27
lississippi River floods," Geotimes
WHAT EVER HAPPENED TO SACAGAWEA? THE DEBATE
BETWEEN GRACE HEBARD (1861-1936) AND BLANCHE
SCHROER (1907-1998)1
by
Pennie L. Magee
What happened to Sacagawea after the Lewis and Clark expedition?
Did she die in 1812 at Fort Manuel in what is now South Dakota, or in
1884 at Fort Washakie, Wyoming? Was she 25 years old, or 97, when she
died?2
Grace Hebard and Blanche Schroer dedicated much of their lives to
researching Sacagawea's life. They were both born in Iowa and both
lived for many decades in Wyoming. They were intelligent, independent,
driven, articulate scholars. Both women believed in following their
inclinations in lifestyle regardless of exterior conventions. Furthermore,
each was certain she was right about what happened to Sacagawea, even
though they held opposing positions on the subject.
Hebard believed that she could prove that Sacagawea died and was
buried at Ft. Washakie as an old woman, while Schroer believed that she
could prove that Sacagawea died and was buried at Ft. Manuel just a few
years after the expedition.
Schroer and Hebard were not alone in this debate. Two centuries
after the Lewis and Clark expedition, these two opposing positions
continue to provide fodder for journal articles, books, and letters to the
editor. What makes the debate between Schroer and Hebard interesting
is their personal histories.
Between the two of them, Hebard and Schroer represent 137 years
of United States history. The time and place in which each of these
women lived played a key role in her choice of research topic and the
interpretation of the data she collected.
Hebard was born in 1861, just as the Civil War was beginning. She
Dr. Pennie Magee researches, writes, and consults in Boulder, Colorado. She is Adjunct
Assistant Professor in the Department ofAnthropology, University ofColorado/Boulder,
and principal in Magee Consulting, LLC.
28
died in 1936, shortly before World War II became a reality. Schroer was
born in 1907, just as the Industrial Revolution was taking hold, and died
in 1998 in a world of globalization and Internet connections. Through the
years, our ideas about the meaning of the western territory and about
Native Americans changed significantly. Hebard and Schroer's writings
provide us with a window into those changes in our thinking as they took
place.
Grace Hebard was born in Clinton, Iowa, where her father was a
Congregationalist missionary. He died when Grace was a young girl. Her
mother raised Grace and her three siblings alone. She did well in her
home-schooled lessons and went on to the State University of Iowa,
according to Scharff, "majoring in engineering and gaining a reputation
on campus as an athlete, scholar, and ardent supporter ofwomen's rights.
She graduated with a B.S. in 1882, the first woman to earn a bachelor's
in science at that institution"3. She moved to Cheyenne that same year
with her mother, brothers and sister. Over the years she obtained both a
Master's degree and a Ph.D., accomplishing this primarily through
correspondence. Hebard moved to Laramie in 1891. She became a central
figure in Wyoming politics and academics over the years. 4
Blanche Schroer was born in Gilbertville, Iowa. Her father was a
horse-and-buggy doctor until he joined the Indian Department in 1917.
The family lived first on the Ute Reservation in Colorado, then on the
Winnebago Sioux Reservation in Nebraska. In 1928 the family moved to
Fort Washakie, Wyoming.
She attended one year of college at Wayne College. Then, she said,
she"... entered that select college of self-education, limited to those who
are so interested in so many things they become fanatical readers. I
believe too much formal education may stifle creativity and, having no
professors to ape, I was forced to do everything my way. I have been
blessed-or cursed-with an intensely curious mind-and curiosity is what
set me off on the Sacagawea search."5
Hebard and Schroer met in person briefly in Ft. Washakie sometime
in the 1920s. 6 Hebard was interviewing some Shoshone Indians about
their knowledge of Sacagawea's existence on the reservation. Schroer
took notes for some of Hebard's interviews. At the time, Schroer
subscribed to Hebard's theory that Sacagawea had died right there on the
l
I
reservation. Later on, she call
next sixty years of her life s~
The disagreement could hard
the women only had one or .
we know about the disagreen1
historians, editors ofjoumalsj
few published articles. The~
Hebard's death.
According to Hebard, I.
Charbonneau after the expedl
wandered, unknown, for soni
named Jerk Meat. She had fivJ
moved to the Wind River reset
tez. There she was known as 1
In 1883, Reverend John Robel
the Episcopal Church. When
her in the cemetery with a It
Hebard visited the reservation
he remembered the old woma
she might have been Sacagawl
son, was truly Baptiste, th
Charbonneau.
