THE INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM Author(s): G. A. BORGESE Source: Social Research, Vol. 1, No. 4 (NOVEMBER, 1934), pp. 458-485 Published by: The New School Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40981399 . Accessed: 31/01/2015 16:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . The New School is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Research. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM BY G. A. BORGESE 1 he firstand second rules of reasoning,as formulatedby Newdown to the present,read ton and repeatedby popular physicists as follows:"We are to admitno morecausesof naturalthingsthan to explain theirappearance. such as are both true and sufficient . . . Thereforeto the same natural effectswe must, as far as possible,assignthesamecauses.As to respirationin a man and in a beast; the descentof stonesin Europe and America; the lightof of lightin the earth, our culinaryfireand of thesun; thereflection and in the planets."Such rules are valid forhuman as well as for natural history,and thereforethe reasons that explain Italian fascismmustbe good, at least in theirmain outlines,forGerman fascismtoo,and vice versa,or theyare not reasonsat all. Attemptshave been made,both fromthe politicaland fromthe economic approach, to establish the fundamentalcharacterof thisnew typeof politicalorganization.It has been said thatGerman fascismis a revoltagainstthe injusticesand humiliationsof the Treatyof Versailles,a revulsionof defeat.But thisinterpretation does not account for the birthof fascismin its countryof origin,Italy,a countrywhichhad won the war more smashingly herhereditary thananyotherofthecombatants, utterlydestroying and acquiringa frontier monarchy, enemy,theAustro-Hungarian of a perfection, geographical,ethnicaland military,unparalleled in continentalEurope. To be sure she failed in gettinghold of thatzone of the Dalmatian mainland,opposite to her coast and inhabitedalmostwhollyby Slavs, which the Allies had formally grantedher; but she won Fiume, whichshe herselfhad promised to Croatia, and she took definitepossessionof Rhodes and some otherGreek islandsoffAsia Minor, of whichher occupancyhad hithertobeen consideredmore or less temporary.It is also true This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 459 thatshe did not share,as largelyas her sacrificesentitledher, the tough and bony Africanand Asiatic prey,improperlyalthough called the "colonial booty." In this she suffereda magnificently disillusionmentpartlydue to the selfishness of her partnersand her own lack of colonial Also she feltthatEngto partly purpose. land and Francewereblindlystubbornin contestingwithher even some raggedreadjustmentsof bordersaround her sandyor rocky Africanterritories. But such minor failures,even supposingthat real interestsmore than feelingsof pride, cannot they injured make a defeatout of a victory.Neither can theyjustifythe nationalisticslogan,"Italy won the war and lost the peace." Among someItaliansa feelingof defeatarose and graduallyincreasedduring the years1919 and 1920; but it was a matterof feeling,not of fact,and it was a consequence,not a cause, of the fascistand prefascistmentality whichlatersweptthecountry.For theiremotional purposestheseItalianswanteda feelingof distress,and theygot it. Happy warriors,totalitarianvictors,exist only in the jealous in the case of naimaginationof competitorsor, less frequently, tionsas well as in that of individuals,in the self-sufficiency of a delicatelybalanced and moderatemind. If the imperfectionor, as it wassaid,themutilationof the Italian victoryexplainsfascism, whyhad notfascismrisenearlierand elsewhere,afterotherpartially unsuccessful victories?Why did it not rise immediatelyafter1918 in France,who had lostboth the main issuesof her victoryas conceived not only by inflamednationalists,but even by cautious patriots,and was unable to get eitherthe Rhine frontieror the Anglo-Americanguarantyof her safety?Why did it not rise in England,who saw, as an indirectbut promptconsequenceof the triumph,Ireland driftingaway and the ties of the Empire loosenworth ing?Or evenin America,whichdid notacquire anyterritory rather lost her This is indeed and, stunned, mentioning money? no worldof justice,no Kingdomof God; and the destinyallotted to the Italian nation,jammed as it is in a poor and narrowterritory,is inferiorto theclaimsshe maybase not onlyon her historic grandeurbut on the actual ambition of her living children to This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SOCIAL RESEARCH collaboratein the workof human civilizationand to pluck, also, somedeservedfruitsof humanhappinessforthemselves.But even was bound to growmore admittingthatthisfeelingof inferiority of insistentafterthe passionand sacrifice war,and in spite of its positiveresults,whydid it findits expressionin fascismand not in a subspeciesof communismor, as reasonseemedto suggest,in a politicalplan whichwould somehowhave made Italythe leading powerin Geneva? Italy was, as she is, the strongestamong the feeble and the feeblestamong the strong.Her universalbackgroundand ambitionmighthave gained forher the positionof leaderof the minor and proletariannationsof Europe, to balance withtheirhelp the "Mightyof the Earth/'opposingthe greatpowerswhen necessary and pushingthem toward a sincere submissionof their shrewd policyto theirloftyprinciples.Italy mighthave made it her mission to revivethe inspireddemocracyof Mazzini, adapting it to changed circumstances;to translateinto European concreteness the idealismof Wilson; to quicken the pace of historytowardthe nextgoals: a federation, politicaland economic,in Europe, and a consortiumin the colonies,withthe "open door" and equalityof rights.Certainlysuch a role would have been much lessappealing if to particularistic vanities,but proportionallymore satisfactory not? This real business. the aim were real justice and why and it indeed conceivedby have been was conceived, plan might some Italians of thosedays; it was, or seemed to be, at the same time wise and great.Perhaps it mighthave won the supportof America,but it did not please the Italian mind and heartof those days. Not only did it appear Utopian to the mind; much more it was distasteful to the heart.And fascismcame. important, What Walter Lippmann wrote about Russia and America is equally true forItaly and Germany,and forany countryat any time."It is certainthatmen musteat; it does not followthatthey can eat onlywhatthe cook choosesto provide. /. . It was certain thatafterthebreakdownof Czarismtherewould have to be a new regimein Russia. . . . Yet it was not certainthatit had to be the 460 This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ORIGINS OF FASCISM INTELLECTUAL 461 regimeoftheFiveYearPlan.That wasthedinnerthecookshapmen.Afterthecollapseof 1932-1933 penedto provideforhungry a New Deal ofsomesortwasimperative. But noteverything that has beendealtout was imperative. That has dependedupon the the the ofthedealers."1 temperament, prejudices, quickjudgments Therewasno Italiandefeat, and thereis no reasonto believethat either or defeat, imaginary actual,eitherItalianor German,had to be followedby fascism. and Turkeyand Russiawereseverely but theyresorted to Kemalismand comdefeated, unmistakably whichwereindeeddictatorships, butofquitea different munism, brandfromfascistdictatorships. Whatmatters, ineachofthesecases,isthementalandsentimental