INTERSECTIONALITY, QUOTAS AND MINORITY WOMEN’S POLITICAL REPRESENTATION WORLDWIDE MELANIE M. HUGHES University of Pittsburgh SUPPLEMENTAL ONLINE APPENDICES A–C and DETAILED PROCEDURES FOR GROUP SELECTION AND CODING APPENDIX A. COUNTRIES, GROUPS, AND ON YEARS1 Afghanistan (2005) Pashtun Tajiks Turkmen Uzbeks Albania (2005) Albanians Aimaq Arabs Baloch Hazara Shi'a Hazara Sunni Ismaili Kuchis Non-Hazara Shi'a Nuristani Pashai Greeks Vlach Macedonians Roma Argentina (2005) Whites Indigenous Armenia (2003) Armenians Yazidis Australia (2004) Whites Asians Indigenous Former Yugoslavs Turks Austria (2002) Austrians Bahrain (2002) Sunnis Shi'as Bangladesh (2005) Muslims Chittagong Hill Tribes Belgium (2003) Flemings Walloons Benin (2003) Fon Brazil (2006) Whites/ Mulattos Bulgaria (2005) Bulgarians Burundi (2005) Hutus Canada (2006) Majority Canadians Christians Hindus Other European Pakistanis Poles Portuguese Québécois Sikhs Ukrainians West Asians Cape Verde (2006) Creoles/ Europeans Africans West African Immigrants Chile (2005) Whites / White-Amerindians Indigenous Colombia (2006) Whites / Mestizos / Mulattos/ Black-Amerindians Blacks Amerindians Comoros (2004) Sunni Muslims Christians Costa Rica (2006) Whites / Black (Garifuna/ Mestizo Antillean Black) Croatia (2003) Croats Czechs / Slovaks Hungarians Italians Serbs Algerians Moroccans Italians Bariba Goun / Nago / Yoruba Somba / Dendi / Other Small Groups Cyprus (2006) Greek Orthodox Roma Czech Republic (2002) Czechs Moravians Roma Bosnia-Herzegovina (2003) Bosniaks Croats Serbs Botswana (2004) Tswana Non-Muslims Canada 2006, cont'd Greeks Indians Indigenous Ismaili Italians Japanese Jews Latin Americans Non-Tswana Basarwa Afro-Brazilians Ecuador (2006) Mestizos / Whites Armenians Roma Turks Pomaks Tutsis Twas Arabs Blacks Chinese Denmark (2005) Danish Other Western Non-Serb Former Yugoslavs Other National Minorities Other Christians Turkish Muslims Slovaks Inuits Faroese Former Slavs Pakistani Other Muslims Turks Blacks Highland Indigenous Lowland Indigenous El Salvador (2006) Mestizos/ Indigenous Whites Estonia (2003) Estonians Former Yugoslavs Germans Russians Ukrainians Belarussians (cont‟d on next page) 2 Ethiopia (2003) Amhara Tigreans Fiji (2006) Indigenous Melanesians Finland (2003) Finnish France (2002) French Afars Oromo Somalis Other Small Groups Chinese / Europeans Indo-Fijian Rotuma Jewish Karelian Moroccan Swedish Jews Muslims NonRoma Metropolitan Ethnic Minorities FYR, Macedonia (2006) Macedonians Albanians Bosniaks Roma Georgia (2004) Georgians Germany (2005) Germans Greece (2004) Greeks Armenians Azeris Abkhazians Adzhars Former Yugoslavs Indians Jews Other Europeans Persians Turks / Kurds Muslims Guatemala (2003) Mestizos / Europeans Honduras (2005) Mestizos / Whites India (2004) Hindus Garifuna / Black Caribs Anglo-Indians Assamese Kashmiri Muslims Ireland (2002) Celtic/English Israel (2003) Israeli Jews Italy (2006) Italians Turks Serbs Vlach Arab Muslims Druze South Tyrolians Immigrants Roma Indigenous Indigenous Jamaica (2002) Majority Jamaicans Rastafarians Japan (2005) Japanese Burakmin Ryukyuan Jordan (2003) Jordanian Muslims Bedouins Christians Circassians Palestinians Kuwait (2003) Sunnis Shi'as Kyrgyz Republic (2005) Kyrgyz Non-Kyrgyz Latvia (2006) Latvians Lebanon (2005) Sunnis Maronite Christians Lithuania (2004) Lithuanians Malaysia (2004) Malays Mauritius (2005) Indo-Mauritian Mongolia (2004) Mongols Jews Poles Russians Belarussians Lithuanians Alawites Armenian Druze Greek Catholics Greek Orthodox Other Christian Protestants Shi'as Belarusians Jews Poles Russians Chinese East Indians Indigenous Palestinians Ukrainians Creoles FrancoSino-Mauritians Mauritian Kazakhs Montenegro (2006) Other Muslims Montenegrins Albanians Scheduled Castes / Serbs Croats Scheduled Tribes Sikhs Netherlands Dutch Antillen Moroccans Surinamese Turks Non-Muslim Palestinians New Zealand Caucasians Asians Maori Jews Sardinians Nicaragua Valdostani Whites / Amerindian Mestizo Tuva Muslims / Bosniaks Indonesians Other Muslims Other Western Pacific Islander Blacks (cont‟d on next page) 3 Norway Norwegians Panama