development issue (Gurstein, 2003, p. 7). Despite this conceptual difference, such a definition of “effective use” appears ripe for elaboration through action research, and indeed, the CRACIN project in Canada sees participatory action research underlying many of the components of a large, nationally-focused study of ICT use. CRACIN is a large-scale project investigating a full range of government-supported ICT programs across Canada involving researchers nationally and internationally. However, CRACIN’s interest in action evaluation appears to be oriented towards developing recommendations about macro-level program or project development for government and others, rather than locallybased and participatory action research for community development. 5 THE BENEFITS OF PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH IN EVALUATING COMMUNITY NETWORKING Community networkers and their participant communities can learn and employ methodologies of participatory action research. Participatory action research is ideally collaborative, conscious of its assumptions, and iterative—it reflects upon its methods, questions, and multiple answers, and uses these to move onto the next stage of action. It places a community of interest at its core and regards the evidence brought forth by participants as critical data. It is intellectually rigorous, looking for contestation of ideas and discovery of answers through the interaction of participants (Wadsworth, 1991; Fetterman, 1994; Fetterman, 1997; Wadsworth, 1998). A well-conceived participatory and collaborative evaluation will benefit all stakeholders— funders, paid and volunteer staff, clients, and the community at large. In fact, many participants become enthusiasts for evaluation, once hesitations about self-examination have been removed (Cooper, 1997). At least one project report of an ICT initiative has recorded the usefulness of action research, using storytelling in a methodologically rigorous way (Harris, 2000). The cycle of activity in participatory action research—as a form of action research—revolves around identifying problems or issues, studying them, reflecting upon them, and then implementing or changing activity in a new project phase. With this perspective in mind, I suggest that if we can harness participatory action research to the study of the process and effects of technology on community development, then a major hurdle in understanding and demonstrating what electronic community networks do and mean to people will have been surmounted. Thus, the use of participatory action research as an “up front” planning tool prior to initiating a community technology project should contribute to its improved conceptualization and implementation. It then follows that formative and summative answers of interest to funders (most often about ongoing and final outcomes and accountability) will be discovered, alongside answers of more interest to those interested in process (how change was achieved, what change meant to people, etc.). 83 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society Participatory action research has the capacity to incorporate change, and change is endemic in people’s adaptation of technology in community settings. Participatory action research recognizes that time is an indispensable dimension in human activity, and that action is never stable throughout a research cycle. Because new technologies are often about the structuring of activity and communication across time and space, this aspect of participatory action research is attractive since it has an inbuilt sensitivity to the time dimension in human action. An understanding of the emergent nature of the evaluation process has some correspondence with socially-based interpretations of the use of ICTs. I have discussed the example of the relationship between water and technology in development projects. Rather than seeing technology as a “black box” into which people push information and something comes out the other end, ICTs are considered as “technology-in-use,” a changing and frequently unpredictable interrelationship between user and machine, effected by time and space, two key dimensions that affect the structuring of contemporary forms of social organization (Giddens, 1981; Giddens, 1991; Orlikowski, 1992; Orlikowski, 1999). Consequently, despite the attempts of technology designers to “inscribe” particular patterns of use, at the practice level, technology is interpreted in personal ways, depending on such factors as gender, skills, attitudes, or place in an organization, or more broadly, the general community (Bijker, 1989; Bijker & Law, 1994). A now-familiar example is the highly variant ways in which people set up their PC “desktops,” much to the chagrin of someone borrowing a friend’s PC. The same general effect is familiar from the different ways in which telecenters are used. Telecenters can be expensive propositions to set up and maintain, but despite the best intentions of technical designers and program managers, they are sometimes rejected in particular communities for reasons that are social rather than technical. The implications of such differences cannot be underestimated because they have important commercial and wide-ranging implications. Although Intel Corporation, one of the giants of computer hardware manufacturing, has not made its research publicly available, the author has seen presentations about their own anthropological research through telecenters, because from a commercial perspective Intel is interested to know how cultures in developing countries use technology. The obvious observation that technology use is socially situated in a particular time and space settings—despite the best wishes of technological determinists or bureaucrats to predict patterns of use and their outcomes—helps explain and justify the inherent differences we find in how people use similar pieces of technology. Technology is multidimensional and emergent in its effects, particularly when it is meant to work with people separated across time and space in developing new forms