of"cooksand dealers." background It is eveneasierto disposeof thepurelyeconomicexplanations thatare customarily of fascism. givenof thephenomenon at leastas a prophecy, Marxism, collapsedlongago; so everyone asserts.But Marxianconceptsand formulaestillhang,each on itspeg,in thewardrobe ofpopularmentalapparel.Theyarecomfortable and readyto wear.Hence the interpretation of fascism as theangryself-defense ofcapitalism and againstthecommunistic socialistic menace.But whythendid it not appearin Polandor Rumaniaor theotherstatesbordering on Bolshevism; whydid it notappearin Franceor in anyothercountry wherecapitalism is reallystrongand socialismis moreor lessmilitant? It is not a matter to on simple explain, purelyeconomicgrounds,whythe chosenland of fascism, its Meccaor Bethlehem, had to be Italy, wherecapitalism wascomparatively weak,and wherein 1922an which had never been verymuchalive,exsocialism, agonizing it had onlyin rhetorical strikes, pressedwhatstrength compared towhichtherecenteventsin San Francisco and Minneapolis or in the Americantextilestrikecould be consideredas full fledged revolutions. The answerusuallygivenis thatbecausecapitalism was weak, »Lippmann,Walter,The MethodofFreedom(New York1934)p. 24-5. This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 462 SOCIAL RESEARCH it had to relyon violence;becausesocialismand communism,after the time was some yearsof foolishthreats,had provedineffective, rightforrevenge. Anotherattemptat explanationwhichhas recentlybecome familiaris thatthemiddleclasseswereimpoverishedin Italy,ruined in Germany;theyhad to startsomething.Why this something; and whywas it theywho had to startsomething,and not the peasantsand workers?Were peasantsand workershappyand wealthy in Italy and Germany?Or, again, the middle classesin Italy and experienceof freedom;therefore Germanyhad had nö sufficient theycrushedit. In otherwords:thesemiddleclasseswereruined,and theywere victors;theywere strong,and theywere weak; theywere strong enoughto crushfreedomand theotherclasses;theywerenotstrong enough to compromisewith the other classes and to maintain freedom. All thesemaybe truths.But theyexhibita quality of neutral, compensated,pendulum-liketruththathas nothing,or verylittle, to say. There certainlywould be no fascismif the war had been folto everybody.There lowed by the miracleof a peace satisfactory would be no fascismif therehad been no communism.Looking at a European map one visualizesa fascisttrenchor wall, a black stripefromSicilyto the Baltic shore,whichin a wayseemsto protectthe worldof Westerncapitalismagainstthe otherworld,the worldof communism;it looks like a broad dike; or, to strainthe rightof metaphorfurther,it resemblesa scar throughwhich the wound. The excapitalisticfleshreactsagainstthe revolutionary istenceof an outer zone, fromthe Balkans to Finland, does not impairthevalidityof the simile.These minorstates,oftenalso of veryrecentorigin,are a softersurfaceon whichan irritatedreactionwas lessto be expectedand would have been less definite. A conceptionofthissortmayappeal to theimaginationand may a partof the actual reality.A part contain,althoughsymbolically, This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 463 of realityis also containedin the viewsthatemphasizethe results, politicalor economic,of thewar. But theseare thecrude materials of fascism;theyare farfromgivingits specificnatureand spirit. They explain thatsome kind of reactionmighthave occurred,or mustoccur,thatthe European bodywas bound to geta fever;they do not explain at all whyand how and wherethatparticularkind of reactionhad to occur,whythatparticularkind of feverhad to befallthosenations. For long centurieshistoriography was almost totallypolitical. It dealt withtreaties,withgreatmen and theirambitionsand beliefs.Then came the Marxistreform,and historywritingbecame economicsand the classstruggle.If we wanta more completeand truthfulinsightinto humanevents,the intellectualand emotional elementsofthoseeventsneed to be takenmorelargelyintoaccount. They are not alwayseconomic interestsin disguise; much more often,on the contrary,the economic interestsare embodiments and materializationsof intellectualjudgmentsor prejudicesand of emotional drives. When the logicalanalysishas been pushedto its conclusionone realizesthatthe specificelementsof fascismare of a mental and sentimentalnature;theyare the ideal and emotionalbackgrounds of"cooksand dealers";and onlythroughthese,as throughcommon is it possibleto attain an interpretation of fascism denominators, and of itsissuesthatis equally adequate forItalyand forGermany. Of course,theseideas and emotionsembodied themselvesin the politicalrivalryof statesand in the economicclass struggle;what happened firstin the mind found its way into the factsof mass history.But it happenedfirstin the mind. This mentalpedigreereachesfarback.Includedin it are Machiavelli and the Florentinehistoriansof the Renaissancewith their bittercontemptfortheidealismofwordsand forunarmedprophets, and theirelaborationof the conceptof the state as might.Overlooking analogous tendenciesin the Greek sophists,many were theirforerunners amongthewritersoftheearlyRenaissance.Croce This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 464 SOCIAL RESEARCH manyyearsbeforethe fascistrise,the story quoted complacently, of Messer Ridolfo da Camerino,as related by Franco Sacchetti. His nephew,afterhavingstudiedlaw fortwelveyearsat Bologna, came to visithim.He asked,"And whatdidstthoudo at Bologna?" The young man answered,"My Lord, I have learned reason." Then MesserRidolfo replied,"Thou hast spentthytime ill. Because thou shouldsthave learned force,which is worth two of the other." But,nearerto us and withan incomparablymoredecisiveeffect, we have,earlyin thedeclineoftheeighteenthcentury, theGerman Stormand Stress,with its appeal to violence and passion and its uprisingagainst reason and rule. Lessing,in his Laokoön, had in the appreciation opened thepathto thewilderness, substituting of poetrypassionand expressionforthe classicalcriteriaof order and beauty,of "noble simplicityand calm grandeur."He had also mostresolutelyassertedthat if man had to choose between the possessionof truthand theresearchfortruth,he shouldpreferthe is betterthanthe goal - a propositionthatinresearch;the effort cluded in itselfmuch moreexplosivestuff. The revolt,farbeyondtheconceptionof Lessing,was one against both classicismand Christianity.Naturalism and nationalism, primitivismand extremeindividualism,hero worshipand pessimism,all theseideas and othersconnectedwiththemwereborn,so tospeak,all togetherin a bundleat theveryoutsetoftheeighteenth centurywhich, afterhaving built up an intellectualsystemof and humanhope,distilledalso the intellectual reason,universality whose slowlyincreasingaccumulationwas finallyto by-products overwhelmthe resultsof the constructive work.Of coursethe inofteninvoluntary, tentionsof the forerunners, did not alwaysinof the clude the necessity consequences;Lessingand the Stürmer und Dränger,forinstance,wereinspiredby a loftydesireforfreedom and justice. But in the later disintegrationof European and thenude appeal thoughtthismoralbackgroundwas forgotten, to violenceand expressioncame to the fore. Nationalismhas proved to be one of the main ingredientsof This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 465 In a wayit is ofcourserelatedto patriotism, fascism. to theselfishand tender and