Mestizos / Whites Paraguay Mestizos / Whites Peru Mestizos / Whites Muslims Other Immigrants Indigenous Chinese West Indians Asians Indigenous West Indians / Blacks Afro-Peruvians Indigenous Highland Indigenous Lowland Belarussians Portugal (2005) Portuguese Brazilians Hunarians Roma Russian Federation (1999) Russians Armenians Avars Balkarets Bashkirs Belarusians Buryat Chechens Chuvash Circassians Darginets Georgians Germans Ingush Japanese Jews Karelians Serbia Serbs Singapore (2001) Chinese Other Small Minorities Khakha Komi Koreans Kumyks Kurds Lakets Latvians Lezgins Mordvinians Ossetians Tatars Tats Tuvinians Ukrainians Yakuts Bosniaks Albanians Croats Romany Hungarians Yugoslavs Indians Eurasians Malays Hungarians Roma Ukrainians Hungarians Italians Bosniaks Croats Serbs Solomon Islands (2001) Melanesians Non-Melanesians Sri Lanka (2004) Sinhalese Germans Republic of Korea (2004) Koreans Romania (2004) Romanians Slovenia (2004) Slovenians Sweden (2006) Swedes Philippines (2004) Christians Muslims Poland (2005) Poles Slovakia (2006) Slovaks Sri Lankan Moors Tamils Assyrians Bosnians Chileans Estonians Finns Germans Ghanaians Greeks Jews Palestinians Romanians Turks Switzerland (2003) Swiss-German- Italian-Speakers Former Speakers Jurassians Yugoslavs Other FrenchTurks Speakers Turkey (2007) Turks Kurds/Zaza United Kingdom (2005) English Whites Blacks / AfroCaribbeans European Immigrants Indians United States (2004) Non-Hispanic Asians Whites Blacks Uruguay (2004) Whites / Mestizos Irish Catholics Pakistani / Bangladeshi Scots Welsh Hispanics Blacks Venezuela (2005) Mestizos / Europeans Arabs Indigenous Yemen (2003) Arab Muslims Akhdam 1 Arabs Caucasians Blacks Groups in the first column for each country are majority groups; all others are minority groups. Those appearing in italics display a selection of significantly-sized minority groups (at least 1% of the population) that are not represented in parliament (and thus not included in the analyses). 4 APPENDIX B. CODING MAJORITY AND MINORITY GROUPS This appendix lists global, regional, and supplemental country-specific sources used to identify majority and minority groups (Part I) and details the specific procedures used to code majority and minority groups (Part II). I. DATA SOURCES Global Central Intelligence Agency. 2005-2007. The World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/. Gall, Timothy L., and Jeneen M. Hobby, Editors. 2007. Worldmark Encyclopedia of Nations, 12th Edition. [occasional source] Minorities at Risk Project. 2009. “Minorities at Risk Dataset.” College Park, MD: Center for International Development and Conflict Management. http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/mar/. Minority Rights Group International 2008. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples. http://www.minorityrights.org/directory. U.S. Department of State. 2001 2008. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/. U.S. Department of State. 2001-2008. Report on International Religious Freedom. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/. U.S. Library of Congress. Country Studies. Federal Research Division. Library of Congress. [occasional source] Regional Kumaraswamy, P.R. 2003. Problems of Studying Minorities in the Middle East. Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations 2 (2): 244–64. Open Society Institute. 2009. Muslims in Europe: A Report on 11 EU Cities. Open Society Institute EU Monitoring and Advocacy Program. Afghanistan Afghan Network. 2007. “Ethnic Groups of Afghanistan.” http://www.afghannetwork.net/Ethnic-Groups/. Asia Foundation. 2006. Afghanistan in 2006: A Survey of the Afghan People. http://www.asiafoundation.org/pdf/AG-survey06.pdf. Newell, Richard S. 1989. “Post-Soviet Afghanistan: The Position of the Minorities.” Asian Survey 29 (11): 1090–1108. Albania Albanian Helsinki Committee. 1999. “Albanian Helsinki Committee: Report on Minority Question in Albania in Relation to the European Convention.” Albanian Institute of Statistics (Instaat). 2003. “Quarterly Statistics Bulletin, No. 3.” Lastarria-Cornhiel, Susana and Rachel Wheeler. 