She interviewed many ~
memories ofPorivo. She tram
sign them as proof that they'
along with many passages qw
during Sacagawea's time, seI"'
Porivo was indeed Sacagawe,
book titled Sacqjawea, Guide
Schroer believed that Hel
the moment she realized this, i
What qualifies me to s
establish Porivo as Saca
visits? I was there befe
Shoshones who testified.
29
lecame a reality. Schroer was
Lon was taking hold, and died
'net connections. Through the
western territory and about
lebard and Schroer's writings
~s in our thinking as they took
owa, where her father was a
n Grace was a young girl. Her
~s alone. She did well in her
he State University of Iowa,
~ring and gaining a reputation
t supporter ofwomen's rights.
:t woman to earn a bachelor's
1to Cheyenne that same year
the years she obtained both a
;hing this primarily through
in 1891. She became a central
over the years. 4
ville, Iowa. Her father was a
;: Indian Department in 1917.
:ion in Colorado, then on the
l. In 1928 the family moved to
ayne College. Then, she said,
jucation, limited to those who
, become fanatical readers. I
:ifle creativity and, having no
rything my way. I have been
IS mind-and curiosity is what
:fly in Ft. Washakie sometime
orne Shoshone Indians about
~ on the reservation. Schroer
'iews. At the time, Schroer
vea had died right there on the
reservation. Later on, she came to a different conclusion and spent the
next sixty years of her life searching for data to prove Hebard wrong.
The disagreement could hardly be characterized as a personal one, since
the women only had one or two face to face encounters. Much of what
we know about the disagreement is recorded in letters Schroer wrote to
historians, editors ofjournals and newspapers, and friends, along with a
few published articles. These letters and articles were written after
Hebard's death.
According to Hebard, Sacagawea left her husband Toussaint
Charbonneau after the expedition because he was abusive to her. She
wandered, unknown, for some time and finally married a Comanche
named Jerk Meat. She had five children with him. Later he died and she
moved to the Wind River reservation with two of her sons, Bazil and Bat­
tez. There she was known as Porivo, or also simply as Bazil's mother.
In 1883, Reverend John Roberts came to Wind River as a missionary for
the Episcopal Church. When Porivo died the following year, he buried
her in the cemetery with a marker inscribed "Bazil's mother." When
Hebard visited the reservation some years later in search of Sacagawea,
he remembered the old woman he had buried and wondered if perhaps
she might have been Sacagawea. Hebard concluded that Battez, Porivo's
son, was truly Baptiste, the son Sacagawea had with Toussaint
Charbonneau.
She interviewed many Shoshone on the reservation about their
memories ofPorivo. She transcribed their testimonies and asked them to
sign them as proof that they were telling the truth. These testimonies,
along with many passages quoted from published accounts of travelers
during Sacagawea' s time, served as the core of Hebard's argument that
Porivo was indeed Sacagawea. She published her findings in 1932 in a
book titled Sacajawea, Guide and Interpreter ofLewis and Clark. 7
Schroer believed that Hebard was patently mistaken. She describes
the moment she realized this, in a passage in a letter to the editor of folio:
What qualifies me to speak up about Hebard's attempt to
establish Porivo as Sacagawea during her many Wind River
visits? I was there before they ended and I knew the old
Shoshones who testified for her. For too long a time I accepted
30
her revisionist theory. In retrospect I shudder at my youthful
gullibility.
Since 1928 when my father, Dr. D.A. Moore, was put in
charge of the Fort Washakie hospital I have----except for brief
intervals-lived on or near the Wind River reservation. As
bookkeeper-clerk at the McGuire Post Trading I proudly
directed tourists to what I firmly believed was "Sacajawea's"
burial place. Then, after years of feeling resentment when
visitors sometimes accused me of spreading false history, I set
out to prove them wrong. I began by asking old Shoshones how
and when they first learned that Porivo was actually Sacajawea.
They invariably answered that they hadn't known it until
Hebard told them. Some added that Porivo had never
mentioned it and had never been known by the name
"Sacajawea" or anything close. This jolted me into checking
further. The lightening bolt came when I learned that Rev. John
Roberts, Episcopal missionary, and Grace Hebard, Wyoming
University librarian, had, twenty years-plus after Porivo's
death, given her a new name: Sacajawea. Apparently this
unwarrantable act was the bad seed that sprouted the first local
assumption that old Porivo was the expedition heroine. The
news spread like a noxious weed and only recently does the
irradication of this almost century-old blight on a great era of
history seem imminent. 8
Schroer followed this discovery with nearly sixty years of research.