almostinunselfish, proudfeelingthatobviously human attaches his to native stinctively every being place,be it hamletor metropolis, But in anotherwayit parishor continent. oremotionquiterecent, is a feeling andofa quitedifferent quality, and inexplicablewithoutthephilosophic issueswhichit presupas evenBergsonasposes.One of themis naturalism. Assuming, sumes,thatnature'spurposewasto organizemankindin separate each eventually theothers(muchthe groupformations, fighting sameas amongsomearthropods, especially ants), no doubtseems to be leftthatnations,as theyappearorganizedin modernstates, if it cannot obeynature'spurposeat its best.Their perfection, be tracedbackto religiousmissionor to purityofrace,lies in the oflanguage.Generally one may unityand exclusiveness speaking, that a nation is the realm of a an say (literary)language: entity forromanticism anditsmystic ofwords. deeplysignificant worship Whatever be the that modern nationalism can may partialorigins traceto theancientworldand to Hellenism,comparatively few haverealizedthatitspatterncame,throughthe Bible,fromthe unJews:a groupformation, ideological,racial and linguistic, initsself-sufficiency andself-awareness, therealparadigm paralleled ofanymodernnationalism, German. This modernconespecially to be equallysuperiorto thenarceptionofnationalism pretends rowexclusiveness oftheancientcityorofthemediaevalcommune, andtotheabstract ofinternationalism andsupernationalemptiness ism.Ithasoftenbeenrepeated thattheindividual andtheuniversal findan unsurpassable dialecticsynthesis in theidea ofthenation; thatthisis thefieldwherenatureand reasonmeet.To overstep itsboundaries intouniversalism, is notonlyUtopian, it is unholy, becausethenationisconstituted andnatureisholy. bynature, At therootof thiserroris theromanticbeliefthatnatureis insteadof beingan environment whoseoppositionthe supreme, humanmind,if it so chooses,mustovercome.If universalism is judgedbetter,nature,or the imaginednature,cannotbe strong enoughtostandagainstthebetterchoiceofhumanwill. This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 466 SOCIAL RESEARCH Anotherphilosophicand emotionalissueimpliedbynationalism is mere individualism.If an individual who lacks a feelingof superioritycannotattain it throughhis personalpower or mind he can alwayshave recourseto a collectivedevice. He may fancy himselfas belongingto the highestpossiblehuman group formaa shareholderin thiscorporationof superiority. tion,and therefore If the capital of the corporationis boomed,so also is his personal share.Indeed, formostpeople, thisgain may be had in ordinary and forthe majorityof inteltimeswithverylittlepersonaleffort, lectualsand politicians,who are oftenthe mostexcitedabout natimes. or riskeven in extraordinary tionalprimacy,withouteffort This is the obviousconnectinglink betweennationalismand egotism; an egotismmore easilyfed than any otherkind, since any individual belongingto the chosen people, whoeverhe may be, is unquestionablychosen and superiorfromthe momentof his birth.Nationalismand fascismpraise themselvesas authorsof a new ethicsof dutyand hierarchy;but on the otherside theystart and a big one, upon all the members a birthright, by conferring whichis of the nation,buildingout of it a totalitarianaristocracy, fordemagogy.There is a storyoftheEmperorCharlesV a synonym before a littlecrowdof littlenoblemengreedyforadvancewho, ment,liftedhis rightarm and jokinglydecreed,"Estote comités omnes"- "I make all of you counts."The nationalistdictatoron his balconyor podium,liftingthatsame armbeforethebig crowd, earnestlydecrees,"Estoteprincipesomnes"- "You are all chiefs." In the meltingpot of fascismare naturalismand individualism, as theyare combined in the spiritual chemismof nationalism; and Stormand Stress;ideal of thetotemand ne9-Machiavellianism of the "folk" and hero worship (fromSchiller'sRäuber to the and in the otherdirectionfrom pioneersor even to the gangsters, General Boulanger); aesthetic and to even Plutarchto Napoleon privacyof aristocraticfeelingand herd-likecompactnessof demaofconspiracies(fromKu Klux Klan gogy;operaticpicturesqueness onward) and equally operaticthrillof parades and processions; This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 467 thrilltowardan unknown appeal of the pastand revolutionary Fichtean andHegelian- "nationolafuture; philosophic chiefly and manyothermore anarchism; try"and statolatry; philosophic Theirprolongedenumeration or lessromantic substances. would be as easyas futile:a matter ofcourse,and a matter withoutend. Indeed,thesuccessoffascism amongmiddlingculturedmiddle classesand lowerintellectuals is mainlydue to the thoroughness and criticalindifference withwhichit hasmadeand stillmakesa concoction of all the possibleelementsof modernculture;who eatsofiteatsa bitofeverything. To quiteuncultured people,like theproverbial it has nothingto say;neither peasantor shepherd, it to sayto realminds,whichwanta critically has anything clean food.Butforthenumberless who on thriftily carry beyond people and notup to intellectual intellectual starvation plenty,it means a lot.It meanstheirdailyspiritual meal.In thissense,muchmore thanin an economicone,it maybe said thatfascism, wherever it is allowedto come to power,is the creedof the lowermiddle classes. The completeness withwhichanyspiritualneed,degradedto emotionalappetite,findssatisfaction withintheframeof fascism is is,one maysaywithoutirony,admirable.But thisachievement nottheworkof a singlegenius.It was not a singlegrammarian whofromclassicism it is nota singlefanatic developedpedantry; whofroma religionderivesa superstition. Fascismis first of all a of both cultural and It romanticism, degradation political. is not a revolution, as oftenboasted,but an involution. This transformationwasofcoursecollectively Such wide produced. disintegrationcouldneverpossibly havebeentheexploitofone singlehero. It mustbe grantedthatthebacteriaofthediseasehavecirculated sincethebeginningin the blood of romanticism, a bodywhich neverenjoyeda singlemoment ofwhollyhealthy consciousness. skill with althoughinstinctive, Examplesof the stupendous, whichanyspiritualrequirement of romanticmentality is translatedintopurelyemotional can be at random. impulses pickedup How farcan fascismbe Catholicor pro-Catholic, the following This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 468 SOCIAL RESEARCH Certainlynot in so far as Capath of romanticpro-Catholicism? tholicismincludes elementsof Christianethics or any kind of supernaturalbelief; but the pomp and luxury of the ritual is covetedand emulated,the pyramidalsymmetry and loftinessof the hierarchyand organizationis admiredas the grandestarchitectureof history.Thereforetheattemptat imitation.It is beyond doubt thatthe model forthe fascistpoliticalsystemwas foundin the Roman church.The dictatorhas the positionof the Pontiff; everypronouncementof truthand everyappointmentof officials emanatesfromhim. He is, at least in theory,secretlyelective;the electoral,and somehowconsulative,body is the Grand Council, and Conclave.The Roman church an equivalentto theConsistory contributedalso the supportof its Syllabus,a grimcondemnation of criticismand reason,whichdid not lack couragenor,as became clear aftera while,a remarkableamountof success. As faras Protestantism can Further,howfaris fascismProtestant? be interpreted, who as those such the dislike by interpretations, ruption of ethical codes and the foundationof any ethical imperativein the spontaneityof any individualgenius,or grace,or ethics of the brigand,of the passion: whence the self-sufficient of of the of the tyrant, pioneer, poet, the hero,of the saint. How faris it democratic?As faras democracytoo has its grandeurof ritualand ceremonies:crowds,well orderedmassdemonstrations, plebiscites,parades.How faris it socialist?As faras socialismimsport) and as faras the plies theconceptof struggle(i.e.