of community. Its evaluation has to be reflexive and socially constituted. THE CHALLENGES OF PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH We cannot find out everything that goes on in a project, and choices need to be made about which social or technological effects to study and how to assess them. In the Open University workshop, a problem that arose was the overload of data from ICT projects. It might be suggested that this problem could have been solved in many projects by prior thought about the processes of data management. Program evaluation lends an experiential familiarity to that need to choose what questions to ask, which methods to find answers, and how to manage the data. The priority of any evaluation process is to narrow down the number of questions to a set that is acceptable to all who have a stake in the evaluation, through a process of negotiation and evaluation project clarification with stakeholders. A more intensive and open process for this is assumed by the results of introducing participatory action research (Smith, 1989; Wholey, 1994; Owen & Rogers, 1999). The General Accounting Office of the United States, responsible for innumerable government audits and evaluations (including studies of the use of ICT), puts it this way: 84 Stillman The first and surely the most fundamental aspect of every design effort is to ensure that questions posed for the evaluation are the correct ones. Posing a study incorrectly is an excellent way to lead a study in the wrong direction. In fact, reaching agreement with the sponsors, users, program operators, and others on the contents and implications of a question can be difficult and challenging. …How a problem is stated has implications for the kinds of data to be collected, the sources of data, the analyses that will be necessary in trying to answer the question, and the conclusions that will be drawn (United States General Accounting Office, 1991). From a perspective of community development, project participants need to be engaged in the initial determination of questions to be researched and methods to be used (for example, in defining what “effective use” means). Practitioners must anticipate this engagement for several reasons. First, in emphasizing community development, participation is educative, democratic, and empowering. Second, in dealing with questions of community development and its interaction with technology, many questions and answers about human behavior are inherently ambiguous and changing. Third, because ICTs are complex and people respond to them in very different ways, such questions cannot be answered though formulaic or unidimensional survey techniques at the end of a particular phase of a project. We need to be able to account for unexpected and unanticipated factors throughout the life of a project. Furthermore, because we are working with networks of people, we are seeking a holistic understanding of participation with a particular technology and the means by which it contributes to community development, not just to patterns of individual use or understanding. If an agency commissioning an evaluation does not want surprises, or cannot accept nonquantitative data, this is not the way to go. It is not a form of evaluation to be bolted on from the outside with a high degree of control of process and outcomes. The following axioms should be therefore carefully considered if such a form of evaluation is to be undertaken. First, as a participatory and collaborative process, research questions can be agreed upon to accommodate high expectations, to ensure that the process will be ethical and collaborative, to confirm that expectations are realistic, and to verify that interpersonal relations—including the effects of “groupthink” and interpersonal politics—can be well-managed. Of course, given the culture of power, gender, and race relations in different communities, none of these factors can be assumed or taken for granted. It assumes that an evaluation plan and its questions can be assembled to satisfy all stakeholders. Second, it is resource intensive: high-energy work requires process, diplomatic and documentation skills, and sensitive leadership. The researcher needs to be in it for the long haul. Third, it expects discipline and rigor of participants, and this cannot be assumed to be a strength with all people. Some people are likely to be better contributors than others. This characteristic is likely to bring into sharp focus the tendency to depend on the expertise of certain participants (particularly the facilitator) to provide solutions. Fourth, it is not a form of social research to be undertaken when an evaluation contract is formulaic or politically motivated, with little room for innovation, risk, or capacity for innovation and change of directions on the fly. It is necessary to expect the unexpected, notwithstanding contractual demands for answers to particular (and sometimes absurd) questions. Finally, the scalability of the proposed method of action research will be greatly affected by the resources (people, time, organizational support) available to the researcher. It is probably best-suited to small-scale projects whose results could be clustered for comparative purposes. Consequently, the components outlined below are best suited for group process on one or several occasions, in which participants bring along their documentation for working and recording in groups. With increased use and familiarity, the methodology could be adapted for larger project settings, utilizing Internet technology. For example, online blogs and wikis (types of instant diaries, using free, open-source software) could be used for recording and sharing collaborative data across dispersed sites. 