She wrote to libraries, archives, historians, descendants of informants,
anyone she could think of who might have information with which to
document her ideas. She came to the conclusion (supported by historians
such as Irving Anderson, Donald Jackson, Gary Moulton and Ronald
Taber) that Sacagawea had died on December 20, \ 812, in Ft. Manuel in
the territory now known as South Dakota. She based this on the journal
entry made by John Luttig on December 20,1812, which states " ....this
Evening the wife of Charbonneau, a Snake Squaw, died ofa putrid fever
she was a good and the best woman in the fort, age abt 25 years she left
a fine infant girl ... "9 and also on Clark's entry in his account book for the
period 1825-1828.He\\
the old Shoshone wo~
Sacagawea. Hebard's ~
identity. II
Schroer's particul~
she insisted on stickiIlj
Moulton placed her, ale
the category of historia!
woman [Sacagawea)."ll
Schroer chafed ove
brother Charles Moore,
"Dear Charles,
Concerning the res
head above water t
cuff note. Worse, :
just read Editor Ne 1
DAR Sac monumel
made sacred by h
worship an idol! N
old camp follower,
had never claimed
Rockies.
Another Sac wors!
writing, "Bronzed,
Empire in her han'
pitied the woman \
At the 1904 Portia
featuring this trave
S
1
V
Hebard bragged of
31
shudder at my youthful
D.A. Moore, was put in
[ have--except for brief
1 River reservation. As
lost Trading I proudly
:ved was "Sacajawea's"
:eling resentment when
:ading false history, I set
king old Shoshones how
was actually Sacajawea.
ey hadn't known it until
hat Porivo had never
known by the name
jolted me into checking
1 I learned that Rev. John
Trace Hebard, Wyoming
~ars-plus after Porivo' s
ljawea. Apparently this
at sprouted the first local
expedition heroine. The
j only recently does the
1 blight on a great era of
nearly sixty years of research.
), descendants of informants,
'e information with which to
lsion (supported by historians
1, Gary Moulton and Ronald
ber 20, 1812, in Ft. Manuel in
She based this on the journal
0, 1812, which states" ....this
.Squaw, died of a putrid fever
fort, age abt 25 years she left
try in his account book for the
period 1825-1828. He wrote, "SE CAR JA WE AU DEAD."'O Therefore,
the old Shoshone woman buried at Ft. Washakie could not possibly be
Sacagawea. Hebard's theory was nothing more than a case of mistaken
identity. II
Schroer's particular contributions to the debate are twofold. First,
she insisted on sticking to the facts, such as they were known. Gary
Moulton placed her, along with Irving Anderson and E.G. Chuinard, in
the category of historians who presented an "undramatized view of the
woman [SacagaweaJ,"12
Schroer chafed over the glorification of Sacagawea. In a letter to her
brother Charles Moore, dated July 10, 1995, she writes,
"Dear Charles,
Concerning the responsibilities I'm still struggling to keep my
head above water but I'll risk drowning by writing an off-the­
cuff note. Worse, you'll have to take the brunt of my having
just read Editor Newton's eulogy at the dedication of the phony
DAR Sac monument [quote], " ... we are standing on the ground
made sacred by her tiny feet." How most people love to
worship an idol! Newton was totally ignorant of the facts. The
old camp follower, Porivo, was more honest than Newton. She
had never claimed to be Sac or to have traveled west of the
Rockies.
Another Sac worshiper effused (if there is such a verb) by
writing, "Bronzed, barefoot, yet patron saint. The keys of
Empire in her hand." Suffragette Susan B. Anthony said she
pitied the woman who was unable to worship at Sac's shrine.
At the 1904 Portland fair a male poet published a long poem
featuring this travesty:
Standing on that snowy hight,
The guide who led the men aright,
Was that barefoot Shoshone girl.
Hebard bragged of "following her tiny feet from birth to her
/
32
death at age one hundred."
The fact is that the Indians were a wandering tribe long before
they headed for this continent. Because of this and their long,
hard trek from Asia to the northwest, nature accomodated them
by increasing the size of their only conveyance - FEET. The
callouses on Sac's sole would probably have weighed more
than the entire foot of a white woman of her time. Without
question, the Sac Cult chose Tiny Feet as its logo. It seemed to
make no difference whether they had in mind the authentic
Sacagawea or Porivo.,,13
Second, Schroer had direct access to information from Shoshone
Indians on the Wind River reservation that seriously called into question
the validity of Hebard's data. In a transcription of an interview with
Jennie Martinez in 1954, when Martinez was 92 years old, she writes:
"Me: Did you ever check Porivo being Sac when the white
people said she was famous since, as you said, your mother's
visits continued with Porivo at the Fort though you saw little of
her there?