1998. “Gender, Ethnicity, and Landed Property in Albania.” Working Paper No. 18. Land Tenure Center. University of Wisconsin-Madison. Belgium Open Society Institute. 2007. Muslims in the EU Cities Report: Belgium. Open Society Institute EU Monitoring and Advocacy Program. Benin Judex, M..and Thamm, H.-P, Editors. 2008. IMPETUS Atlas Benin. Research Results 2000-2007, 3rd Edition. Department of Geography, University of Bonn, Germany. Wantchekon, Leonard. 2003. Clientelism and Voting Behavior: Evidence from a Field Experiment in Benin. World Politics 55 (3): 399–422. 5 Botswana Bangura, Yusuf. 2004. “Ethnicity, Inequality and the Public Sector: A Comparative Study.” UN Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD). IRIN. 2006. “Minority Ethnic Groups Feel New Bill Still Discriminates.” IRIN News. August 8, 2006. Solway, Jacqueline S. 2002. “Navigating the „Neutral‟ State: „Minority‟ Rights in Botswana.” Journal of Southern African Studies 28 (4): 711–29. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 2002. “Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: Botswana.” CERD/C/61/CO/2. Brazil Augusto dos Santos, Sales. 2006. “Who is Black in Brazil? A Timely or a False Question in Brazilian Race Relations in the Era of Affirmative Action?” Latin American Perspectives 33 (4): 30–48. Lesser, Jeffrey. 1999. Negotiating National Identity: Immigrants, Minorities, and the Struggle for Ethnicity in Brazil. Duke University Press. Bulgaria Spirova, Maria. 2004. “Electoral Rules and the Political Representation of Ethnic Minorities: Evidence from Bulgaria and Romania. Paper Prepared for Presentation at the 2004 Annual meeting of the Association for the Study of Nationalities, Columbia University, New York. Cape Verde United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 2003. “Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: Cape Verde.” CERD/C/63/CO/3. Colombia Rappaport, Joanne. 2005. Intercultural Utopias: Public Intellectuals, Cultural Experimentation, and Ethnic Dialogue in Colombia. Durham, NC.: Duke University Press. Ecuador Pacari, Nina. 2002. “The Political Participation of Indigenous Women in the Ecuadorian Congress: Unfinished Business.” Women in Parliament. Stockholm: International IDEA. Estonia Tammaru, Tiit and Hill Kulu. 2003. The Ethnic Minorities of Estonia: Changing Size, Location, and Composition.” Eurasian Geography and Economics 44 (2): 105–20. Viikberg, Jüri. 1998. “Ethnic Minorities in Estonia: Past and Present.” Paper prepared for presentation at the conference Multicultural Estonia, Helsinki, December 26. Fiji Norton, Robert. 2000. “Reconciling Ethnicity and Nation: Contending Discourses in Fiji's Constitutional Reform.” The Contemporary Pacific 12 (1): 83–122. Premdas, Ralph. 2004. “The Dynamics of Ethnic Minority Domination in Fiji. In Rethinking Ethnicity: Majority Groups and Dominant Minorities, eds. Eric Kaufmann. London: Routledge, 221–41. Germany Federal Republic of Germany. 1999. “First Report.” Report submitted by Germany pursuant to Article 25, Paragraph 1 of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. ACFC/SR (99) 17. Georgia Matveeva, Anna. 2002. “The South Caucasus: Nationalism, Conflict and Minorities.” Minority Rights Group International. http://www.minorityrights.org/ Italy Minority Dailies Association. 2005. “Minorities in Italy.” http://www.midas-press.org Japan Mcneill, David. “The Diene Report on Discrimination and Racism in Japan.” ZMag. Sunday, April 09, 2006 6 Kyrgyzstan Freedom House. 2003. “Country Report: Kyrgyzstan.” Nations in Transit. http://freedomhouse.org/ International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights. 2005. Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America. Malaysia Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. 2007. “Malaysia Country Brief.” http://www.dfat.gov.au/ Mauritius Mathur, Raj. 1997. “Parliamentary Representation of Minority Communities: The Mauritian Experience.” Africa Today 44 (1): 61–82. Montenegro Associated Press. 2006. “Montenegro Accuses 18 Ethnic Albanians, Including 5 U.S. Citizens.” December 7, 2006. Norway World of Information Country Report. 