85 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society A “TOOLKIT” OF PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH IN ELECTRONIC COMMUNITY NETWORKING The Centre for Community Networking Research (CCNR) at Monash University, Victoria, Australia, was initially funded through the support of the Victorian State Government in 2000 to develop specifications for an action research “toolkit” as part of a project to evaluate a governmentfunded community networking project.6 Significantly, the Centre is part of a faculty of information technology, which meant that it has also had the role of providing awareness of the social dimensions of technology to information management and information systems specialists, as well as to government clients. The Australian Centre has been instrumental in supporting conferences on community technology at the Monash Centre in Prato, Italy, bringing together researchers and practitioners internationally, as well as events such as the workshop at Open University. Recently, the Centre was challenged to develop methods demonstrating to Australian governments the significance of effective community collaboration in designing and evaluating projects using community technology. The government has taken a direct approach, drawing upon more hierarchical and traditional methods of evaluation and policy development. It should be noted that the toolkit remains a conceptual work-in-progress, having only been used in part, but its principles have guided and inspired the development of research projects for the Centre, including an Australia-wide survey of technology use in community-based organizations, consultations with government and community on community-technology policy, and research into networks of particular non-profit groupings in the State of Victoria. Through their own work, numbers of individuals provided inspiration for the idea of a toolkit. David Wilcox, Drew Mackie, and others in the UK, and Terry Grunwald in the United States are members of a consultancy called Making the Net Work (www.makingthenetwork.org). The author collaborated with them occasionally and found their skills, resources, and techniques particularly useful in group facilitation around issues involving community technology. Furthermore, Randy Stoecker of the University of Wisconsin has worked with the author and other members of the Centre for Community Networking Research on several occasions. His advocacy of community-based research techniques for a wide-range of community-based projects, although developed independently of the community technology focus of the toolkit, supports its emphasis on community engagement for creating and recording rich and meaningful data, as well as for encouraging the process orientation towards social change (Stoecker, 2005c). Each of the elements below is a building block to create effective engagement with the community by capturing what goes on in technology projects, and at the same time, providing these projects with self-evaluation skills. Through these elements, communities will become empowered and engaged in their use of ICTs. Element One: Facilitation A better understanding of the social dimensions of community networking depends upon developing good relationships with the community, particularly on the part of information technology specialists. In developing evaluations, practitioners need to develop facilitative skills to work with communities, to build confidence and the capacity to participate effectively in participatory evaluative processes. The function of a facilitator is to help preserve project memory and impetus, which can easily go astray in community-based initiatives. This is a familiar story to all those engaged in community organization and development, in which the facilitator has many roles—enabler, broker, advocate, bureaucrat, administrator, researcher—and in ICT settings, a technological “Mr. or Ms. Fixit.” (Grosser, 1973; Greenwood & Leven, 1998; Schafft & Greenwood, 2002). Element Two: Workshop Processes Educational workshops can help participants learn to contend with various issues: • Boundaries: Workshops can help participants learn how to set limits in what is expected 86 Stillman and not expected of community, government, or other associates in an evaluation. • Process: By participating in a workshop, participants can be encouraged to acquire skills in building trust, team spirit, and leadership. • Data Framing and Capture: Through the use of matrices (described in more detail below), processes and outcomes for projects can be realistically defined, including expectations for performance indicators, benchmarks, and milestones. These elements can help participants learn how to manage technical and non-technical issues. At reporting stages, participants can fill in these “matrices” as the evaluation proceeds. One set of tools is particularly recommended for instructional workshops. The partners of Making the Net Work designed extensive strategies in planning “games” involving formatted templates (in fact, a type of knowledge-structuring matrix). Game players may practice their skills in planning for community development with ICTs. The “games” employ typical community network situations that can be downloaded and adapted for players to practice making decisions: the “how, what, where, why, and by whom” related to a community network. During workshop sessions, players receive sets of training cards with likely key technical and community issues—the cards become icebreakers, brainteasers, and prioritizing tools, as players document their ideas on matrix sheets. In the current model of the “game,” evaluation is seen as an optional, rather than integral, part of the training process in learning exercises, reflecting the “summative” rather than formative or process-oriented capacities of evaluation. The partners of Making the Net Work could easily incorporate complementary materials to teach participatory “layer” of decision-making, thus allowing players to practice evaluating issues and processes at various stages of a project (the “Before, During, After” facets). Thus, the game could include valuable educational measures to help players improve their skills in data collection, management, and reporting. The partners of Making the Net Work suggest seven essential criteria to help participants and players learn how to evaluate community networking projects, and players could use these as needed during the life of, and after the completion of the project. These criteria are characteristic of qualities desirable in individual planners: • Creativity • Connectivity and connectedness • Confidence • Competencies • Capacity building—self-reliance and “ownership” • Choice • Content. 