*fighting, MarxistManifestoof the Communistpartydenies "eternaltruths such as freedom,justice,etc.," and stripsaway the Platonic attire in which formillenniathe harshrealityof hungryinterestshas hidden. How far is it martiallyinclined?As far as war can be foughtwithfifesand drumsand words- fordown to the present, and one hopes into the future,its zeal forwar does not reach for weapons more deadly. How far does it care for peace? Certainly not in connectionwithany educationof the people to feelingsof peace, but as faras peace,whichis theonlywayof reallyfostering sheer attain in behalf of the beautyof Realpeace may speeches This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OF FASCISM 469 politik and of Machiavelliantricks.Even in minor appearances, how faris the Roman salute Roman? Was it reallythe salute of theRoman citizen,or of theslave?This does not matter,especially for Germans.It is beautifullydramatic;it is proud and strong; it looks like an exerciseor even, eventually,like the threatof a straightblow; in any case it impliesa displayof energy. This provesindeed to be the constantsubstanceunder the flow offascistappearances:theromanticcultofenergy- or violenceor if not into real historicdeeds at least into a passion- transferred ritual performance.Hitler says,"We thinkwith our blood": a mottowhichmightwell have been adoptedby the primitivetragic hero,such as Lessingconceivedhim,or by any leading character of the Stormand Stressliterature.Hence the fascistevaluationof revolutionand war. There have alwaysbeen revolutionsin human history;but theywereconsideredby moralistsand historians as sad necessitieswhichit would have been wise and lucky,if possible, to avoid; and the theoryof revolutionas the loveliestand mostadmirableofhumansocial expressionsis thoroughly modern. of conversion The Christian,especiallythe Protestant, experience and grace, which is a kind of individual revolution,gave the mightiestimpulse to this conception, whose vigor increased throughcontributions flowingfromvariousphilosophic,scientific, political and literarysources.The lurid glamorof modernrevolutionsfromthe Englishto the Russian,but especiallythe French, added a fantasticsuggestionwhichworkeddecisivelyon emotional in of the complexes.Finally footsteps Nietzscheand Sorel came the fascistswith their idealizationof revolutionas such, Revolution an sich. Strangelyenough,both fascistcountries,Italy and Germany,know in theirlong past much more of riotsand local upheavalsthanof real revolutions.Italian fascismwas fromthe very beginningapproximately legal and was immediatelylegalized; the rise of Hitlerismwas legal throughout.But only to a superficial observationmay it seem strangethat fascismupholds thingsthat lie outsideof its historyand its nature.On the contrary,it quite belongsto fascistmentalityto thirstforwatersthat do not flow. INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 470 SOCIAL RESEARCH As forwar,therehave been warsenoughin humanhistory;and fascism,eitherItalian or German,has hithertofoughtnone, not even civil war. But fascism,forthe firsttime in human history, has erectedan altar to the god War. "Fascism,beforeeverything, in what generallyconcernsthe futureand developmentof the humanrace,and leavingaside anyconsiderationof actual politics, does not believe eitherin the possibilityor in the utilityof perwhichmasksa disavowal rejectspacifism, petualpeace. It therefore of struggle,and a cowardicebeforesacrifice.Only war raises to theirmaximumof tensionall human energiesand imprintsa seal of nobilityon the peoples who have the virtueto face it. All the other¿rials are but substituteswhichnevermake a man face the alternativeof life and death. Any doctrine,consequently,which moves from the presupposedpostulate of peace, is foreignto fascism;and no lessforeignto thespiritof fascism,even ifaccepted forwhat utilitytheymay have in some particularpolitical situation, are all the internationalstructuresand leagues (tutte le e societarie) which, as history costruzioniinternazionalistiche air as soon as sentimental,ideal vanish in thin demonstrates, may and practicalelementsrouse to stormthe heartsof nations." So wroteMussoliniunderthe captionFascismin the 14thvolume of the EncyclopediaItaliana, in 1932; and thistheoryhas oftenbeen proclaimedby him and his followersin otherbut similarwords, and has been widelyechoedby Hitlerand Hitlerism.Peace can be accepted,mustbe acceptedsome times- alack! too manytimes but as a factof existence,an unavoidablesad necessity.The ideal conditionof humanlifeis battle. Could one imaginea moreromanticsuggestion?"Venez, orages désirés."One seestheWagneriangod Thor arousingwithhis hammerthunderand hail. And,sincethisstateof mind is purelyemotional and imaginative,it would be of littleuse to advance objections.Is it reallytruethathumanlifeis so miserablybereftofnoble trialsand dangersthatwar,ifit did notexist,oughtto be invented? And is it truethatthemaximumof human tensionis reachedonly howevermodin war?Goethe,who has his shareof responsibility, This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 471 thesuperb wrotenevertheless erate,in themakingof thismentality, the of man who desires admittanceto the Islamic paraself-epitaph dise, a "Paradise under the shadow of swords/1in spite of never havingbrandisheda sword."Denn ich bin ein Menschgewesenund das ist ein Kämpfersein" ("Because I was a man, and that means to be a warrior"). The knight-errant or professionalcondottierewhorodeself-determined fromduel to skirmishmighthave boastedabout the alternativeof life and death; so maythe volunBut the democraticcomteer,althoughnot in everycircumstance. which the anti-democratic fascismhas not pulsory enlistment, hastenedto discard,has sharplychangedthings;and thepoor devil of a soldierwho has to chargeagainstthe enemy'smachinegun if he does notlikebettertheriflesofthefiringsquad, does not facean alternativeof lifeand death but a choice betweenprobable death and certaindeath.If,however,an alternativeof lifeand deathis an inescapabletestforhuman nobility,whynot the firetrialor simply a mortalduel as soon as any boy (or girl) comes of age? Such systems,among other advantages,would have the recommendationofeconomy.Certainly,it can hardlybe denied thatthistheory of war forwar's sake,of war as one of the finearts,climbsa peak of human ingenuity.Whereas people of olden times fought,or had the illusion of fighting,for their gods or for their homes, people nowadaysought to fightbecause war is beautifuland supreme,thesportof sports.If such is reallythe fascistfeelingabout war,peace is safe;and theirbattles,as theycall them,will everbe those,oftensalutary,which theyfightno differently fromcommunistsor democrats,to drain marshes,to improvecrops,to have trainsrunningon time,to exterminate flies,or to macadamizehighroads. Now and then may occur a murderor a purge, like the GermanSaintBartholomew's ofJune30th;but thisis no war,since thereis no alternativeoflifeand deathformurderers