2002. “Norway: Politics.” Quest Economics Database. Comment and Analysis: 10. April 24, 2002. LexisNexis (accessed January 2, 2006). Poland Advocates for Human Rights. 2006. “National and Ethnic Minorities.” Stop Violence Against Women. http://www.stopvaw.org/Ethnic_Minorities9.html. Romania Spirova, Maria. 2004. “Electoral Rules and the Political Representation of Ethnic Minorities: Evidence from Bulgaria and Romania. Paper Prepared for Presentation at the 2004 Annual meeting of the Association for the Study of Nationalities, Columbia University, New York. Russia Advocates for Human Rights. 2005. “Ethnic Minorities.” Stop Violence Against Women. http://www.stopvaw.org/Ethnic_Minorities11.html. Glinski, Dmitri. 2002. “Russia and Its Muslims: The Politics of Identity at the International-Domestic Frontier.” East European Constitutional Review Winter/Spring: 71–83. Miller, Justin. 2002. “Ethnic and Religious Minorities and Their Search for Justice: The Case of Chechnya.” In Civil Society and the Search for Justice in Russia, eds. Christopher Marsh and Nikolas K. Gvosdev. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 139– 56. Sri Lanka International Centre for Ethnic Studies. “Principal Ethnic Groups: Sri Lanka.” http://www.ices.lk/sl_database/ethnic_groups.shtml Uruguay Cabella, Wanda and Rafael Porzecanski. 2007. “The Growth of Ethnic Minorities in Uruguay: Ethnic Renewal or Measurement Problems?” Quebec Inter-University Centre for Social Statistics. Venezuela Sreeharsha, Vinod. 2006. “Is there a „Black Vote‟ in Venezuela?” Slate Magazine. December 1, 2006. Yemen UN Human Rights Commission. 2006. “Issues Concluding Observations on Reports of Estonia, Yemen, South Africa, Oman, Mongolia, Denmark, Norway and Ukraine.” Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. 7 II. DETAILED PROCEDURES FOR GROUP SELECTION AND CODING I attempted to collect data on all majority and minority groups in 122 independent democratic and semi-democratic countries with at least a half a million population in 2005. Across countries, I created majority and minority categories along boundaries of race, ethnicity, place of birth, indigenous identity, religion, and/or language. I used the sources listed above to identify which divisions are most salient in each country and coded mutually exclusive categories associated with these divisions. In cases with substantial overlap between ethnic and religious minority identities, e.g., Turkish and Muslims, only a single category was chosen, informed by background sources and data availability. In some countries, deciding the appropriate level of group aggregation was quite difficult, especially in cases where research exposes significant within-group differences. In the United States, for example, I could analyze Hispanic legislators as a single group or analyze Puerto Rican-, Cuban-, Mexican-, and Portuguese-Americans as separate groups. I again drew on country-specific sources (see above) to assist in making these decisions. In the U.S. case, most sources focus on Hispanics or Latinos/as as a single group, so I analyze all Hispanics together. Notably, because data sources often rely on census data or other government statistics, differences in group aggregation may reflect country-specific differences in boundary-making and/or data collection techniques. However, I drew heavily on human rights reports and country-specific research to ensure that groups not formally recognized by governments as minorities are still included in the analyses. I also performed auxiliary analyses aggregating groups in different ways. None of the quota findings are sensitive to changes in group aggregation. Generally, groups that are numerically the largest racial, ethnic, religious, or linguistic group are coded as the majority, and numerically smaller groups are coded as minorities. In some cases, however, groups in the numerical majority are socially, economically, or politically disadvantaged and are thus coded as minority groups (e.g., Shi‟a Muslims in Lebanon). Conversely, groups numerically in the minority may be