7 Similar to the cards in the planning game, players should regard these seven criteria only as starting points, and project participants must engage their planning skills to select methodologies most relevant to their project. Engaging members of a community network in finding out how such criteria would be evaluated—and then setting about recording that story (using the framework of matrices outlined below)—are of themselves important exercises and methodologies in community development. The “Melbourne Outer Fringe Project” illustrates the potential for employing these methodologies to resolve disputes. In this case, a government funding agency engaged the Centre for Community Networking Research to help develop a plan for implementing technology for certain community groups because a year-long impasse between vital community players and government officials obstructed the project. No one could decide who should take the first step or what that step should be. Government employees needed to reset the “circuit breaker,” and CCNR was asked to provide the “spark” to generate action to move the project forward. CCNR set in place a process to engage the community in self-evaluation during the planning stage. After telephone calls, emails, and two face-to-face meetings with key community organizations and stakeholders, CCNR held two participatory workshops to identify community needs and wants, to engage new participants, to locate additional resources, and in particular, to 87 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society develop a detailed business plan for the project. To the surprise of well-established community members, new players enthusiastically came onto the scene, attracted by the opportunity to own a new project and build new community links with technology. The Making the Net Work process was modified to meet local needs for the workshop, and the Making the Net Work planning game was used to generate ideas about the shape of the new community project, its priorities, and its timelines. The outcome was the generation of new ideas, priorities for action, and a community committee of both “the usual suspects” and “newbies” in a new coalition. Although the CCNR contract did not ask for followup, over a year later, the project is thriving in the community, with a used Website and an active committee of management. Element Three: Matrices What is a matrix? Dictionaries define matrices as structures within which matter is contained, and mathematically, as “a rectangular array of numerical or algebraic quantities treated as an algebraic entity” (American Heritage Dictionary). Obviously, the mathematical analogy is not strictly applicable to data that will be mostly qualitative (which can be mixed with more quantitative data), but the notion of an array—a grid-like pattern of data matched against particular qualities—is first, a useful way of categorizing qualitative and quantitative data in participant action research, when the process of documentation can get messy and easily unstructured. For example, a set of important evaluation criteria developed by the community could then be matched in the short, medium, and long-term, and data in a sort of spreadsheet, and relevant data filled in, or referenced to particular boxes. Second, because a matrix mimics a numerical or logical structure, it displays structured meaning—important when demonstrating the rigor of particular observations or conclusions. The use of knowledge matrices is well-documented in the research, albeit from an academic, rather than participatory approach for the focusing of evaluation questions, organizing data, and presenting results (Miles & Huberman, 1988; 1994). The staff of Making the Net Work developed the technique of transferring the matrix structure from the individual research to the group level through their templates for workshops. The matrix structure suggests certain ideas about technology, but group work generates local priorities and ownership of particular issues, as well as the generation and documentation of new ideas and processes. Matrices provide frameworks to develop methodologies promoting action research. Individuals may be familiar with creating lists and classifications, and the process of creating a visual continuum of relationships between data and ideas in a grid fashion may be a familiar activity to some. In a group setting, it provides community development practitioners the opportunity through the generation of ideas and the manipulation of text and other data or records to sort and prioritize information under emerging categories. In the Melbourne Outer Fringe Project, Making the Net Work templates were transferred onto butcher’s paper. At times, participants struggled to keep their hands off the paper when simultaneously they all wanted to reposition the small cards with different technical and social ideas—such was the energy generated in developing the matrix! The processes generated through the matrix technique are akin to “grounded” or “from-the-ground-up” theories. As the term suggests, theories generated from the ground up, through generated information, have proved to be some of the most powerful designs in qualitative research (Glaser, 1967). As already noted, although the Making the Net Work materials were focused on learning skills in planning, the game can be developed to focus on evaluation questions. Empowered as agents, participants can pose strategic questions (or ideas for them can be generated), suggest data collection methods, and collect post-event data. Data collected can then be sorted and cross-referenced to particular categories in the large-scale matrix. The matrix can be seen as an instrument not only for one group, but also for many. For example, in