Jennie: Why, I asked my mother if Porivo had ever discussed
being Sac. with her any time and she said Sac never had
mentioned it.
Blanche: When did you hear of it?
Jennie: I never heard the word Sac. or knew about the L + C
trip till the white men talked about it long after P. died."14
Blanche took this to mean that any testimonies collected by Hebard
must be tainted by her own comments to the Shoshone. In other words,
she believed there was no oral tradition ofSacagawea living on the Wind
River reservation until after Grace Hebard or others suggested that
possibility.
She argued that Hebard h
based on tenuous connections
she related in an interview
interview was in 1929 when
known Hebard and the woman
as Sacagawea's. He said, "He
In a letter she wrote to t
Montana, Schroer described h
As a very young girl,
stenographic work for
ridiculous testimony for
attempted to establish old
just laughed and mumble
the contrived tales. Many ~
on the spot by an amusedj
When Blanche sifted t~
University of Wyoming, she fd
that Hebard attempted to va~
example, this letter from Mrs.
October 6th , 1926:
Dear Mrs. Hebard:
In thanking you for the paj
the article in regard to you
been making a tour coll~
hope you every success iI1
furnish you with any thinj
such an undertaking is so
hoping you will accept II
respect to the same, and r
which you wrote, I woul
way refer in respect to sta
very positive statements
was supposed to have
.ndering tribe long before
lse of this and their long,
lature accomodated them
:onveyance - FEET. The
ably have weighed more
an of her time. Without
~ as its logo. It seemed to
Id in mind the authentic
) information from Shoshone
t seriously called into question
.:ription of an interview with
Nas 92 years old, she writes:
:ing Sac when the white
; you said, your mother's
rt though you saw little of
orivo had ever discussed
she said Sac never had
)r knew about the L + C
long after P. died."'4
;timonies collected by Hebard
he Shoshone. In other words,
~acagawea living on the Wind
ard or others suggested that
She argued that Hebard had constructed her theory about Sacagawea
based on tenuous connections between data sources and testimony. As
she related in an interview with Marie Webster Weisbrod, "My first
interview was in 1929 when I talked to an ancient Shoshone who had
known Hebard and the woman named Porivo whose grave was identified
as Sacagawea's. He said, "Hebard eeshump," his word for liar. 15
In a letter she wrote to the Department of History, Jefferson City,
Montana, Schroer described her experience as a stenographer for Hebard:
As a very young girl, visiting in Wyoming, I did some
stenographic work for Hebard when she was taking the
ridiculous testimony for her book SACAJAWEA in which she
attempted to establish old Porivo as the heroine. The Shoshones
just laughed and mumbled "Eeshump" (liar) when they signed
the contrived tales. Many of the testimonial letters were created
on the spot by an amused interpreter. 16
When Blanche sifted through Hebard's papers collected at the
University of Wyoming, she found several documents that seem to prove
that Hebard attempted to validate her theory in unethical ways. For
example, this letter from Mrs. Albert Tweed 17 to Grace Hebard, dated
October 6'\ 1926:
Dear Mrs. Hebard:
In thanking you for the paper you sent to me, I wish to speak of
the article in regard to your writing a history of which you have
been making a tour collecting material for the same, I truly
hope you every success in you work, and I am only too glad to
furnish you with any thing I can in regard to the same as I feel
such an undertaking is something worthy of appreciation and
hoping you will accept my very best thoughts, and wishes in
respect to the same, and now in respect to the article I signed,
which you wrote, I would like in the very best and kindliest
way refer in respect to statements you had written which were
very positive statements in connection to what My Grandma
was supposed to have made to me personally, and you
34
remember I scratched them out with a pen in the Noble Hotel
Lobby, you making the remark to me, "Scratch ahead I have no
Feeling" I said at that time "I could not sign such positive
statements as that for it would be a false statement on my side
to do so, as My Grandmother did not say those things to me,"
I then remodled that article leaving the history of my
Grandmother but telling you again just what I had told you
while sitting at my home, which was this "As a child I recalled
my Grandmother speaking the name of the Bird Woman, also
I could recall her going to some squaws teepee and talking to
her, this squaw seemed to be quite elderly if! could remember
correctly; and after growing larger and studying history I
studied of course about the woman who led the Lewis and
Clark Expedition; then these late years after the hunt started
with you people to locate this Indian woman called Sacajawae
and you tried connecting the name of the Bird woman to her,
trying to prove if they one and the same, I then have often
wondered ifthe Shoshoni Indian woman Grandma visited in the
teepee could have been the same, but remember this is only my
imagination when grown to womanhood connected with the
little I remembered as a child of under Twelve, being Twelve
years of age at the time My Grandmother died. 18
Apparently Hebard persisted in trying to convince Mrs. Tweed to
revise her story, because Mrs. Tweed then has this to say to her in a letter
dated July 17th 1929:
statement, I will no
least concerning Sa,
her history with my
information desire
nothing, and as for
them, I with my hus
we are entitled to S
with my plans for
and are seldom at h~
.