socially, economically, or politically dominant and are coded as majority groups (e.g., Maronite Christians in Lebanon). For particularly heterogeneous societies with no numerically dominant groups (e.g., Afghanistan), country-specific sources and outside expertise (see fn 8 in the text) were especially useful in helping determine which groups were dominant and thus coded as majorities; all others were coded as minorities. One set of groups often difficult to classify as majority or minority are European (or Western) immigrants. Because of colonial relations, sizeable groups of Europeans now reside in many former 8 colonies. Historically, Europeans may have been dominant or advantaged. Yet, in many countries decolonization has brought indigenous populations to power. European immigrants also make up a sizeable part of the population of many Western countries. While small, these groups are often not marginalized or disadvantaged in ways traditionally associated with minority status. Still, I followed coding procedures for European immigrants similar to other groups. If sources identified non-native Europeans as a recognized group (e.g., Swedish-speakers in Finland, Europeans in Cape-Verde), they are coded as minorities unless sources indicate they are socially, economically, or politically dominant. Auxiliary analyses including a control variable identifying European minority groups does not substantively alter results. Once groups were initially selected, I collected data on group representation in national legislatures by sex between December 2005 and December 2007, although legislators analyzed were elected as early as 1999 (see fn 7 in the text). I focused only on single or lower houses of national legislatures. For seats representing overseas constituencies, members without full voting rights are excluded (for example, in the United States, delegates representing Guam, Puerto Rico, etc.), but those with full voting rights appear in the data (for example, Inuit and Faroese legislators in Denmark, and representatives of overseas departments and collectives in France). Whenever possible, I collected legislator data at the individual level so that I could aggregate data to represent the majority and minority groups crafted through the above steps. For three countries (Botswana, Kyrgyzstan, Solomon Islands), however, I was only able to obtain data in the aggregate (i.e., Tswana vs. all non-Tswana, Kyrgyz vs. non-Kyrgyz, and Melanesian vs. non-Melanesian, respectively). Because I was still able to code legislator sex for these groups, I include them in the analyses presented here. Auxiliary analyses show that results are robust to the exclusion of these three countries. To reconcile selected majority and minority groups with population and legislator data, I created “other” or “remainder” categories. These categories typically aggregate groups that: 1) were particularly small in size, making up less than 1% of the population; 2) were not identified as significant minorities in the country in any data sources; and 3) were not politically mobilized at the national level. Individuals that cross minority racial or religious categories (e.g., biracial or multi-racial persons) are also included in the remainder. “Remainder” groups are generally excluded from the analyses. The advantage of carefully selecting groups across countries is that analyzing the political representation of these groups speaks to majority/minority dynamics. Including muddled categories undermines this effort. Once remainder categories are removed, 431 groups remain. Excluding remainder categories ultimately affects 4 countries 9 where individuals from remainder categories were elected: Belgium, Canada, Ethiopia, and the United States. In the United States, for example, two congressmen are coded into the remainder category: one Dutch immigrant and one half-Lebanese Protestant. In Canada, one MP was born in the United Kingdom and has a Jewish Syrian-born mother and a Greek Cypriot father. Auxiliary analyses including remainder categories in the analysis (when individuals in remainder categories gained