or murdered. Whetherwar in humanhistoryis due to fateor to human guilt mayremainan open question;but neverbefore,in threethousand yearsofWesterncivilization,wasanyseriousattemptmade to interpret war as nice and jolly, a sword dance, and the best pastime This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SOCIAL RESEARCH 472 mankindmay enjoy. To be sure, Mussolini has more than once quoted Heraclitus,"themelancholysolitaryofEphesus,"according to whom"strifeis at the rootof all things,"and Hitleritesassume thatall pre-Socratic But, to philosopherswere also pre-Hitlerites. saynothingofthefactthattheyare notusuallyadeptin thedifficult fieldofpre-Socratic philosophy,thefactmustbe takenintoaccount not pre-Socratic, that Socraticand post-Socratic, philosophygave the decisive imprintto ancient thought,and that the attitude towardwar of pagan poetryand philosophywas scarcelydifferent fromthatoftheJewishprophetsand oftheChristiandisciples.The theIliad, knowsceroldestmonumentof Mediterraneanliterature, but defines of emotional the war, even in its tainly "joy battle," firstpages,as "the evil war" (pólemoskakós), and aims at forgivenessand peace. The Aeneid is characterized throughoutby a longcould only at least theoretically, ing forpeace; and Christianity, deepen thislonging.Even the EmperorCharlemagneof the Chanson, thoughnot recognizablya dastard,tearshis beard when the Angel bringshim the newsof anotherwar thathas to be started; even in the grimNibelungenlied,Etzel and all the otherheroes would,afterall, preferpeace,ifpeace wereonlypossible.No doubt, the strifeis at therootofall things;but theinferencethattherefore mutualkillingofmanbyman is metaphysically indeed, necessary thatwar is therichestcreamof spiritualexistence- is just a sophismof the meanestsort;as if on the premisethatwateris a necessaryfactorin humandietsomeonewereto drawtheconclusionthat ocean wateror boiling water,being supremelywaters,make the bestdrinksforhumanmeals. Only in veryrecenttimes,withthe "revoltof passion,"has the cult of war grownup; forwar is passion.Napoleon, withhis startlinglyvisible glory,embodied the ideal far betterthan Schiller's imaginaryrobbersor the schoolmaster'sexcerptsfromPlutarch's heroic biographies.Goethe in his Euphorion,half Byronic,half Stormand Stress,knew how to translateinto song the scorn of pacifismthathad alreadybeen formulatedin plain prose,several decadesearlier,by Moeserand others: This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OF FASCISM ORIGINS INTELLECTUAL "Dream ye thepeacefulday? Dream, then,who may! Warl is thecountersign: Victory,worddivine." 473 Althoughthe Chorusobjects: "Who peace and unity Scorneth,forwar's array, With impunity Slayshishope ofa betterday." On the crestof the same wave foamedSchopenhauer'spessimism, and, as a deductionfromSchopenhauer,came Wagner'smusicand controversialwriting.Wagner is the genius who gave fleshand blood to themostexpressiveof modernmyths:Siegfriedas a demiand ofadventureforadventure'ssake.Wagner, god ofirrationalism German self-deification withanti-Semitism, a tendtoo,combined which had the never before shown tremendous emotional ency swingwithwhichWagnerwas able to endow it. Later Gobineau and otherscarriedthe tendencyforwardwith the tale of Germansuperiority, foundedsubstantiallyon nothing but the thrillingpamphlet in which the Roman historianand oratorTacitus transferred thetraditionalArcadia,begemmedwith the virtuesof earlypatricianRome, to the Germanwoods: a Utopian republic which he contrastedwith the corruptionof the Roman Empire. Then came Darwinism,with the strugglefor existenceand the survivalof the fittest;then pragmatism(and, and any kind whynot,ChristianScience,and, whynot,theosophy, ofoccultism)placingimaginationand will above truthand reason. Meanwhile Nietzsche- the grandeststormon the horizonof human thought,as Andler aptly said - placed the cage of the "blonde wild beast" on the meadow where Rousseau's innocent savageused to play on his reed pipe. Is it necessaryto repeatthatthesephilosophiesand artsand these intellectualheroes,majorand minor,are not,each and all, directly This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SOCIAL RESEARCH responsibleforfascism?That a full enumerationof the elements would be interminable:thatthe genealogicaltreeof fascismis as of Europeanthought leafyas a weepingwillow?The disintegration fromthe decline of the eighteenthcenturyto the dawn of the - a disintegration twentieth whichdid not impair,and even occa- took sionallystimulatedan astoundingwealthofcreativeenergy many directions; and fascism gathered from every direction whateversuiteditsrequirements.It skimmed,one maysay,anthologically,theromanticand post-romantic mentality, quite unprejudiced in the choice of details,providedtheymightbe arranged along the main line of fascistimpulsion.This consistsin a strenof appearances,a verycoheruous and, in spiteof themultiplicity ent oppositionto any formof rationalismand Platonismin the of history;and, therefore, especiallyan opposition interpretation to the latestconcreteexperimentin rationalidealism: progressive democracyas it wasconceivedin thephilosophiesof theeighteenth century.Further,fascismconsistsin therejectionof any fixedgoal or permanentaim, in thebeliefthatchangeis substance,passionis virtue,forceis right;or, for those who like concise definitions, of theidea of powerfortheidea fascismconsistsin thesubstitution ofjustice.Anyotherdefinition missesitsproperintention;it would not touch what is specificin fascismand what is commonto all brandsof fascism. As forfreedom,fascismtakesequitablyinto account- and not disinteat all - bothextremesof the post-romantic contradictorily anarchic,solipsisticextreme,and gration:thesuper-individualistic, the reactionary,obscurantist,herd-likeopposite. The tyrant,or hero,is free,so faras the Supermanor Stirner'sEinzigercan want to be free;hence,his rebellionagainstany law thatmightbe imposedon him,League of Nationsor internationalcodes. But slaves are slaves.Chains,forgedeitherbychurchor stateor in the underworldof conservativeethicsand complexes,are equally good; for how could He be free,had He no slaves? All thatprecedesis tantamountto sayingthatfascism,if it were real a thing,could claim the gloryof being the mostdeeprooted 474 This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OF FASCISM 475 involutionor revolutionin the course of our civilization,"the grandeststormthateverburston the horizonof history";subverting both the Christianteachingof love and the classicdoctrineof permanentjustice; as its ultimateachievementloominga bifront Janus,one face Antichrist,the other Antiplato. But is it a real musical,aestheticcradlewhere thing?Has it outgrowntheliterary, it was nursedwith slogansand leitmotiveìTrue, therehas been some castoroil, some blood, a few concentrationcamps,a little, There is also a good deal of talk perhapsnot so little,suffocation. about the corporatestate;as if a corporationor any otherkind of institutional organismwereeven conceivableso long as His power, the omnipotenceof the despot,is totallyuncontrolled.But what will such historicscenerylook like fromthe heightof the future, More chronsayin a hundredyears,if fascismdid not go further? icle than history;wavyoutline, no mountainrange; all in all a postwarneurosis,and an epigonic output of literaryaftermath. Mostof it stillexistsonlyin speech,journalism,song,cheer,advertising,broadcast.Public