I
at that tIme.
I
I
Yours respectfully, .
Mrs. Albert Tweed l9
In view ofthese doctJ
convinced that she needel
Wyoming. Part of the
involvement with the WOl
In 1902, a writer by
titled "The Conquest", w
Hebard were contemporru
called the Shoshone girl.
As Ronald Taberwre
seeking out strong wom~
pride. Pocahontas, Moll~
objects of worshipful adt
as an image of perfect we
Dear Dr. Hebard:
I received your letter in which you told me of the Batism of
some Indians, and asking me if that was my grandparents. Yes
it is, and my Grandmothers name was Sarah Matilda Trumbull
Irwin, and my sister was named for my Grandmother.
Now Dr. Hebard I can not recall any such statement from me
that I could revise anything at all, and though I am not wanting
to act rude in the least, but I am absoultely firm in my
Here's how Mrs. I
Sacagawea:
I struggled along as
get, trying to find a h
scrap of paper, but ~
came upon the nam
found my heroine!"
a pen in the Noble Hotel
"Scratch ahead I have no
d not sign such positive
Llse statement on my side
t say those things to me,"
ing the history of my
just what I had told you
this "As a child I recalled
of the Bird Woman, also
lWS teepee and talking to
derly if I could remember
. and studying history I
who led the Lewis and
:ars after the hunt started
woman called Sacajawae
f the Bird woman to her,
same, I then have often
lan Grandma visited in the
remember this is only my
hood connected with the
.er Twelve, being Twelve
)ther died. 18
19 to convince Mrs. Tweed to
has this to say to her in a letter
told me of the Batism of
iVas my grandparents. Yes
s Sarah Matilda Trumbull
ny Grandmother.
f such statement from me
f though I am not wanting
1 absoultely firm in my
35
statement, I will not make any statements in any regard in the
least concerning Sacajawea, as I was a mere child at the time of
her history with my Grandmother, am sorry you cannot get the
information desired to complete your history, but I know
nothing, and as for Sunday interviews I absolutely will not have
them, I with my husband work all week at the Court House and
we are entitled to Sunday for ourselves and I will not interfere
with my plans for anyone on those days, we make our plans
and are seldom at home on Sunday, so kindly do not bother us
at that time.
Yours respectfully,
Mrs. Albert Tweed 19
In view ofthese documents, one wonders why Grace Hebard was so
convinced that she needed to prove Sacagawea had died at an old age in
Wyoming. Part of the answer may reside in Hebard's long-time
involvement with the woman suffrage movement.
In 1902, a writer by the name of Eva Emory Dye published a book
titled "The Conquest", which was her story about Sacagawea. She and
Hebard were contemporaries and shared an interest in Sacajawea, as they
called the Shoshone girl.
As Ronald Taber wrote in 1967, "The suffragettes had a penchant for
seeking out strong women of the past to whom they could point with
pride. Pocahontas, Molly Pitcher, and Susan B. Anthony... were the
objects of worshipful adulation, but Sacagawea was to exceed them all
as an image of perfect womanhood."20
Here's how Mrs. Dye describes how she came to write about
Sacagawea:
I struggled along as best I could with the information I could
get, trying to find a heroine ... I traced down every old book and
scrap of paper, but still was without a real heroine. Finally, I
came upon the name of Sacajawea and I screamed, "I have
found my heroine!"
36
I then hunted up every fact I could find about Sacajawea. Out
of a few dry bones I found in the old tales of the trip I created
Sacajawea and made her a real living entity. For months I dug
and scraped for accurate information about this wonderful
Indian maid ...
The world snatched at my heroine, Sacajawea... The beauty of
that faithful Indian woman with her baby on her back, leading
those stalwart mountaineers and explorers through the strange
land, appealed to the world. 21
Sacagawea became an icon for the suffragist movement. Members
of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA)
erected statues of her, raised funds through pledges in memory of her,
and many speeches for the cause alluded to her as the heroic woman
guide of the male expedition.