representation) do not affect substantive conclusions. Although remainder groups were excluded, no groups were excluded solely due to size (see fn 6 in the text). That is, small groups that are politically mobilized or for other reasons are identified in country sources are included. However, many small groups are not ultimately analyzed because I exclude groups that fail to win seats in the legislature, and many such groups are small. From a methodological perspective, including these cases would result in dependent variables that would be highly skewed. Yet, as discussed in the text, analyzing only the 328 groups represented in the legislature is also theoretically advantageous because it focuses the analyses on factors that help or hinder minority women in places where minorities can feasibly gain representation. In sum: I attempted to collect data for 122 independent democratic and semi-democratic countries with at least a half a million population in 2005. I ultimately collected data across 512 categories (including majority, minority, and “remainder” groups) across 81 countries. 431 of those groups were identified as majority or minority groups (not “remainder” groups). 328 groups of the 431 are represented in a national legislature between 1999 and 2007. These groups are analyzed in the models presented in Table 3. Of the 328 represented groups, 241 in 68 countries are minorities. The models presented in Table 4 are limited to only these groups. Finally, despite my best efforts to carefully code majority and minority groups, it is possible (and perhaps likely) that another researcher may have come to different conclusions regarding which groups should be included, and which groups are the majorities and minorities. Acknowledging potential disagreements like these, I performed a wide range of auxiliary analyses that include and exclude various groups and aggregate data in various ways. Yet, future research should also revisit the research questions analyzed here. 10 APPENDIX C. GENDER AND MINORITY QUOTAS BY COUNTRY Gender Quotas Country Type % S eats Minority Quotas Effective Benefitting Groups Type(s) % S eats Tandem Quotas Afghanistan Seats 26% Y Kuchis Bosnia & Herz. Candidates 30% Y Serbs; Bosniaks; Croats Burundi Candidates 30% Y Twa; Tutsis Jordan Seats 4% Seats 100% Seats & Special Rules 42% Seats 6% N Christians; Circassians; Bedouins Seats 20% Candidates 0%1 N 18 Ethnic M inority Groups Seats 6% Crotia Party 40% 9% Hungarians; Italians; Serbs; Chech/Slovaks; Yugoslavian; Other Seats 5% Cyprus Party 30% 2% Christians; Turks Seats 5% / 33%2 Ethiopia Party 30% 16% 23 Small Nationality Groups Seats 4% Fiji Party 20% 6% Indians; Rotuma; Other M inorities Seats 32% India Party 15% 4% Anglo-Indians; Scheduled Castes; Scheduled Tribes Seats 22% Slovenia Party 28%-40%4 7% Hungarians; Italians Seats 2% Colombia5 n/a n/a n/a Afro-Colombians; Indigenous Seats 2% Lebanon n/a n/a n/a 8 M inority Religious Groups M auritius n/a n/a n/a Chinese; Creole; M uslim M ontenegro n/a n/a n/a New Zealand n/a n/a n/a Singapore n/a n/a n/a M alay; Indian or Other n/a n/a n/a Indigenous Argentina Candidates 30% Y Armenia Candidates 5% Romania Mixed Quotas 3 Minority Quotas 5 Venezuela Seats 48% Special Rules 11% Albanians Seats 6% M aori Seats 6% Candidates 18%6 Seats 2% n/a n/a n/a N n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Gender Quotas Bangladesh Belgium Seats 13% Y n/a Candidates 33% Y n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Brazil Candidates 25% Y n/a Costa Rica Candidates 40% Y n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Ecuador Candidates 30% Y n/a France Candidates 50% Y n/a n/a n/a FYR M acedonia Candidates 30% Y n/a n/a n/a Honduras Candidates 30% N n/a n/a n/a Panama Candidates 30% N n/a n/a n/a Paraguay Candidates 20% Y n/a n/a n/a Peru Candidates 25% Y n/a n/a n/a Philippines Candidates 0% 1 N n/a n/a n/a Republic of Korea Candidates 34% N n/a n/a n/a Y 7 n/a n/a Serbia Candidates 30% n/a 11 (cont‟d on next page) Gender Quotas Country Type % S eats Gender Quotas Effective Party Gender Quotas Country Type % S eats Effective