utterancebywordofmouthand thecirculationofthedailypaper,thisunavoidablydemocratictool,is managed as a weapon against democraticthought;a paradox which, morethananythingelse,baresthe weaknessof the system.No fascistdictatorhas yetopenlyproclaimedhis divine,or,at leastsuperhumanright;no fascistdictatorhas retiredfromthe profanemob behind the walls of an Escurial. A really anti-democratic belief to no less than this. ought require Far away,almostimperceptiblefromthe distanceof the future, thetomtomofEmperorJonesfadesintothejungle ofnothingness. INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS But whateveris real in fascism,littleor much,could neverhave cometo theworld,iftheintermarriage of ideas,relatedin theforehad been celebrated going pages, only in ideal beds, which are sterile.Not a singleprophet,duringmorethana centuryofprophecies,analyzingthedegradationoftheromanticculture,or planning thesplitof theromanticatom,everimaginedanythinglike fascism. There was, in the lap of the future,communismand syndicalism This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 476 SOCIAL RESEARCH and even alland what not; therewas anarchism,and legitimism, papacy; war,peace, deluge, pan-Germanism, pan-Slavism,Yellow Peril,signalsto theplanetMars; therewas no fascism.It came as a too. surpriseto all, and to themselves One mayimagineall the possibleinterrelations of ideas and all theirthinkableresults,one of whichundoubtedlywas fascism,althoughoverlookedby prophets;but such resultsare bound to remain mere day dreams,ambivalent or plurivalenthypotheses, unlesssomeonecomesand graftsthe livingshootof a real volition upon thesterilestockof the imagination.This is the finalissue in No collectiveexplanation,eithereconomicor history:personality. can dialectic, dispensewithit. Whydid not fascismarise in Russia? Because, the answerruns, the componentsof Russian culture were Czarist mysticismand mysticcommunism;thereyou have the resultantin communistic Czarism,or Bolshevism.Why not in the United States?Because, herealso theansweris at hand,heryouthfulsturdyinnocencepreservedher fromboth major diseasesof sophisticatedEurope: the tuberculosisof eager pessimism(Schopenhauer) and the syphilis of megalomania (Nietzsche). But whydid it not arisein France,whereteachersof obscurantismand hatred,fromde Maistreand beforeto Maurrasand Daudet and after,had been quite a college?The sabrerattlingof General Boulangerdid not impale even a mouse; JacquesLebaudy died as emperorof Sahara; Coty,the Corsicanof the twentiethcentury, died a shorttimeago as a perfumer;and the Pretendersare charminggentlemen. of Englandtoo had her share,a largeone, in the disintegration and in aesthetic the field, romanticism, although literary mainly on theneighboringfieldsof ethicsand notwithoutencroachments behavior.But Oscar Wilde did not set himselfup as Prince of Wales; and if it mustbe grantedthat,had fascismconqueredEngand Popish revivalwould have foundin fasland, Irish sophistry cismitsgood sides,nonethelessG.B. is stillonlyG.B. and G.K. still wearsno mitre. This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OF FASCISM ORIGINS 477 INTELLECTUAL Finally,whydid not fascismappear firstin Germany?We have of late heard an Americansage utter the judgment that fascist mentalityis un-German.This is no doubt inaccurate;no doubt a large majorityof the intellectualelementsof fascismhad their fatherland,primitiveor adoptive,in Germany.But fascismdid not,however,springup firstin the furrowwhereFichteor Hegel, Wagneror Treitschke,Gobineau or Chamberlainor Bernhardior Spenglerhad sown; neitherdid corporatism,in spite of Adam Müller and Othmar Spahn. It was a long, wearisomeway from the beerhall putsch to the plebiscites;and even the firstputsch was startedseveralmonthsafterthe marchon Rome. Whythendid fascismarise firstin Italy?Because Italy had had her share,withVico and Giobertiand others,and finallywiththe doctrines? Pope of the Syllabus,in the shapingof neo-reactionary This share had not been decisive,and had lacked the rhetorical spell appealing to the masses.Because Italians had not been long enoughaccustomedto politicaland intellectualfreedom?This is, as alreadyemphasized,genericformany nations,not specificfor Italy. Because, more than any othernation,theyhad been accustomedthroughtwothousandyearsof worldempireand universal church,acrossdramaticpeaks and valleysof majestyand misfortune,to loftinessof politicalimagination,and at the same time to the mostdejectedrenouncementof personalityin public lifeand to the mostdaringexperimentalversatilityin political thinking? This is a betterreason. They were prepared to accept anything strangeand new,particularlyif the noveltypromisedsomehowto revivethe hereditary and to check complexof Roman superiority the stubborn,althoughscarcelyreasonable,complex of modern inferiority. They were also hereditarilyready to give up their personalrightsthata collectiveimaginationmightthrive.But this too would have remaineda theoreticalreason,had the Man not come.A hundredMachiavelliscannotbreeda singlePrince. The Man was not the Marquis and ProfessorVilfredoPareto, about whomwe have alreadybegun to hear much idle talkin this nobleman,who transferred country.Pareto was a ratherdifficult This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 478 SOCIAL RESEARCH the loathingforplebeians thatsaddened his genteelblood into a ratherconfusedand pretentioussystemof aristocraticpessimism. Much of what is good in his work is a plagiarismor unavowed borrowingfromthe Italian juristMosca, who had alreadydiscovered that groups and elites,not undifferentiated masses,are the makersof history.Many details,especiallyin footnotes,are striking; and theyare oftenthe fruitof an originaland rich scholarship (even if at times a bit whimsical), especially in ancient history.Much of what is bad is the inadequate and positivistic ambitionto classifyhuman historyas a kind of natural science Nobody everread (vide Taine) , nay,as a branchof mathematics. him exceptin indexes,abridgmentsor book reviews,or in browsing. It is oftenreportedthat Mussolini,when a youngwanderer in Switzerland,attendedsome of his classes; probablyan opportunity,unusual withhim, fora rest. The man of destinywas Gabriele d'Annunzio: a greatpoet, so faras his greedinessforlife allowed him greatnessin poetry,and a real man of action,so faras his poeticftalentallowed him real action; a Bryonraised to the nth power.Now an old man, grumblingbehindthewalls of his freakyEscurial,the Vittorialeon the Lago di Garda, he was once a phenomenonunique in history:a poet who meant what he wrote,and lived, if not up to his full success,at leastto his fancy.He had collectedin one singletrough all the distillationsand drippingsof the romanticwitch-kitchen: titanismand sadism,voluptuousnessand despair,Nietzscheand Verlaine,Mona Lisa and Yseult, La Belle Dame sans Merci and the Holy Virgin,the saintlinessof the peasant'sfamily,the pious silenceof the cloister,the beautyof slaughter,of fire,of tyranny, of bravery,of Rome, of sacrifice.Everythingthat is of treachery, fascistis in his volumes,and variousotherthingsthatfascismlater dropped.Earlyin the new centuryhe had carvedthe line, "Arma la prorae salpa versoil mondo" ("Arm the prowand sail toward the world"), which,incidentally,is rathera bewilderingsailing direction.Certainlya genius,even if he had onlywritten.But he did more than that; he acted. As war came, he