Here is one quotation from a speech given by Dr. Anna Howard
Shaw in 1905, in her presidential address to the NAWSA:
Others will speak of that brave band of immortals whose
achievements your great Exposition commemorates, while we
pay our tribute of honor and gratitude to the modest, unselfish,
enduring little Shoshone squaw, who uncomplainingly trailed,
canoed, climbed, slaved and starved with the men of the party,
enduring all that they endured, with the addition of a helpless
baby on her back. At a time in the weary march when the hearts
of the leaders had well nigh fainted within them, when success
or failure hung a mere chance in the balance, this woman came
to their deliverance and pointed out to the captain the great Pass
which led from the forks of the Three Rivers over the
Mountains. 22
Grace Hebard surely must have felt, along with her political sisters,
that Sacagawea was a fitting symbol for their cause. The Lewis and Clark
journals record the first known vote by a black man-York-and by an
Indian woman-Sacagawea-when the expedition members voted to decide
where to camp at the mouth
1806.
Furthermore, Wyomin
women the vote in 1869. It
the first woman to cast a v
for that state. It must have b
that Sacagawea was buried
The two positions abo
individual who takes one
sequence of facts; he or she
the context for interpretin
question really is, why sho
Sacagawea died young, whi
an old woman? Why do we d
For surely she was not ~
endured hardship, bore childl
Virginia Scharff notes, "~
neglect, and sometimes bl
falsified. Women have adde
all too often and sometimes
Tracing indigenous women
coping with white writers'
blindnesses, and desires to
peopled but as empty. Thw
about how to read the signs.
The debate over Sacaga
one hundred years, when Ev.
Now, at the bicentennial am
we once again chafe at the pc
the expedition's journals. W
What role did she really play
Lewis, and Clark, and her hl
baby daughter, Lisette, who
years after Clark adopted he
We probably will come
We still wish for heroes and
37
j about Sacajawea. Out
lies of the trip I created
mtity. For months I dug
1 about this wonderful
,ajawea... The beauty of
lby on her back, leading
lrers through the strange
ffragist movement. Members
'age Association (NAWSA)
h pledges in memory of her,
to her as the heroic woman
given by Dr. Anna Howard
otheNAWSA:
ld of immortals whose
ommemorates, while we
to the modest, unselfish,
uncomplainingly trailed,
lith the men of the party,
he addition of a helpless
ry march when the hearts
[thin them, when success
dance, this woman came
the captain the great Pass
Three Rivers over the
long with her political sisters,
ir cause. The Lewis and Clark
black man-York-and by an
litionmembers voted to decide
where to camp at the mouth ofthe Columbia River in the winter of 1805­
1806.
Furthermore, Wyoming had been the first state in the Union to grant
women the vote in 1869. It is possible that Hebard felt that Sacagawea,
the first woman to cast a vote in the United States, was a fitting symbol
for that state. It must have been a compelling goal, to be able to establish
that Sacagawea was buried there.
The two positions about Sacagwea's fate cannot be reconciled. The
individual who takes one position over another accepts not just a
sequence of facts; he or she also accepts a set of assumptions that provide
the context for interpreting the data currently available to us. The
question really is, why should it be so important for some to prove that
Sacagawea died young, while for others it is critical to prove that she died
an old woman? Why do we care so much about this young Shoshone girl?
For surely she was not the only young Native American woman who
endured hardship, bore children, showed courage and resourcefulness. As
Virginia Scharff notes, "Women's traces have often faded through
neglect, and sometimes been deliberately obscured, obliterated, or
falsified. Women have added to the difficulty of the search by insisting,
all too often and sometimes for good reasons, on covering their tracks.
Tracing indigenous women in the nineteenth century means, moreover,
coping with white writers' racial and gender stereotyping, cultural
blindnesses, and desires to imagine the country they desired not as
peopled but as empty. Thus pursuing the search means thinking hard
about how to read the signs.'m
The debate over Sacagawea's fate has ebbed and waned over the last
one hundred years, when Eva Emory Dye again brought her story to light.
Now, at the bicentennial anniversary of the Lewis and Clark expedition,
we once again chafe at the paucity of documentation about Sacagawea in
the expedition's journals. We still want to know - what did she look like?
What role did she really play in the expedition? What did she think about
Lewis, and Clark, and her husband Charbonneau? What happened to her
baby daughter, Lisette, who disappears from the historical record a few
years after Clark adopted her and her brother?
We probably will come up with answers that reflect our own times.
We still wish for heroes and heroines to inspire us.