Party Gender Quotas 8 Albania Party 30% 2% Italy Party 34-50% 4-19% Australia Party 40% 15% Lithuania Party 33% 5% Austria Party 33-50% 27% Netherlands Party 50% 11-13% Botswana Party 30% 7% Nicaragua Party 30% 14% Canada Party 25-50% 13% Norway Party 40% 26% Chile Party 20-40% 15% Poland Party 30% 12% Czech Republic Party 25% 9% Portugal Party 33% 17% El Salvador Party 35% 14% Slovakia Party 50% 8% Germany Party 33-50% 28% Sweden Party 40-50% 35% Greece Party 40% 16% Switzerland Party 40% 10% Ireland Party 25-40% 6% United Kingdom Party 5-40% 7% Party . . Israel Party 3-30% 7% Uruguay 10 9 Coding Notes : For Quota Types, "Seats"=seats reserved in the legislature; "Candidates"=restrictions are placed on the share of female or minority candidates fielded by political parties;"Party"=voluntarily policies adopted by political parties to regulate candidate gender; and "Special Rules"=special electoral rules to ensure minority representation. Special rules include co-opting of additional seats to ensure balance (Burundi), and selecting "best losers" to enhance minority representation (M auritius). For national quotas, "Effective"=national gender policies with a threshold of 10% or more and, for candidate quotas, include listorder requirements and/or sanctions for non-compliance. For party quotas, "Effective"=the actual share of seats affected by the quota, calculated as the product of each party's quota threshold and the seats won by that party. Under M inority Quotas, "% Seats"=percentage of seats in the legislature regulated by the quota. 1 Romania and the Philippines require political parties to include women, but no specific threshold is identified. 2 In Cyprus, 24 seats are set aside for the Turkish Cypriot community that remain unfilled. The first estimates of "Seats Affected" includes only 3 reserved seats for religious minorities; the second estimate includes the 24 unfilled seats. 3 In Ethiopia, various opposition parties are known to have adopted quotas but the specific parties are unknown. The effective quota percentage only reflects the quota of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Front (EPRDF). 4 The 40% quota used by Slovenia's Social Democratic Party in 2004 is a "target," rather than a hard quota. 5 Colombia and Venezuela adopted national gender quotas that were overturned. Two Venezuelan political parties adopted gender quotas prior to the 2005 elections, but neither won any seats in the national legislature. 6 The minority quota in Singapore operates through multimember districts called GM Cs. In each GM C parties must put forward a slate of candidates including at least one minority member. In one GM C, two M alays minorities were elected--one man and one woman. Because I am unable determine which of the two individuals were placed on the list to satisfy the quota, I offer both possible figures for women's share of quota seats. 7 Poland and Serbia both relax 5% electoral thresholds for political parties representing national minorities. However, minorities are not guaranteed seats. In Poland, the number of Germans winning seats in parliament through this method has steadily declined from 4 representatives in the early 1990s to only 1 representative in 2007. Similarly, in Denmark, the German M inority Party can participate in general elections without presenting signatures, but has not done so since 1971. 8 Two Italian parties with gender quotas won seats as part of alliances with other parties not known to use gender quotas. The range of percentages for the effective quota reflects the difference between the quota being applied to none or all of alliance seats. 9 The Green Party in the Netherlands is known to use a gender quota but the percentage is unknown. Without accounting for this quota, the effective % is 11%. Assuming a 50% quota, the effective quota is 13%. 10 The Socialist Party of Uruguay uses a gender quota but the threshold is dependent upon the percentage of women members of the Party in each jurisdiction. Targets used for the 2004 election, if any, are unknown. 12
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