went warring,an This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 479 individual warfareincomparablymore strikingthan Byron's in Greece. He foughthis own war, indeed as a potentatestrictly allied to the King of Italy, but choosingwhatevergallant enterpriseon land, in air, on sea, suitedhis taste,and totallyignoring any otherdisciplineor obligation; a self-determination unprecedented except perhaps in Orlando Furioso or in Don Quixote. Even the militaryrank thathe adopted,Commandante,although apparentlyborrowedfromthe navy,was, in more or less secret intention,the literal translationof the Roman Imperator. As peace, or at least armistice,came he was heard saying,"I smell the stenchof peace." Shortlyafterat the head of a handful of people, althoughmeetingno militaryresistance,he seized a city, Fiume, challengingthe wrath if not the guns of all the Great Powers,and therehe settled,a Signoreand monarch,like a condottiereof the Renaissance.There he inventedor perfectedeverything:salutes,speechesfromthe balconyand choral cheersfrom the crowd assembledunderneath,rites,processions,oaths, transvaluation of Faustismand perhaps of Mephistophelianism, into a mysticism of action.Even corporatismhas rootsin d'Annunzio's love of the beautyof guilds in the mediaeval Italian communes, where everybodybelonged to an "art/*which is, in a way, the equivalent of sayingthat everybodywas an artist.It is an effect of this leaning farmore than it is an enactmentof Müller's and Spahn's highbrowspeculations,a derivativefromsyndicalismor a loud echo of what,more modestlybut more successfully, had been achieved a generationearlier in democraticAustralia and New Zealand under the compulsoryArbitrationAct. A yearor so latersome shellshotsof the Italian regularforcesdrove him from Fiume; he withdrew,undisturbed,to his fancifulVatican on the Lago di Garda, wherea real warshipwithreal guns lies, faraway fromany water,on the hills of the poet's estate,and mightsome daysail anew towardtheworld. A failure,whencomparedto the promiseof dreams;but a huge achievementin the difficult realm of things.If d'Annunzio,some had twentyyears earlier, conquered the jeunesse dorée and the This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 480 SOCIAL RESEARCH naive youththroughlittlemorethanhis admirablepoemsand his smartridingon horseback,now,givingevidencethat"anythingis feasible" (or almost), he sweptall thelowerand middleemotional strataof the country.Other experiencesof the same kind loomed in thememoryoftherace: Caesar,Columbus,Napoleon, Garibaldi in the grandstyle;Cola di Rienzo at about the level of d'Annunfromthe Renaissanceto Casanova and furzio; the adventurers, ther,in the woodland of irresponsiblepioneering.Perhaps this feelingthathistoryis inventive,thatthe worldof realityis plastic and obedientto a strong,creativehand, belongsto Italians more than to othernations.The deed of Fiume aroused many hearts. Could philosophyhave dikedtheland againstthewaveof mystic activism?Philosophyhad enjoyedgreatpopularityin Italyduring the firsttwo decades of the twentiethcentury;and the authority of BenedettoCroce,a greatthinkerand scholar,had not been conconsiderablyimpairedby his pro-German,or neutral,attitudeat the startof the war. Some tendenciesof his ethical and aesthetic tasteentitledhim,in a way,to claim the nationalofficeof an antid'Annunzio. But Italian neo-idealism,either in the shape conferredon it by Croce or in the variantof Gentile- who, in fact, joined the Fascistpartyas earlyas 1924- had, and still has, no fundamental objectionto nationalismand fascism.It asserts,in the wakeof Hegel, that"all thatis rationalis real,and all thatis real is rational";ifso, is not nationalismreal? Is not fascismreal- so far as it is a reality?And how,possibly,can reason,or philosophy,opwitha considerpose them?Besides,thisphilosophyis impregnated able amountof beliefin the state,and in the national stateas the highestpossibleattainmentand the broadestpossiblecommunity throughwhichthe individualis allowed to come in contactwith the universal.It expressedalso, indefatigably, a bitterdislike of and of Mazzinianism,democracy, anykindofabstract, freemasonry Utopian,"eighteenthcenturymentality."The shortautobiography whichCroce composedon the eve of the Italian interventionin in the candorwithwhichhe the war,in 1915,is veryinteresting in politicalcuriosityand confesses hisslowness,almostsluggishness, This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 481 interestat the beginningof his career.There was an approach to socialism,followedby a quick disillusion.The only constantelement in his political temperamentfromadolescenceonward had been a feelingagainstthe liberal and democratic"rhetoric,"and an aversionto the abstractthinkingof the "eighteenthcentury mentality."He had raised,or createdfromnothing,thereputation of a writer,AlfredoOriani,now canonizedamongthe prophetsof nationalfascism.In his mostbrilliantif not mostsuccessfulbook, Philosophyof the Practical,he had inserteda shortbut eloquent defenseofthe Holy Inquisition,whichwas "reallyholy."Approximatelyat the same time he warmlyintroducedto Italian readers GeorgesSorel and his "Reflexionssur la violence."This was a big event.The Italian jeunesse dorée and the honestfanatics- often formersocialistsand syndicalists of extremevehemence- did not have to botherany moreabout the intellectualqualityof the suggestionsof violence thatcame fromthe poet d'Annunzio. Sorel's pamphlet,withCroce'spreface,stampedtheseal ofseriouslearning on theirpassions;philosophy,so theyfelt,legitimizedpoetry.In the followingdecade Sorel was farmore popular in Italy than in France,and he liked Italyverymuch: an experimentalzone where, perhaps,the toilsomenail work of this misanthropescratching civilizationmighthelp nervouslyon the facade of contemporary to bringabout some crumblingworththe while.. In the municipalelectionsof 1914 at Naples, Croce headed the conservativeparties,Fascio dell' ordine,againstthe leftistblock. At the startof the war he was pro-Germanor neutral; he never of thewar as makingthe worldsafe agreedwiththe interpretation fordemocracy.This war had to him no ideal meaningat all. Cerand noble,and in theverymany tainlydialecticthinkingis difficult thingsthatCroce wroteand said about politicsand historyin the makingtherewas evera kernelof truth;but dialecticactionis impossible. Hamlet may talk and sink,Fortinbrasmust choose. So faras Croce was a Fortinbras,directlyconcernedin action,he had to choose;and at theverydecisivemoment,whichwas the close of thewar and the immediatemorrowof war,he chose to put all the This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 482 SOCIAL RESEARCH The weightofhis workon theside of nationalismand pre-fascism. was of and Mazzinians Wilsonians eighteenthcenturymentality hatefulto him; he had alreadyannouncedthe deathof necessarily socialism;he minimizedthe League of Nations; he scornedthe idea of "State as justice,"again and again upholdingthe stateas such as thosebetween"Engforce;he stressednationaldifferences, lish and Russians,Italians and Croats,Christiansand Turks*'; he ultimatelydecided that politics cannot "be treated as ethics, whereaspolitics (this is the plain truth) is politics,just politics, and nothingelse but politics;or, if you wantme once more to repeat the tenetand comparisonthatare dear to me, the moralityof politicsconsistswhollyand onlyin being excellentpolitics,as