,
",I'
38
I. This paper is based primarily on the Blanche Schroer Papers, 1812-1998, Accession
Number 10535, American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.
2. Another source of debate is the spelling of her name. Hebard spelled it "Sacajawea",
while Schroer originally spelled it with a "j" and later changed it to "Sacagawea".
Scholars have found 14 different spellings of her name in the original Lewis and Clark
journals and another variation on it in Sergeant John Ordway's journal. In every case,
however, the young girl's name was spelled with a "g" in the third syllable. The Bureau
ofAmerican Ethnology standardized the Sacagawea spelling in 1910. Others who adopt
the "g" in the third syllable include Lewis and Clark scholars; the U.S. Geographic
Names Board; the U.S. National Park Service; the National Geographic Society;
Encyclopedia Americana; and the World Book Encyclopedia. Part of the source of the
controversy comes from the fact that although Sacagawea was born into a Shoshone
tribe, her name as we know it comes from the Hidatsa, who captured her at an early age.
Her name in Hidatsa means "Bird Woman" , or sacaga - bird and wea - woman. The
spelling of her name with a "j" stems from a narrative of the journey edited by Nicholas
Biddle in 1814. Biddle changed the spellingofher name from Sacagawea to Sacajawea.
We have no existing explanation for why he changed it, even though neither Lewis nor
Clark ever used the "j" in any of their spellings. This spelling of her name appears to
mean "boat launcher" or "boat pusher" in Shoshone. However, in Lewis' journal entry
of May 20, I 805, he writes, " ... a handsome river of about fifty yards in width
discharged itself into the shell ... river.. this stream we called Sah-ca-gah-we-ah or bird
woman's River, after our interpreter the Snake woman." There is also a third spelling
of her name; some North Dakota Hidatsa spell it "Sakakawea". Although this spelling
is never found in primary documentation, it was constructed by Dr. Washington
Matthews in a dictionary published by the Government Printing Office in 1877. The
words he uses are "tsa-ka-ka" (noun meaning bird) and "mia" [wia, bia] (noun meaning
woman). He says "In my dictionary I give the Hidatsa word for bird as 'Tsakaa". T is
often changed to S, and K to G, in this and other Indian Languages, so 'Sacaca' would
not be a bad spelling... but never 'Sacaja' [for bird]." He also notes that in the Hidatsa
alphabet there is no "j" and that "g" is pronounced as a "hard g" . (See Irving Anderson,
"Sacajawea?- Sakakawea?- Sacagawea?", in We Proceeded On. Summer 1974: 10-11.)
3. Virginia Scharff, Twenty Thousand Roads; Women, Movement and the West.
(Berkeley: University of California Press), 95.
4. See Scharff2003, op. cit. for a biography of Hebard.
5. Marie Webster Weisbrod, "One Remarkable Lady; an interview with Blanche
Schroer" in We Proceeded On, February 1998:8.
6. At the time of this writing, the author does not have the precise date confirmed.
7. Irving Anderson, "Probing the Riddle of the Bird Woman," Montana (Fall 1973): 3­
17.
8. Letter to folio Ed itor dated 4/10/9
folder titled "Andy." Blanche Schroe
American Heritage Center, Universit
9. John Luttig, Journalofa Fur-Tradi.
edited by Stella M. Drumm, Missouri
10. Anderson 1973 op.cit., 16.
1 I. Other problems existed with Heb
was an ill-mannered, illiterate man. B
been raised and educated by William'
with a German prince and had learn
United States, he was known as an
explained the discrepancy between th'
speculating that he had returned to his,
12. Gary Moulton, "On Reading Lewi~
38:3 (Summer 1988):34.
13. Letter from Blanche Schroer to C
number I, folder titled "Sac Guide ­
Accession Number 10535, American H
14. Handwritten note in Blanche Schro
Record Ran Out," Box 5, Folder 2, t
Jennie." Blanche Schroer Papers, 181
Heritage Center, University ofWyomir
15. Weisbrod 1998, op.cit., 9.
16. Letter from Blanche Schroer to Dc
July 9, 1963. Box 5, folder 5 titled "M
Accession Number I 0535, American H
17. Mrs. (Mary) Albert Tweed was t:
James Irwin. James Irwin was the Indiar
reportedly interviewed Sacagawea (Pc
documents were lost in a fire.
18. Letter from Mrs. Albert Tweed t<
accretion number 2, folder titled "Mrs i
1998, Accession Number 10535, Amer
19. Letter from Mrs. Albert Tweed t
accretion number 2, folder titled "Mrs i
1998, Accession Number 10535, Amer
20. Ronald W. Taber, "Sacagawea and
58: I (January J 967): 8.