a workshop in New Zealand in 2001, practitioners suggested to the Maori that they could use matrices to signify hierarchy in iwi, hapu, and whanau status (familial and tribal organization). The matrices could record multiple “snapshots” and case studies using ICT, in 88 Stillman deference to other methods that local groups use in collecting and processing information. Localized and cluster workshops could develop questions on evaluation to be filled in on paper or online. Members of the Maori community recorded multiple sources of evidence they gathered through various methods, which demonstrated the rigor, depth, and richness of the research method as the process itself educated and empowered the community (Patton, 1990; Miles & Huberman, 1994; Hurworth, 1996; Patton, 1999). Element Four: Outcomes In at least three areas, practitioners anticipate improved outcomes through use of the Toolkit, though, of course, other outcomes could be expected or planned for in an ICT project. 1. Improved organizational capacity. Participatory evaluation could be used to gauge effective use including, for example, abilities at self-help with technical issues rather than dependency on outside help. An evaluation using participatory action research could help an organization improve its internal processes in planning and implementing ICT projects, which include changes in patterns of knowledge transfer between staff and its constituent community, as well as integration of ICT planning into overall strategic planning activity. For example, in a project conducted with Randy Stoecker with Neighbourhood Houses, a type of community support center network in Melbourne, Australia, we helped community workers find solutions to problems using technical support for their computer networks. The workers came to realize that many solutions for their problems lay in better collaborative training and support networks that met the particular culture of part-time and volunteer work they engaged in. While this project did not use a data matrix, it did emphasize the valuing and collecting of information in the workers’ own words, and this has had an impact on policymakers as well, leading to changes in funding (Stillman & Stoecker, 2005). 2. Improved levels of community and social capital. This area is of great interest to many funders. If practitioners assist an electronic community in undertaking evaluative planning to use technology to build social capital for the community, practitioners can develop realistic expectations for using technology to create social change in the community. The local community can select meaningful categories of data that realistically reflect what changes in social capital actually mean to the community. If practitioners teach members of a community skills to evaluate a project during the life of that project, the community can use those skills in self-assessment for other purposes. 3. Improved documentation of outcomes. Practitioners can anticipate improved documentation of outcomes by developing and implementing realistic data-gathering and analysismethodologies, as well as creating realistic performance indicators and benchmarks. Practitioners intend to create documentation that stakeholders regard as useful, valid, and reliable (the audit or evidence-trail). Stakeholders are far more likely to adopt and use welldocumented evidence, recommendations, and conclusions. This has certainly been the case in the work with Neighbourhood Houses. CONCLUSIONS Community technology requires evaluation methodologies in participatory action research that engage members of communities. The evaluation of technology use needs to be understood not just as a “technical” or quantitative measurement problem, but as a process that recognizes the dynamics of community engagement in all its complexity. Such evaluations need to be engaged with and understood by communities. “Effective use,” a term that has gained currency in community technology circles, should be linked to a process that respects and engages communities in harvesting their own, particularly tacit knowledge. 89 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: Journal of the Community Development Society To evaluate processes focused on community development, practitioners are advised that participatory action research is ideally suited as a means whereby participants can discover knowledge and educate themselves, given that a primary goal of community networking is to engage and to empower the community. Although many individuals may be challenged in implementing or managing community technology initiatives, participatory action research offers the advantage of allowing individuals to evaluate a project during its planning, formative, and summative stages. It can assist in the discovery of skills and knowledge that would otherwise elude traditional methodologies based on non-engaged evaluation. Furthermore, although elements in the “toolkit” used to evaluate projects may represent a challenge to the thinking and practice of those engaged in community technology, participants can learn to use resources and techniques successfully. Participatory action research requires practitioners to be prepared to change direction and to cope with the unanticipated, characteristics of “good” community development. It requires practitioners and participants to accept wellstructured, largely qualitative data collection and management methodologies, in preference to more traditional and prescriptive means. Indeed, given the ever-changing nature of ICT, it is likely that many answers to how technology is being used in community development will only be discovered by intensive research activity at different points in the life of a project through engagement with key stakeholders—the participants. NOTES 1 Roundtable Workshop: Supporting Community Through ICT, Open University, Milton Keynes (UK), June 23, 2005. Electronic Proceedings, including edited online video of sessions is available via http://kmi.open.ac.uk/ events/ci2005. 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