the moralityof poetry,whateverthe incompetentsmay say, consists In thefollowingyears,under uniquelyin beingexcellentpoetry/'1 he has writtenmuchfinerthings,someofthemquite beaufascism, tiful;he has steadilydrawnnearerto theideas of Europe as a unity and ofpoliticalfreedom,thoughnot yetgivingan adequate philosophicdefinitionof thislatteridea; he certainlybelongs more to the futurethan to the past,fora man belongswherehe has most suffered and hoped. In firmness inspiredby personalpride and by and withstandsfascistthreat withstood conviction he disinterested and fascistboycott.He has helped as no one else has to build a bridgebetweenthe generationsof the intelligentsia.This is very good forthe future,althoughit does not entirelymake up forthe past. During the fascistrise Croce's philosophyand attitudesdid not,to be sure,contributean impulsecomparableto d'Annunzio's; as usual, but neitherdid theypresentanyreal obstacle.Overstating, their forerunners as one him claim fascists Qf true, thingsmoderately and assumethathe,notthey,tookthewrongturning. Now the apple hungripe,readyforthe strongquick hand that would stretchto pluck. There was, somewherein the huddle, the hand of Mussolini. He had learnedfromLenin and MustaphaKemal thatthe coup 1 Pagine Sparse, Serie Seconda (Naples 1919) p. 258 and passim. This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OF FASCISM INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS 483 states.Indeed, both these d'étatwas possiblealso in contemporary d'état were toward in the the left, coups supposedmain direction ofhistory;but d'Annunziohad taughtthatanythingis feasible (or almost) withno matterwhatintellectualor emotionalstuff.Mussolini was an anarchistand an artist.Endowed,no doubt,withan exceptionaland exceptionallywell trained ability for handling human passions,he sharedalso the natural inclinationthat such abilityusually carrieswith it: the inclinationto preferpassions easierto handle.At thecloseofthewarhe was at a crossroads.Had his intellectualbackgroundand his moral belief been rocks of he would have turnedto theroad on the left;toward steadfastness, socialismand Mazzinianism,towardproletarian,progressive, scienrevolution or there all the reform; tifically inspired lay passionsand chances cravingsofhis feverishly staringyouth.This choiceoffered offailure,verymanyof them;and someof real greatnessin history. But his adventurousand mixed readingcould not possiblyhave bestowedon him an intellectualsupplybetterthan the sophisms and trahisonsde clercswhichhe relishedeveryday, nibblingthe famedbooksofhistime;he personallywentso faras to supposethat Einstein'srelativitymeans that there is no real truthand that is just relative.Afterhesitations,the contentof power everything grewmeaninglessbeforehis need of power. On the oppositeroad therewere nationalisticemotionalismand the fearof the owner classes;all thathe had despisedand hated.But theywerethe forces at hand, under high pressure,ready to start,while the socialist thronghad proved helpless. He was an anarchistand an artist, and thetemptationwas too strong.He reachedforthenextopportunity.He got it. and dreamsofa secondchance. Probablyhe is sometimesrestless, is nobody. Hitler, fundamentally, He learned,in turn,fromMussolinithe lesson thateverything is feasible (not almost), thata reactionary coup d'étatis thinkable even afterthe Reformationand Kant; thatindividualpioneering is possibleeven in the heartof Europe, This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 484 SOCIAL RESEARCH He merelytranslated, it, Mussolini'ssystemback into engrossing in which German the language thoughuntil then lacking imsuch pulse to action- it had been firstconceived.The differences, in attitudetowardtheJews,depend as themuchtalkedofdifference not on the intentionsof theleaders. on objectivecircumstances, Hitleris onlytheshadowof Mussolini;but sucha broad one that itseemsdoubtfulifmanysunraysforautonomousdevelopmentare stillleftto Italian fascism.For the timebeing Mussolini,the creator, alreadylooks like the precursorof Hitler, the imitator:a destinyallottedto manysuchgeniuses. In the economicfield,and seen in the mostfavorablelight,fascism,eitherin Italyor Germany,has facedthecrisisneitherbetter nor worsethan communisticor democraticcommunitieshave. If so, whatis theuse of fascism?In the internationalfield,theclashes betweenMussoliniand Hitlerseemto indicatethatit is extremely forfascismto build a new internationalsystem.Should difficult Mussolini,in thedesireto evade the Hitlershadow,be driveninto the path of liberal England or of democraticFrance,thatwould implysomeconsequencesforhis futurein Italy; since,in the ultimateissue,foreignpolicyand domesticpolicyare interdependent. Is the alternativewar (which,as Mussoliniquite recentlysaid, witha quotationfromProudhon,"is of divineorigin")? Who can wage it, or wherecan it suddenlyexplode fromthe patientlyaccumulatedheap of explosivematerial?Or is the alternativerevoand gradualmergingin theordinary lution?Or slowdisintegration fluxof things?Such queries maybe leftto fortunetellers. There are,beyonddoubt,positiveand creativeelementsin fascism.First,the appeal to energy(althoughenergymustknow its aim,and theaim mustbe a good one) . Second,theappeal to social order and discipline (although the basis of this order must be shifted,and the aim mustbe collaborationamong freelyordered nations,not war,whichis theworstof disorders). Third, the critiin theirdecay (although and parliamentarianism cismofdemocracy notdespotism,mustbe theinference). a betterdemocracy, This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FASCISM 485 andbestofall. ItalyandGermany camelast,notyettwo Fourth, modern of a the row of nationalstates. thirds ago, into century Fascismis givingthemtheinnerexperience Theywereimmature. ofstruggle and character thatFranceand Englandhad in thelate MiddleAges,and Americain theCivilWar.MuchofGermany is of mediaevalmemostilla storageplaceforthepioussafekeeping is still a from the ancientworldinto ries;Italy peninsulajutting butat highest is burningin thenew.Involuntarily, speed,fascism all thematerialofthepast:personaland,dogmatic bothcountries and church,classicand romanticpedantry, authority, monarchy Fromfascismbothnaand involutedintroversion. daydreaming tionswill emerge,soon or late,renovated, quite Europeanand andmakersofEurope. modern, wordsarein Milton'sParadiseLost, Fortherest,theconclusive XII, 95 if. mustbe, Tyranny no excuse. Thoughto theTyrantthereby will Yetsometimes nations declineso low Fromvirtue, whichisreason,thatnowrong, andsomefatalcurseannex'd, ButJustice, them of theiroutwardliberty, Deprives Theirinwardlost. . . . It has also beensaid,"Deeds,notwords."But it mustbe said, "Words,notdeeds." It wasfirst sinnedin theMind.In thebeginning wastheWord. Mindand Wordmustmakeit up. The intellectuals of thenew must and and time,philosophers poets, rejectsophistry lies; they mustthinkin termsof righteousness and truth,and of united which is the next in the towardunityof stage development Europe, humaneffort. likeprophets; Theymustnotfeelashamedoffeeling theendurance andselflessness ofprophets. andtheymustcultivate cenTheydo notneedto see a betterworldif they,"immovably towardit. tred,"keepworking This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Sat, 31 Jan 2015 16:56:59 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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