21. Taber 1967 op.cit., 8.
22. Taber 1967 op.cit., 9.
23. Scharff 2003, op. cit. 12-13
!
(
I
/
\
\
• -'1"."
39
'oer Papers, 1812-1998, Accession
ity of Wyoming.
ne. Hebard spelled it "Sacajawea",
later changed it to "Sacagawea".
me in the original Lewis and Clark
n Ordway's journal. In every case,
g" in the third syllable. The Bureau
spelling in 1910. Others who adopt
ark scholars; the U.S. Geographic
the National Geographic Society;
yclopedia. Part of the source of the
agawea was born into a Shoshone
la, who captured her at an early age.
caga - bird and wea - woman. The
'e ofthe journey edited by Nicholas
arne from Sacagawea to Sacajawea.
:d it, even though neither Lewis nor
his spelling of her name appears to
e. However, in Lewis' journal entry
ver of about fifty yards in width
Ne called Sah-ca-gah-we-ah or bird
nan." There is also a third spelling
)akakawea". Although this spelling
s constructed by Dr. Washington
Iment Printing Office in 1877. The
md "mia" [wia, biaj (noun meaning
Itsa word for bird as "Tsakaa". T is
dian Languages, so 'Sacaca' would
j." He also notes that in the Hidatsa
s a "hard g" . (See Irving Anderson,
oceeded On. Summer 1974: I0-11.)
Women, Movement and the West.
bard.
Lady; an interview with Blanche
ave the precise date confirmed.
Woman," Montana (Fall 1973): 3­
8. Letter to folio Editor dated 4/ 10/96, The Patrice Press. Box 5 accretion number 2,
folder titled" Andy." Blanche Schroer Papers, 1812-1998, Accession Number 10535,
American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.
9. John Luttig,Journal ofa Fur-Trading Expedition on the Upper Missouri, /812-1813,
edited by Stella M. Drumm, Missouri Historical Society (1920): 138.
10. Anderson 1973 op.cit., 16.
II. Other problems existed with Hebard's theory. For example, Porivo's son, Battez,
was an ill-mannered, illiterate man. Baptiste, son ofSacagawea and Charbonneau, had
been raised and educated by William Clark. He had traveled for several years in Europe
with a German prince and had learned several languages. When he returned to the
United States, he was known as an educated and cultured "half-breed." Hebard
explained the discrepancy between this educated Baptiste and the illiterate Battez by
speculating that he had returned to his "Indian ways."
12. Gary Moulton, "On Reading Lewis and Clark: The Last Twenty Years," Montana
38:3 (Summer 1988):34.
13. Letter from Blanche Schroer to Charles Moore, July 10,1995. Box 3, accretion
number I, folder titled "Sac Guide - No!." Blanche Schroer Papers, 1812-1998,
Accession Number 10535, American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.
14. Handwritten note in Blanche Schroer's hand, titled "From Short Hand Notes when
Record Ran Out," Box 5, Folder 2, titled "Blanche Schroer 1931-1955, Martinez,
Jennie." Blanche Schroer Papers, 1812-1998, Accession Number 10535, American
Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.
15. Weisbrod 1998, op.cit., 9.
16. Letter from Blanche Schroer to Department of History, Jefferson City, Montana,
July 9, 1963. Box 5, folder 5 titled "Montana." Blanche Schroer Papers, 1812-1998,
Accession Number 10535, American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.
17. Mrs. (Mary) Albert Tweed was the granddaughter of Sara Trumbull Irwin and
James Irwin. James Irwin was the Indian Agent at Ft. Washakie in 1871. Sara Trumbull
reportedly interviewed Sacagawea (Porivo?) while she was at the reservation. The
documents were lost in a fire.
18. Letter from Mrs. Albert Tweed to Dr. Grace Hebard, October 6, 1926. Box 6,
accretion number 2, folder titled "Mrs Albert Tweed." Blanche Schroer Papers, 1812­
1998, Accession Number 10535, American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.
19. Letter from Mrs. Albert Tweed to Dr. Grace Hebard, July 17 th , 1929. Box 6,
accretion number 2, folder titled "Mrs Albert Tweed." Blanche Schroer Papers, 1812­
1998, Accession Number 10535, American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.
20. Ronald W. Taber, "Sacagawea and the Suffragettes," Pacific Northwest Quarterly
58: 1 (January 1967): 8.
21. Taber 1967 op.cit., 8.
22. Taber 1967 op.cit., 9.
23. Scharff 2003, op. cit. 12-13